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AN   ANCIENT    HISTORY 

FOR   BEGINNERS 


^T|^^^ 


AN 


ANCIENT  HISTORY 


FOR    BEGINNERS 


BY 


GEORGE   WILLIS   BOTSFORD,  Ph.D. 

LECTURER   IN   ANCIENT   HISTORY,    COLUMBIA    UNIVERSITY;     AUTHOR   OF   "THE 

DEVELOPMENT   OF   THE   ATHENIAN    CONSTITUTION,"    "A    HISTORY 

OF    GREECE,"    "A    HISTORY    OF    THE    ORIENT    AND 

GREECE,"   AND    "  A    HISTORY   OF   ROME  " 


WITH  MAPS  AND  NUMEROUS  ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

LONDON:    MACMILLAN   &  CO.,   Ltd. 
1903 

All  rights  reserved 


/96S 


Copyright,    190Z, 
By  the    MACMILLAN    COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped  September,  1902.      Reprinted  November, 
1902;  April,  1903. 


EDUCATION  DEPT. 


J.  S.  Cushing  &  Co.  -  Berwick  &  Smith 
Norwood  Mass.  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

The  Committee  of  Seven,  in  their  Report  to  the  American 
Historical  Association  on  the  study  of  history  in  the  schools 
(1899),  recommended  that  a  year  be  given  to  "Ancient  His- 
tory, with  special  reference  to  Greek  and  Roman  history,  but 
including  also  a  short  introductory  study  of  the  more  ancient 
nations.  This  period  should  also  embrace  the  early  Middle 
Ages,  and  should  close  with  the  establishment  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire  (800),"  or  some  neighboring  event. 

Following  the  recommendation  of  the  Committee,  this  book 
aims  to  present  Ancient  History  as  a  unit,  comprising 
three  closely  related  parts,  —  the  Orient,  Greece,  and  Rome. 
It  is  adapted  to  beginning  classes  in  the  high  school,  and 
furnishes  material  for  a  year's  work.  This  volume  is  not  to 
take  the  place  of  the  **  Orient  and  Greece  "  and  "  Rome  "  ; 
it  is  for  those  who  need  a  briefer  and  more  elementary  treat- 
ment of  ancient  times. 

As  it  is  intended  for  pupils  who  have  never  studied  history 
before,  the  story  is  told  simply,  all  unfamiliar  terms  are 
explained,  and  proper  names  are  syllabified  and  accented  on 
their  first  occurrence.  The  larger  topics  are  printed  in  bold 
type  and  their  subdivisions  are  in  italics. 

Myth,  the  foundation  of  ancient  thought  and  an  important 
element  of  modern  literature,  receives  due  attention.  Al- 
though especial  prominence  is  given  to  the  narrative,  the 
effects  of  geographical  conditions  and  the  causal  relation  of 
events  are  explained  in  an  elementary  way. 

m698^3 


vi  Preface 

The  manuscript  has  had  the  advantage  of  revision  by  Miss 
Lula  Bartlit  Southmayd  of  the  Detroit  High  School,  who 
used  it  as  a  text  in  her  first-year  class.  The  book  has  been 
greatly  benefited  by  her  ability  and  her  practical  experience 
with  young  pupils.  Mr.  Charles  Lane  Hanson  of  the  Me- 
chanic Arts  High  School,  Boston,  has  carefully  revised  the 
manuscript  and  the  proofs.  Other  improvements  are  due  to 
Dr.  Arthur  Lyon  Cross  of  the  University  of  Michigan  and 
to  Mr.  P.  O.  Robinson  of  the  Commercial  High  School  of 
New  York  City,  —  formerly  of  the  St.  Louis  High  School,  — 
both  of  whom  have  read  the  proofs.  Mr.  W.  J.  S.  Bryan, 
principal  of  the  St.  Louis  High  School,  has  also  taken  a 
helpful  interest  in  the  work  of  revision.  Miss  Emily  F. 
Paine  of  Miss  Spence's  School,  New  York  City,  has  aided 
me  in  obtaining  several  new  illustrations,  and  has  prepared 
the  topics  for  reading  in  Roman  art.  My  wife  has  made  the 
new  reference  map  of  Greece.  While  I  am  sincerely  grateful 
to  all  these  helpers,  I  feel  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  hold  any 
of  them  responsible  for  faults  which  may  still  remain  in  the 
book.  Lastly,  I  wish  to  thank  the  many  teachers  who  have 
used  my  histories  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  who  have  given 
me  the  benefit  of  their  suggestions  as  well  as  their  kind 
appreciation. 

GEORGE  WILLIS   BOTSFORD. 

New  York  City, 
September  i,  1902. 


CONTENTS 

PART    I 

THE   ORIENT 

CHAPTER   I 
The  Beginning  of  Civilization  —  Egypt i 


PAGB 


CHAPTER    H 
The  Asiatic  Nations 15 

PART    II 

GREECE 

CHAPTER   I 
The  Country  and  the  People 41 

CHAPTER   H 
The  Prehistoric  Age  —  Religion  and  Myth 49 

CHAPTER   HI 
Two  Periods  of  Colonial  Expansion 65 

CHAPTER   IV 
National  Institutions 73 

CHAPTER   V 

The  Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy        .         .       79 

vii 


viii  Contents 

CHAPTER  VI 

PAGE 

Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 97 

CHAPTER   Vn 
Conquest  of  Asiatic  Greece  by  the  Lydians  and  the  Persians     .         .112 

CHAPTER   Vin 
War  with  Persia  and  Carthage 1 20 

CHAPTER   IX 
The  Age  of  Cimon 135 

CHAPTER  X 
The  Age  of  Pericles 145 

CHAPTER   XI 
The  Peloponnesian  War  to  the  End  of  the  Sicilian  Expedition  .     161 

CHAPTER  XII 
The  Closing  Years  of  the  War 179 

CHAPTER  XIII 
The  End  of  Freedom  in  Sicily  and  in  Italy 191 

CHAPTER   XIV 
The  Supremacy  of  Sparta  .        .         .        .         .        .         .        '199 

CHAPTER  XV 

Thebes  attempts  to  gain  the  Supremacy    .        .         .        .'        .        .212 

CHAPTER  XVI 
The  Rise  of  Macedon 219 


Contents  ix 

CHAPTER  XVII 


PAGE 


Alexander's  Empire  and  the  Kingdoms  formed  from  it      .         .         .     233 

CHAPTER   XVIII 
Private  and  Social  Life •.         .         .     248 

PART    III 

ROME 

•     CHAPTER   I 
The  People  and  the  Country 254 

CHAPTER   II 
The  Beginnings  of  Rome  —  The  Prehistoric  Age      .         .         .         .265 

CHAPTER   III 
Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 280 

CHAPTER   IV 
,  The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights »         •     297 

CHAPTER   V 
The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power         .         .         .         *         •         -315 

CHAPTER   VI 
The  Growth  of  Plutocracy 33^ 

CHAPTER  VII 
The  Revolution— (I)  The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla     .        .        .349 


X  Contents 

CHAPTER  VIII 

PAGE 

The  Revolution  —  (II)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Octavius      .         .         .     362 

CHAPTER   IX 
The  Julian  Emperors .381 

CHAPTER  X 
The  Claudian  and  the  Flavian  Emperors 392 

^  CHAPTER  XI 

The  Five  Good  Emperors         ......         ...     400 

CHAPTER  XII 
From  Commodus  to  Aurelian 413 

CHAPTER  XIII 
From  Diocletian  to  Constantine .     420 

CHAPTER  XIV 

The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians  and  the  Fall  of  the  Empire  in  the 

West 428 

CHAPTER  XV 

The  New  German  States  and  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne         .         .    445 

CHAPTER  XVI 
Private  and  Social  Life 463 

Chief  Events  in  Ancient  History 47° 

Index 47^ 


MAPS    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS 


FULL-PAGE   AND    DOUBLE-PAGE   MAPS 


The  Orient        .........  before        3 

Greece  for  Reference         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  "          41 

Physical  Greece         ........  "          47 

Southern  Italy  and  Sicily    • "          66 

The  Greek  World "          72 

Greece  at  the  Dawn  of  History          .....  "76 

The  Persian  Empire  and  Greece        ......  "116 

Greece  at  the  Time  of  the  War  with  Persia       ...  "125 

The  Athenian  Empire  at  its  Height "         147 

Greece  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian  War  .         .  "         163 

Greece  after  the  Battle  of  Mantineia           ....  "        217 

The  Empire  of  Alexander  the  Great          .         .•        .         .  "         237 

Italy  before  the  Punic  Wars      ......  "255 

The  Vicinity  of  Rome       .......  "         283 

The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power  to  the  Time  of  the  Gracchi     "        315 
The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power  from  the  Gracchi  to  the  Death 

of  Augustus before    349 

The  Roman  Empire  from  Augustus  to  Diocletian      .         .  "        393 

The  Roman  Empire  under  Diocletian  and  Constantine      .  "        421 

Charlemagne's  Empire  (From  Adams,  European  History^  "       -459 


MAPS    IN   THE   TEXT 


The  Peloponnesian  League       ........  103 

Thermopylae 127 

Salamis 130 

Athens  and  Peiraeus  .         .         ,         .         .'        .         .         .         -145 

BayofPylos 166 

Syracuse  . 174 

xi 


xii  Maps  and  Illustrations 

PAGE 

The  Hellespont 184 

Kingdom  of  Dionysius      .........  194 

The  Theban  Tactics  in  the  Battle  of  Leuctra    .         .         .         .         .210 

The  Tribes  of  Italy  and  Sicily  ........  257 

Early  Rome      ...........  278 

Colonies  and  Military  Roads  of  Italy         ......  295 

The  Sacred  Way 386 

Imperial  Rome          .         .         . 388 

Europe  about  525  a.d.  (From  Adams,  European  History)         .         .  446 


FULL-PAGE   ILLUSTRATIONS 

A  Part  of  the  Roman  Forum  (restored)     .         .         .       Frontispiece 

Vale  of  Tempe facing  43 

Gate  of  the  Lions "  63 

Olympia "  78 

The  Olympieium "  91 

Aegina     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  "  119 

The  Acropolis  of  Athens •.         .  "  135 

The  Temple  of  Victory  and  the  Propylaea         .         .         .  "  151 

The  Parthenon "  155 

The  Modern  Town  of  Sparta    ......  *'  205 

The  Battle  of  Issus  (?) "235 

The  Fall  of  the  Anio "259 

Mount  Ercte     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  "  319 

A  Roman  Fleet  in  Harbor  (From  Rheinhard,  Album)       .  '^  375 

Capri ''  390 

The  Hall  of  the  Emperors "•  411 

Church  of  San  ApoUinare  Nuovo       .....  ''  447 

A  Scene  near  Baiae "  468 


ILLUSTRATIONS   IN    THE   TEXT 

Second  and  Third  Pyramids  of  Gizeh i 

Egyptian  Hieroglyphic  Writing  (From  Erman,  Ancient  Egypt)         .        4 

The  Sphinx  of  Gizeh 6 

Hall  of  Columns  in  the  Temple  of  Amnion 8 

Coffin  and  Mummy  of  a  King  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty  .         .         .11 


Maps  and  Illustrations  xiii 

PAGE 

A  Cuneiform  Inscription  (From  Sweet,  History  of  Language)  .         .  i8 

A  Chaldean  Temple  (restored  ;  Chipiez,  after  Strabo)        .         .         .  20 

Sargon's  Palace  (restored  ;  from  Perrot  and  Chipiez)         ...  22 

A  Winged  Bull  (From  Perrot  and  Chipiez) 23 

Tomb  of  Cyrus  (Pasargadae  ;  from  Fergusson)          ....  33 

Valley  of  the  Styx  in  Arcadia 41 

Gallery  in  the  Wall  of  Tiryns 46 

So-called  Treasury  of  Atreus 48 

Royal  Tombs  at  Mycenae 49 

Perseus  cutting  oflf  Medusa's  Head 53 

Engraved  Gems  from  Mycenae 54 

"Theseus" 57 

Ideal  Statue  of  Homer       .........  60 

Vessels  and  Idols  from  Mycenae .  64 

Temple  of  Poseidon  in  Posidonia,  Italy     ......  65 

P^ountain  of  Arethusa  at  Syracuse 68 

A  Greek  Vase  .         .         .         . 72 

Delphi  with  Modern  Village      ........  75 

The  Wrestlers yj 

The  Areopagus 80 

"Solon" 86 

Athenian  Lady  at  Time  of  Pisistratus 90 

A  Spartan  Tombstone 97 

A  Winner  in  the  Girls'  Foot  Races  in  Elis 100 

Sappho 107 

An  Ionic  Column  (From  a  restoration  of  the  Erechtheium)       .         .  108 
Corinthian  Capital    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .110 

"  Themistocles "        .         . 118 

Marathon  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .120 

"  The  Warrior  of  Marathon  "  (a  half-century  earlier  than  the  battle)  121 
Bay  of  Salamis          .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .128 

A  Persian  Archer 132 

A  Greek  Athlete 134 

A  Remnant  of  the  Wall  of  Athens 136 

A  Trireme         . •  139 

Discobolus 144 

Athenian  Knights 146 

Pericles 148 

Atheha  Parthenos 154 


xiv  Maps  and  Illustrations 


PAGE 


"Theseium" 135 

Lapith  and  Centaur .156 

Plan  of  Athens 160 

Victory 162 

Temple  of  Concordia  at  Acragas 170 

Zeus  and  Hera  .         .         . 171 

Stone  Quarries  at  Syracuse 176 

Poseidon,  Dionysus  (?),  and  Demeter(?) 178 

A  Sepulchral  Ornament  of  Marble     .         .         .         .         .         .         .185 

Erechtheium 186 

Euripides 187 

Socrates    .         .         .        •.         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .189 

Temple  Ruins  at  Selinus 192 

Fort  Euryelus  ...........  193 

Spartan  Vase o 199 

Citadel  of  Corinth     .         .         . 203 

Spartan  Mosaic 211 

Mount  Ithome  and  City  Wall  of  Messene 213 

The  Plain  of  Mantineia     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .216 

Battle  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Amazons 218 

A  Scene  in  Macedonia      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .219 

Demosthenes 223 

Battle-field  of  Chaeroneia . 226 

Theatre  at  Epidaurus 229 

The  Hermes  of  Praxiteles .231 

Alexander  in  Battle 237 

Apollo  Belvedere 246 

A  School 248 

A  Marriage  Procession 250 

A  Banquet 251 

An  Athenian  Gravestone 252 

Artemis 253 

Temple  of  Vesta  and  of  the  Sibyl 254 

An  Etruscan  War  God 259 

An  Etruscan  Tomb 260 

A  Doric  Temple        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  261 

A  Vestal  Virgin 266 

Grotto  of  the  Sibyl 269 

Cinerary  Urns  representing  Primitive  Roman  Huts  ....  270 


Maps  and  Illustrations  xv 

PAGE 

Minerva *         »         .  274 

Cloaca  Maxima 275 

The  Wall  of  Servius 279 

Lucius  Junius  Brutus         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .281 

An  Etruscan  Vase .         .         .  283 

Roman  Soldiers  marching 291 

Curule  Chair  and  Fasces 297 

An  As       ...... 303 

Household  Gods 305 

An  Old  Shepherdess 308 

A  Denarius        .         . .312 

Aesculapius       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .312 

"Hannibal" 321 

"  Marcellus " 326 

Storming  a  City         ..........  333 

A  Street  in  Pompeii           .         .         .    <     .         .         .         .         .         .  336 

A  Proconsul      ...........  337 

Ceres 339 

Aedile       ............  342 

"  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  Africanus  " 344 

Sacrificing  a  Pig        .         .         .      ' 346 

A  Bacchante 347 

Italian  Oxen 349 

Youth  reading  at  a  Bookcase 350 

An  Old  Fisherman 352 

"Sulla" 360 

Pompey  tlje  Great 363 

Cicero 366 

Gains  Julius  Caesar -  yT^ 

Cleopatra .  375 

Apollo  with  a  Lyre 377 

Tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella 379 

Julia,  Daughter  of  Augustus,  and  her  Sons  Gains  and  Lucius     .         .  380 

Augustus  ............  382 

The  Temple  of  Mars  the  Avenger      .         .         .         .         .         .         .  384 

The  Pantheon 385 

Vergil 387 

Venus 391 

Claudius 392 


xvi  Maps  and  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Agrippina  .     - 394 

The  Colosseum  or  Flavian  Amphitheatre 396 

A  Body  found  in  Pompeii  ........  397 

Nerva  in  his  Consular  Robe      ........  400 

The  Column  of  Trajan      . 401 

Plotina,  Wife  of  Trajan 402 

The  Tomb  of  Hadrian 404 

Marcus  Aurelius  in  his  Triumphal  Car       ......  406 

A  Roman  Bridge       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .411 

The  Triumphal  Arch  of  Septimius  Severus        .....  413 

Septimius  Severus     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .415 

Sarcophagus  of  Alexander  Severus .416 

The  Wall  of  Aurelian 418 

A  Capital  from  One  of  the  Temples  in  Palmyra  ....  419 

The  Triumphal  Arch  of  Constantine  .         .         .         .         .         .421 

The  Basilica  of  Constantine 426 

The  Roman  Forum 428 

A  German  Village 432 

The  Baptism  of  Christ 433 

The  Tomb  of  Galla  Placidia,  Ravenna 439 

The  Good  Shepherd  .........  442 

Cathedral  of  St.  Sophia,  Constantinople 450 

The  Iron  Crown  of  Lombardy 459 

Persian  Warriors 461 

Peristyle  of  a  House  in  Pompeii 463 

A  Roman  Meal  (From  Rheinhard,  Albmfi)        .....  465 

House  Furniture  (From  Rheinhard,  Album) 466 

Cinerary  Urn    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  '      .  467 

A  Well-curb 469 


AN   ANCIENT    HISTORY 

FOR   BEGINNERS 


Second  and  Third  Pyramids  of  Gizeh 
(View  from  the  East)  ;    .  '• ',  ^       ■ 


ANCIENT  HISTORY 

PART    I 

THE   ORIENT 


CHAPTER   I 

THE   BEGINNING  OF   CIVILIZATION  — EGYPT 

1.  The  Three  Ages.  —  In  the  far  distant  past  men  lived  in  caves 
or  in  rude  huts,  dressed  in  skins,  and  used  tools  of  bone,  horn,  and 
stone.  This  first  stage  of  human  progress  is  called  the  Stone  Age. 
Some  have  continued  in  this  barbarous  condition  to  the  present  day ; 
others  in  course  of  time  advanced  beyond  it,  and  learned  the  use  of 
bronze  —  a  metal  composed  of  copper  and  tin.  With  bronze  tools 
men  cut  large  trees  and  hewed  stones  for  building;  with  weapons 

B  X 


2  The  Beginning  of  Civilization  —  Egypt 

of  the  same  metal  they  conquered  and  held  in  subjection  their  less 
intelligent  neighbors.  In  the  Bronze  Age,  therefore,  men  built 
substantial  houses  and  cities,  and  founded  kingdoms,  —  in  other 
words,  they  began  to  be  civilized.  While  some  nations  remained 
contented  with  this  stage  of  progress,  others  learned  the  use  of  iron. 
With  this  hard  but  pliable  metal  men  could  do  work  of  many  more 
kinds  and  of  a  much  better  quality  than  had  hitherto  been  possible. 
Hence  the  Iron  Age  marks  a  great  advance  beyond  that  of  bronze. 

Through  these  ages  the  world  has  been  progressing  in  civilization. 
Those  nations  are  most  civilized  which  have  the  best  homes,  society, 
laws,  and  government,  the  most  advanced  science  and  art,  the 
purest  religion,  the  soundest  morals,  and  the  brightest  minds.  As 
some  have  advanced  more  rapidly  than  others,  while  many  have 
remained  in  the  lov/'iSt  stage  of  savagery,  we  find  among  men  of  the 
present  as  well  as  of  the  past  every  variety  and  degree  of  civilization. 

2.  Races  of  Men. -—Those  grand  divisions,  or  races,  of  mankind 
which  from  the  beginning  have  made  little  or  no  improvement  in 
their  mode  of  hfe  are  the  red  race  of  the  Americas,  the  black  race 
of  Africa  and  Australia,  and  the  brown  race  of  the  Pacific  islands. 
The  Tu-ra'ni-an  or  Mon-go'li-an  or  yellow  race  of  Asia,  to  which 
belong  the  Chinese,  in  ancient  times  advanced  to  a  remarkable 
degree  of  civilization,  and  then  came  to  a  standstill.  The  Cau- 
cas'i-an  or  white  race,  whose  early  home  was  the  region  about  the 
Mediterranean  Sea,  has  made  most  progress  in  the  past,  and  at 
present  some  branches  of  it  are  still  more  rapidly  advancing.^ 


^  Principal  divisions  of  the  white  race  : 

I  E-gyp'ti 
I  Lib'v-ar 


I.    Hamites  {  ^'^^^  ^''^"^^ 
Lib'y-ans 

'  Ar'abs 
Chal-de'ans  (largely  mixed  with  foreigners) 
II.    Semites  X  As-syr'i-ans 

{Ar-a-mae'ans 
Phoe-ni'ci-ans 
Hebrews 


The  Nile  River  3 

There  are  three  divisions  of  the  white  race  :  (i)  the  Ham'ites  of 
northern  Africa;  (2)  the  Sem'ites  of  southwestern  Asia;  (3)  the 
Ar'y-ans  or  Indo-Europeans,  whose  original  home  was  probably  the 
country  north  of  the  Black  and  Caspian  seas  in  Europe  and  Asia. 
But  in  tracing  the  history  of  the  nations  we  are  to  bear  in  mind  that 
none  of  them  remained  pure  in  race ;  for  migrations,  conquests, 
and  commercial  or  social  intercourse  have  mingled  their  blood  as 
well  as  their  manners,  customs,  and  ideas.  This  blending  of  races 
has  been  in  fact  a  great  cause  of  progress.^ 

3.  Egypt.  —  Much  improvement  in  mankind,  however,  is  due  to 
country  and  surroundings.  And  of  all  the  region  round  the  Mediter- 
ranean none  is  so  favored  by  nature  as  the  valley  of  the  Nile  River 
in  northeastern  Africa.  Egypt,  the  lower  part  of  this  valley,  extends 
from  the  First. Cataract  to  the  sea.  It  is  seven  hundred  miles  long, 
and  varies  in  width  from  one  or  two  to  twelve  miles.  A  hundred 
miles  before  the  river  reaches  the  sea,  it  divides  into  several  channels, 
and  the  valley  broadens  into  the  Delta.  Every  summer,  swollen  by 
the  rains  and  melting  snows  of  the  country  in  which  it  rises,  the  Nile 
overflows  the  valley ;  and  when  in  December  the  water  returns  to 
the  channel,  it  leaves  the  land  fertihzed  with  a  rich  coat  of  earth. 

J-  J      ,   .  f  Medes 

Asiatic  branch       \  „!^  "''^"^^  I  Persians 
C  Hin'doos 

III.   Aryans    \  (  Greeks 

I   Italians 

European  branch  \  Celts 

Teu'tons  (or  Germans) 

Slavs 

This  grouping  of  races,  though  convenient  for  the  study  of  political  geography 
and  history,  is  not  strictly  scientific. 

1  With  the  help  of  San'skrit,  the  classic  language  of  India,  scholars  have 
discovered  that  the  Hindoos,  the  Persians,  and  the  various  nation^  of  Europe 
speak  closely  related  languages,  doubtless  derived  from  a  common  parent  tongue. 
Our  word  "  father,"  for  instance,  is  in  Sanskrit  pitdr,  in  ancient  Persian  pitar^ 
in  Greek  iraT-^p  (pater),  in  Latin  pater,  in  German  vater,  and  similarly  through 
the  other  kindred  tongues.      These  words  for  father  have  descended  from  a 


The  Beginning  of  Civilizatioii — Egypt 


In  fact  the  entire  soil  is  composed  of  mud  deposited  in  this  manner. 
The  land  therefore  is  wonderfully  fertile.  With  little  labor  a  man 
can  raise  each  year  three  crops  of  grain,  grasses,  flax,  and  vegetables. 
Grape-vines  flourish  on  the  hillsides,  and  wheat  yields  a  hundred 
fold.  The  mountains  produce  an  abundance  of  building  stones  and 
various  kinds  of  metals.  Commerce,  too,  is  easy.  Not  only  does 
the  Nile  form  a  natural  waterway  for  domestic  trade,  but  the  country 
lies  at  the  meeting  of  three  continents  and  borders  on  two  navigable 
seas.  The  warm  climate  makes  little  clothing  necessary ;  the  rain- 
less sky  preserves  the  works  of  men  from  decay ;  and  the  mountain 
chains  and  deserts  on  both  sides  protect  the  people  from  invading 
armies.  With  her  natural  resources  and  her  situation,  it  is  no  wonder 
that  Egypt  became  the  birthplace  of  civilization. 

4.  Early  Civilization;  Sources.  —  The  people  who  lived  in  this 
country  were  Hamites.  We  may  sup- 
pose that  they  had  once  been  barba- 
rians, but  as  early  as  4000  B.C.  they  were 
already  acquainted  with  many  of  the  arts. 
They  had  invented,  too,  a  kind  of  writing 
in  which  objects  were  represented  by  pic- 
tures. A  disk  O  stood  for  the  sun,  and 
a  crescent  D  for  the  moon.  From  pic- 
tures they  passed  to  symbols ;  the  disk 
of  the  sun  O  suggested  day,  and  an  axe 
7  god.  In  course  of  time  there  grew  up 
a  phonetic  alphabet,^  which  they  mingled 


m 

Q 

/VWWN. 

s 

//6  a 
Q 

'J 


I  >  I 

id 


^ 


t 


EkJYPTiAN  Hieroglyphic 
Writing 


single  word  in  the  parent  speech.  All  these  nations  whose  languages  are  so 
nearly  connected  we  call  Aryan  or  Indo-European.  Kindred  speech,  however, 
does  not  prove  kinship  in  blood;  for  often  men  adopt  a  foreign  tongue  and 
hand  it  down  to  their  children.  But  as  language  is  a  great  treasury  of  ideas, 
we  inherit  perhaps  as  much  from  our  parent  speech  as  from  our  blood.  From 
this  point  of  view  those  who  speak  a  common  language  may  conveniently  be 
regarded  as  belonging  to  the  same  race. 

1  That  is,  an  alphabet  in  which  each  letter  represents  a  single  sound. 


The  Old  Empire  5 

with  their  pictures  and  symbols.  As  the  priests  always  used  these 
early,  difficult  characters  for  religious  purposes,  they  are  called  hiero- 
glyphs—  sacred  inscriptions.  A  running  style,  however,  known  in 
its  later  form  as  common  or  de-mot'ic,  came  into  use  in  literature 
and  business. 

The  Pha'raohs,  or  kings,  of  the  country  took  great  pains  to  have 
their  deeds  recorded.  They  reckoned  time  by  the  years  of  their 
reigns  and  by  ruling  families,  or  dynasties.  Man'e-tho,  an  Egyptian 
priest  who  lived  in  the  third  century  B.C.,  wrote  a  history  of  his 
country.  Though  the  book  disappeared,  long  extracts  from  it  made 
by  later  writers  are  still  our  chief  source  of  information  for  dates. 
Some  time  after  Manetho  all  knowledge  of  the  Egyptian  alphabets 
was  lost  to  the  world  till  in  1822  Cham-pol'li-on  (pron.  Sham-),  a 
French  scholar,  deciphered  them.  In  Napoleon's  invasion  of  Egypt 
there  had  come  to  light  a  stone  containing  the  inscription  of  a  decree 
in  hieroglyphic  and  demotic  characters  with  a  Greek  translation. 
From  the  place  where  it  was  found  the  slab  is  called  the  Rosetta 
Stone.  By  comparing  the  corresponding  letters  of  the  proper  names 
in  this  inscription,  Champollion  learned  a  sufficient  number  of  letters 
to  serve  as  a  key  for  determining  the  whole  alphabet. 

5.  The  Old  Empire  (about  4800-3000  B.C.).  —  At  first  the  Egyp- 
tians lived  in  small  states,  each  under  a  petty  king.  In  course  of 
time,  however,  the  kings  of  Memphis  became  so  strong  that  they 
acquired  the  rule  over  all  Egypt.  As  their  country  was  made  up  of 
many  states,  it  may  be  called  an  empire.  Through  the  period  of  the 
Old  Empire  Memphis  remained  the  capital. 

The  first  Pharaoh  was  Me'nes,  whom  the  Egyptians  regarded  as 
the  founder  of  Memphis.  The  next  famous  dynasty  after  that  of 
Menes  was  the  fourth  in  the  hst.  The  Pharaohs  of  this  family  built 
the  three  pyramids  at  Gizeh  (pron.  Gee'zeh),  in  the  cemetery  of 
ancient  Memphis.  Khu'fu,  the  most  illustrious  of  his  dynasty,  made 
the  largest  pyramid.  For  thirty  years  his  subjects  labored  on  it  a 
hundred   thousand   at  a   time,   reheving  one   another   every   three 


The  Beginning  of  Civilization  —  Egypt 


months.  The  building  covers  thirteen  acres,  and  originally  stood 
about  four  hundred  and  eighty  feet  high.  We  cannot  understand  by 
what  means  the  workmen  could  lift  and  place  the  stones,  —  some  of 

which  weigh  fifty  tons 
or  more,  —  or  by  what 
mechanical  skill  the 
architects  could  pre- 
vent the  great  mass 
from  falling  in  upon 
the  chambers  and  cor- 
ridors. Khufu  in- 
tended it  for  his  tomb. 
Evidently  he  thought 
that  if  his  body  could 
rest  quietly  in  a  sepul- 
chre made  for  eternity, 
it  would  be  well  with 
his  soul.  The  second 
pyramid  is  not  so 
large  as  the  first,  and 
the  third  is  far  smaller 
but  costlier,  as  it  was 
cased  in  brilliant  red  granite.  Near  this  group  is  the  famous  sphinx, 
a  gigantic,  human-headed  lion,  carved  from  a  hard,  fine  rock. 

6.  The  Middle  Empire  (3000-2000  B.C.).  —  The  fourth  dynasty 
was  followed  by  a  long  period  of  confusion  and  strife  throughout 
Egypt.  The  trouble  was  owing  chiefly  to  the  character  of  the  kings, 
who  were  too  weak  to  hold  the  states  or  provinces  of  the  empire 
together.  Meanwhile  Memphis  declined  in  importance,  and  finally 
Thebes  became  the  capital.  The  Pharaohs  of  the  eleventh  dynasty 
were  Theban.  They  began  the  period  of  the  Middle  Empire,  which 
lasted  from  3000  to  2000  B.C. 

The  Pharaohs  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  conquered  Ethiopia,  carried 


The  Sphinx  of  Gizeh 


The  New  Empire  7 

on  an  extensive  trade  with  Syria,  and  built  splendid  temples  in  the 
cities  of  their  realm.  Among  the  distinguished  kings  of  the  family 
was  A-men'em-hat'  III,  noted  chiefly  for  his  improvement  of  Fay-um', 
an  oasis  in  the  desert  near  the  lower  Nile.  By  digging  a  canal  from 
the  Nile  to  Fayum  he  made  it  possible  to  flood  this  low  region  so  as 
greatly  to  increase  its  productivity.  A  lake  in  the  oasis  served  as  a 
reservoir  from  which  he  could  irrigate  not  only  the  district  itself,  but 
the  entire  western  half  of  the  valley  from  Fayum  to  the  sea. 

7.  The  Hyksos  (about  2000-1500  B.C.).  —  In  the  decHne  which 
followed  this  great  dynasty  a  horde  of  barbarians  known  as  the  Hyk'- 
sos  —  "  shepherd  kings  "  —  came  in  from  Asia.  They  plundered  the 
country  as  far  as  Fayum,  burned  cities,  and  slew  the  inhabitants  with- 
out mercy.  They  brought  Egypt  again  to  a  low  condition  of  civilization. 
During  the  five  hundred  years  of  their  rule,  however,  they  gradually 
adopted  the  customs  and  ideas  of  their  subjects.  Finally  A-ma'sis, 
prince  of  Thebes,  defeated  them  and  drove  out  their  king  and  army. 

8.  The  New  Empire  (about  1500-332  B.C.  ).  The  eighteenth 
dynasty  was  the  first  of  the  New  Empire,  which  extended  from  the 
expulsion  of  the  Hyksos  to  the  conquest  of  the  country  by  the 
Greeks.^  The  kings  of  this  dynasty  first  attended  to  the  restoration 
of  their  country.  They  rebuilt  ruined  shrines,  enlarged  the  temple 
of  Ammon  at  Thebes,  —  founded  long  before,  —  put  down  all  politi- 
cal opposition  in  their  own  land,  and  reconquered  Ethiopia.  Mean- 
time they  began  the  conquest  of  Syria  —  a  work  completed  by 
Thoth'mes  III.  His  empire  reached  from  the  southern  border  of 
Ethiopia  to  the  Euphrates  River. 

But  his  country  found  a  powerful  enemy  in  the  Hit'tites,  a  warlike 
people  who  lived  on  both  sides  of  Mount  Tau'rus.  With  their  allies 
from  Asia  Minor  they  soon  wrested  from  Egypt  all  northern  Syria. 
SetH  /,  an  able  Pharaoh  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty,  warred  against 
them  in  vain ;  his  son  Ra-me^ses  II  in  sixteen  years  of  hard  fighting 
stayed  their  conquest.     He  then  divided  Syria  with  them  by  treaty. 

^  §  194. 


8 


The  Beginning  of  Civilization  —  Egypt 


Father  and  son  were  among  Egypt's  most  famous  builders.  The 
grandest  of  Seti's  works  was  the  pillared  hall  which  formed  the  main 
entrance  to  the  great  temple  of  Amnion  at  Thebes.  Modern  travel- 
lers have  won- 
dered at  the  long 
rows  of  gigantic 
columns  which 
once  supported 
the  lofty  roof. 
Undoubtedly  this 
hall  is  "the  most 
splendid  single 
chamber  that  has 
ever  been  built  by 
any  architect,  and 
even  in  its  ruins 
one  of  the  grand- 
est sights  that  the 
world  contains."  ^ 
Recently  the  col- 
umns have  suffered 
great  injury  from 
digging  beneath 
them.  As  a 
builder  Rameses 
II  is  even  more 
famous  than  his 
father.  Through- 
out Egypt  he  re- 
paired old  temples  and  erected  new  ones.  The  proud  monarch  had 
his  sculptors  make  many  enormous  statues  of  himself  that  all  might 
duly  appreciate  his  great  majesty.  Following  the  Egyptian  custom 
^  Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  p.  245. 


Hall  of  Columns  in  the  Temple  of  Ammon 
(Thebes,  now  Kafnak) 


Oriental  Civilization  9 

of  covering  walls  and  columns  with  pictures  and  writing,  he  took  es- 
pecial pleasure  in  representing  his  personal  combats  with  the  Hittites. 
As  he  employed  many  foreigners  on  his  works,  some  beUeve  that  he 
was  the  Pharaoh  who  oppressed  the  Hebrews  then  in  Egypt,  and 
that  his  weak  son  Me-neph'tha  was  the  one  in  whose  reign  they  set 
out  for  the  promised  land. 

Soon  after  Rameses  the  country  divided  into  small  states,  which  in 
time  fell  under  the  rule  of  Assyria.  Then  with  the  help  of  Greek 
mercenaries  Fsam-met'i-chus,  governor  of  one  of  these  states,  re- 
united Egypt  and  freed  it  from  Assyria.  As  he  treated  the  Greeks 
Hberally,  many  setded  in  the  Delta,  and  many  came  to  see  the 
wonders  of  the  country  and  to  learn  its  wisdom.  After  his  dynasty 
had  ruled  nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  however,  Egypt  became 
a  part  of  the  Persian  empire  (525  b.c.).^ 

9.  Oriental  Civilization.  —  The  civilization  of  the  Orient  —  com- 
prising Egypt  and  Asia  —  contrasts  strikingly  with  that  of  Europe. 
The  Easterner  has  a  vivid  imagination,  but  his  reasoning  power  has 
never  been  so  strong  or  so  well  trained  as  that  of  the  European.  He 
does  not  think  consistently  or  follow  his  reason,  but  is  naturally  obe- 
dient, ready  to  yield  to  authority.  As  a  result  of  this  character  reli- 
gion exercises  great  influence  over  all  his  actions ;  and  he  holds  the 
priests  in  especial  reverence.  -  In  pohtical  matters  he  has  no  thought 
of  independence,  but  obeys  the  king  as  a  child  obeys  his  parent. 
Government  in  the  Orient,  therefore,  is  always  monarchical;  the 
kings  are  absolute  masters  of  their  subjects.  .  This  power  enables 
them  to  build  on  a  grand  scale.  Hence  we  find  throughout  the 
Orient  vast  ruins  of  palaces,  temples,  statues,  and  other  works. 
Though  in  the  main  all  Eastern  nations  are  alike,  they  show  some 
minor  differences  of  character  and  customs.  We  shall  now  notice 
the  civilization  of  Egypt. 

10.  Classes  of  People. — Throughout  their  history  most  of  the 
people  were  poor.     They  lived  in  mud  huts ;  they  dressed  in  a  single 

1  §§  26,  lOI. 


10  The  Beginning  of  Civilization  —  Egypt 

cotton  garment ;  their  children  went  unclad  to  the  age  of  twelve  or 
fourteen.  While  the  mother  carried  water,  ground  meal  between  two 
stones,  baked  bread  in  the  ashes,  sewed,  spun,  and  wove,  the  father 
worked  from  morning  till  night  in  the  field  or  at  his  trade.  Whether 
as  peasant,  swineherd,  cowherd,  boatman,  shopkeeper,  or  artisan  — 
in  any  case  he  toiled  under  a  master  who  beat  him  for  the  slightest 
mistake  or  inattention  to  duty.  Nevertheless  he  was  happy;  he 
laughed  heartily  at  everything,  and  on  pay-day  indulged  too  freely  in 
beer. 

Though  children  of  every  class  usually  followed  the  occupation  of 
the  parents,  some  of  the  ambitious  poor  sent  their  boys  to  school, 
where  they  learned  to  read  and  write.  With  this  opportunity  an  in- 
telligent youth  might  become  a  scribe.  With  industry,  skill,  and  intel- 
ligence he  might  rise  through  the  various  grades  of  this  profession  to 
a  high  office  or  a  priesthood.  He  could  then  have  a  fine  brick  man- 
sion, a  beautiful  garden,  land,  and  slaves. 

The  priests  were  a  numerous  and  wealthy  class,  for  the  gods  owned 
a  third  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  each  required  the  service  of  many 
priests  or  priestesses.  At  the  head  of  this  class  stood  Pharaoh,  him- 
self a  god  with  supreme  control  of  the  state  religion.  Reserving  for 
his  kinsmen  the  chief  priesthoods  of  the  great  national  divinities,  he 
permitted  the  governors  of  provinces  to  hold  the  highest  offices  in 
their  several  districts.  Thus  it  often  happened  that  a  man  was  at 
once  priest  and  magistrate. 

The  priests  dressed  in  linen,  bathed  twice  each  day  and  twice  in 
the  night,  and  shaved  their  heads,  faces,  and  entire  bodies,  to  keep 
themselves  as  clean  as  possible.  "  They  enjoy  good  things  not  a  few, 
for  they  do  not  consume  or  spend  any  of  their  own  substance,  but 
have  sacred  bread  baked  for  them,  and  they  have  each  a  great  quan- 
tity of  beef  and  geese  coming  in  to  them  every  day,  and  also  wine  of 
grapes  is  given  them."  ^  They  lived  in  the  sacred  buildings,  drew 
salaries  from  the  temple  revenues,  and  with  the  sacred  scribes, 
1  Herodotus  ii.  37. 


The  Military  Class 


II 


attendants,  and  artisans,  they  were  free  from  taxes  and  military  service. 
There  is  no  wonder  then  that  every  one  longed  to  be  a  priest. 

Far  less  favored  was  the  7nilitary  class.  Those  who  belonged  to  it 
received  from  the  king  seven-acre  lots  free  from  taxes.  This  class, 
accordingly,  occupied  another  third  of  the  land.  The  army  was  made 
up  of  spearmen,  archers,  and  men  in  chariots.  As  the  military  class 
did  not  suffice,  each  province  sent  a  company  of  common  men,  and 
many  foreigners  served  the  king  for  pay.     The  Egyptian  disliked 


Coffin  and  Mummy  of  a  King  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty 
(Amenophis  I) 

military  duties,  and  fought  without  spirit.  "  Come,  now,  whilst  I  tell 
you  about  his  march  into  Syria,  his  journeys  to  distant  lands.  His 
provisions  and  water  are  upon  his  shoulders  like  the  burden  of  an  ass, 
and  weigh  upon  his  neck  like  that  of  an  ass,  till  the  joints  of  his  spine 
are  displaced.  He  drinks  foul  water  —  still  perpetually  mounting 
guard.  When  he  reaches  the  enemy? — he  is  only  a  trembling  bird. 
If  he  returns  to  Egypt?  —  he  is  no  better  than  old,  worm-eaten 
wood."  ^ 

1  Cf.  Maspero,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt  and  Assyria,  p.  90. 


12  The  Beginning  of  Civilization — Egypt 

11.  Religion.  —  Men  preferred  to  die  at  home  that  their  kinsmen 
might  provide  for  their  happiness  in  the  spirit  world.  As  they  be- 
heved  that  the  soul,  or  double,  perished  with  the  body,  they  took 
great  pains  to  have  the  corpse  embalmed  so  as  to  preserve  it  forever. 
They  placed  with  it  in  the  tomb  furniture,  tools,  and  ornaments  for 
the  use  of  the  double.  The  dwellings  of  the  wealthy  dead  were  real 
palaces,  even  more  sumptuously  furnished  and  adorned  than  the 
homes  of  the  living.  In  popular  belief  the  double  lived  content  in 
his  tomb,  coming  forth  to  disturb  those  kinsmen  only  who  failed  to 
bring  him  food;  and  when  all  offerings  ceased,  he  partook  of  the  sac- 
rifices painted  or  carved  on  the  walls  of  his  dwelling,  for  to  him 
these  pictures  were  real.  Some,  however,  imagined  that  the  doubles 
travelled  a  difficult  road  westward  to  a  large  lake,  whence  they  could 
see  the  Blessed  Isles  in  the  distance.  An  ibis  carried  them  across, 
or  they  embarked  in  a  boat  rowed  by  a  divine  ferryman.  When 
they  had  come  to  the  other  shore,  0-si'ris  with  forty-two  assistants 
judged  them  for  the  deeds  done  in  the  body.  If  innocent,  they 
dwelt  henceforth  in  fertile  fields,  holding  eternal  holiday.^ 

An  extremely  religious  people,  the  Egyptians  believed  in  a  multi- 
tude of  gods,  who  had  the  forms  of  men  and  women,  of  monsters,  or 
of  animals,  as  birds,  fish,  crocodiles,  cats,  dogs,  and  cattle.  The  high- 
est of  all  is  Ra,  the  sun-god.  Born  every  morning,  he  guides  his  bark 
over  the  heaven,  descending  at  night  to  the  river  beneath  the  earth. 
He  fights  with  the  serpent  who  brings  night  and  eclipse ;  he  tri- 
umphs over  his  enemy,  and  is  born  anew  at  the  dawn.  The  Pharaohs 
imitate  his  majesty  and  erect  obelisks  ^  to  represent  his  rays.  Horus 
is  the  sky ;  his  eyes  are  the  sun  and  moon.  Sometimes  his  worship- 
pers think  of  him,  too,  as  a  hero  traversing  each  day  the  heaven  in 

^  The  monuments  and  literature  of  the  Egyptians  afford  no  evidence  of  a  belief 
in  the  transmigration  of  souls. 

2  An  obelisk  is  a  tall,  four-sided  pillar  gradually  tapering  upward.  The  shaft  is 
a  single  stone.  The  Pharaohs  erected  many  obelisks,  one  of  which  now  stands 
in  Central  Park,  New  York  City. 


Industries  and  Science  13 

glory  and  at  night  contending  with  his  dark  brother  Set,  the  spirit  of 
the  earth. 

Of  the  many  gods  of  the  river  the  chief  is  0-sVris,  giver  of  joy 
and  Hfe.  Slain  by  his  wicked  brother,  he  rose  from  the  dead  and 
sits  in  judgment  on  souls.  Vsis,  his  wife,  is  the  spirit  of  the  fertile 
soil,  from  which  all  derive  their  sustenance.  Each  city  and  province 
has  a  supreme  deity.  The  least  noble  feature  of  their  religion  is  the 
worship  of  animals.  The  people  of  Memphis,  for  instance,  have  a 
temple  to  A'pis,  the  bull  in  whom  dwells  the  soul  of  Ptah.  During 
the  life  of  the  animal  they  keep  him  in  extravagant  luxury,  and  when 
he  dies  they  embalm  him  at  enormous  expense,  and  mourn  him  till 
the  priests  find  another  bull  into  which  the  deity  has  entered. 

To  preserve  their  ceremonies  they  committed  them  to  writing. 
Among  these  works-  the  Book  of  the  Dead  gives  the  soul  minute 
directions  for  his  journey  from  the  death-bed  to  the  Isles  of  the  Blest. 
Many  of  their  hymns  to  the  gods,  proverbs,  fables,  stories  of  adven- 
ture, and  even  some  of  their  novels  have  come  down  to  us.  We 
have,  too,  a  great  mass  of  their  letters  and  documents,  besides  abun- 
dant inscriptions  on  temples,  tombs,  statues,  and  obelisks. 

12.  Industries  and  Science.  —  They  made  an  excellent  paper  from 
the  pa-py'rus,  an  abundant  marsh  reed.  They  excelled  in  many  indus- 
trial arts.  The  fine  linen  of  Egypt  was  renowned  the  world  over. 
After  the  conquest  of  Syria  had  brought  the  country  vast  riches,  the 
goldsmiths  showed  rare  skill  in  making  rings,  bracelets,  and  other 
jewellery.  At  the  same  time  the  wealthy  began  to  display  on  their 
tables  a  great  variety  of  beautiful  plate.  The  bronze  smiths  made 
delicate  enamel  work  and  gracefiil  statuettes.  Glass-workers  blew 
their  material  in  artistic  forms,  or  cut  and  colored  it  in  imitation  of 
gems. 

They  made  equal  progress  in  the  useful  sciences.  For  the  purpose 
of  surveying  their  land,  they  sought  out  the  essentials  of  arithmetic 
and  geometry.  In  their  cloudless  sky  they  followed  the  wanderings 
of  the   planets  and  observed  the  risings  and  settings  of  the   stars. 


14  The  Begmnmg  of  Civilization  —  Egypt 

Astronomy  aided  them  in  determining  the  solar  year  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty-five  and  a  fourth  days.  Their  medical  writings  show  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  anatomy,  but  superstitiously  prescribe  charms 
for  the  cure  of  diseases. 

A  conservative  people,  the  Egyptians  from  the  beginning  insisted 
on  preserving  the  customs  of  the  ancestors.  Gradually  this  respect 
for  the  wisdom  of  past  generations  grew  on  them  till  they  absolutely 
refused  to  learn  anything  new.  By  the  end  of  the  Hyksos  period 
all  progress  had  ceased.  The  priests  had  reduced  the  minutest 
details  of  worship  to  fixed  forms,  from  which  no  one  dared  depart. 
As  the  books  now  prescribed  what  they,  the  king,  and  the  high  magis- 
trates should  do  at  every  hour  in  the  day,  the  upper  class  became 
the  slaves  of  ceremony.  In  the  same  way  they  regulated  the  arts 
and  sciences,  so  that  future  artists  merely  imitated  existing  models, 
and  physicians  were  strictly  held  to  the  written  word.  Meantime 
the  wealth  of  the  people  had  gone  to  the  gods,  superstition  had 
robbed  their  sound  moral  precepts  of  all  meaning,  their  intellectual 
hfe  had  come  to  a  standstill  —  Egypt  was  a  mummy. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Brief  History. — Erman,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt,  ch.  iii;  Mariette,  Out- 
lines  of  Ancient  Egyptian  History  ;  Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  to  p.  380. 

II.  Life. —  Erman,  ch.  viii;  Rawlinson,  pp.  60-64 ;  ^\'3-'^^^'io.  Life  in  Ancient 
Egypt  and  Assyria,  chs.  i-x. 

III.  Temples.  —  Maspero,  Egyptian  Archaeology,  ch.  ii.  §  2. 

IV.  Tombs.  —  Maspero,  Egyptian  Archaeology,  ch.  iii. 

V.  Useful  Arts.  —  Erman,  chs.  xviii,  xix;  Maspero,  Egyptian  Archaeology^ 
ch.  V. 

VI.  Beliefs  and  Customs.  —  Herodotus  ii.  37-97. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE   ASIATIC  NATIONS 

13.  The  Geography  and  People  of  Western  Asia.  —  East  of  Egypt, 
across  the  Red  Sea  and  the  Arabian  Gulf,  is  the  sandy  desert  of 
Arabia.  The  map  of  the  Orient,  facing  page  3,  shows  the  great 
area  of  this  country.  It  forms  the  central  part  of  a  broad  triangle, 
the  east  side  of  which  is  the  Za'gros  range  and  the  west  side  is  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  Taurus  range.  Throughout  the  country 
there  is  little  rain ;  and  the  districts  not  watered  by  springs  or  rivers 
are  therefore  very  dry.  Most  of  the  people  of  this  triangle  were 
Semites/  and  their  parent  stock  was  probably  the  wandering  race 
of  Arabs.  In  addition  to  Arabia,  the  triangle  contains  two  regions, 
—  the  basin  of  the  Ti'gris  and  Eu-phra'tes  rivers  on  the  east  and 
Syria  on  the  west,  —  separated  by  the  Arabian  and  Syrian  deserts. 
Syria  is  a  land  of  hills  and  mountains ;  the  river  region  is  a  plain 
consisting  of  an  undulating  upland,  named  As-syr'i-a,  in  the  north 
and  a  flat  lowland,  called  Chaldea  (pron.  Kal-de'a),  in  the  south. 
The  peoples  of  the  river  basin  and  of  Syria  were  one  in  race,  in 
speech,  and  in  civilization.  Their  history,  too,  is  closely  connected. 
It  begins  nearly  as  far  back  in  the  past  as  that  of  Egypt ;  and  for 
more  than  three  thousand  years  (3800-550  b.c.)  they  were  the 
chief  nations  of  Asia. 

Finally  when  this  triangular  area  ceased  to  be  the  centre  of 
Asiatic  history,  the  mountainous  highland  east  of  the  Zagros 
range  came  into  prominence.  It  was  occupied  at  that  time  (about 
550  B.C.)  by  the  Medes  and   the   Persians,  two  nations   of  Aryan 

15 


1 6  The  Asiatic  Nations 

speech  and  closely  related  to  each  other.     From  their  time  to  ours 
men  of  Aryan  speech  have  ruled  the  civilized  world. 

Extending  westward  from  the  continent  of  Asia  and  nearly  surrounded 
by  seas  and  straits  is  the  broad  peninsula  called  Asia  Minor.  The 
interior  is  a  dry  table-land ;  along  the  coasts  are  low  fertile  plains. 
In  ancient  times  many  nations  occupied  this  country.  The  most 
important  were  the  Greeks  who  came  as  colonists  to  the  western 
coasts,  and  the  Lyd'i-ans  in  the  interior  near  the  Greeks.^  There 
was  commerce  between  Asia  and  Europe,  not  only  by  sea  but  also 
overland  through  Asia  Minor.  This  peninsula,  therefore,  did  a  good 
service  to  civilization  by  helping  bring  the  Asiatics  and  the  Europeans 
together. 

I.     The  People  about  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  Rivers 

14.  The  Supremacy  of  Chaldea  (3800-1250  B.C.).  —  Chaldea,  the 
flat  country  on  the  lower  Euphrates,  was  nearly  as  fertile  as  Egypt. 
It  was  watered,  however,  not  by  overflows,  but  by  autumn  rains  and 
by  canals  from  the  river.  The  earliest  inhabitants  whom  we  know 
were  the  Su-me'ri-ans  or  Ac-ca'di-ans,  who  were  probably  of  Turanian- 
blood.  In  early  time,  however,  great  numbers  of  Semites  had  set- 
tled in  the  country  with  the  older  inhabitants ;  and  while  the  earlier 
language  continued  in  use  for  official  and  religious  purposes,  the 
Semitic  tongue  prevailed  in  everyday  life.  These  two  races  gradually 
formed  the  Chaldean  people,  renowned  as  the  beginners  of  civiliza- 
tion in  Asia. 

The  chief  cities  were  Ur,  Ac'cad,  and  Bab'y-lon.  At  the  beginning 
of  their  written  history,  about  2400  b.c,  Ur  was  the  capital  of  nearly 
all  the  country.  It  did  not  hold  this  position  long,  for  a  century 
later  the  king  of  E'lam  conquered  all  Chaldea,  and  his  successors 
continued  to  govern  it  for  two  hundred  years.  The  Elamites  readily 
adopted  the  religion  and  the  superior  civilization  of  their  subjects. 
Not  content  with  this  small  country,  they  marched  farther  west,  and 
1  See  map  of  Greece,  between  pp.  40,  41.  ^  §  2. 


Assyria  1 7 

subdued  Syria.  Through  this  conquest,  as  well  as  through  earlier 
trade,  the  Syrians  received  many  ideas  and  useful  arts  from  Chaldea.^ 

Years  after  the  fall  of  the  Elamite  empire,  Babylon  became  the 
capital  of  Chaldea.  Though  in  1250  B.C.  it  was  compelled  to  sub- 
mit to  the  king  of  Assyria,  it  remained  long  afterward  the  wealthiest 
and  most  refined  city  of  Asia. 

15.  The  Supremacy  of  Assyria  (1250-606  B.C.).  —  In  the  upland 
about  the  Tigris  River  was  the  younger  but  more  famous  Semitic 
state  of  Assyria.  When  we  first  become  acquainted  with  the  Assyr- 
ians, we  find  them  struggling  with  surrounding  nations  and  gradually 
extending  their  kingdom  by  conquests.  About  1250  b.c.  they  sub- 
dued Babylon,  which  they  continued  to  rule  for  six  centuries.  Mean- 
time they  gradually  extended  their  empire  northeastward  to  the 
Caspian  Sea  and  in  the  opposite  direction  to  Egypt. 

The  kings  of  earher  states  had  been  content  with  receiving  gifts 
from  conquered  peoples ;  but  the  Assyrian  monarchs  introduced  the 
custom  of  organizing  subject  countries  in  provinces.  Each  .province 
was  under  a  governor  appointed  by  the  king ;  each  had  taxes  to  pay 
and  other  duties  to  perform.  This  system  marks  a  great  advance  in 
the  art  of  government. 

In  course  of  time,  however,  as  the  kings  became  less  warlike  and 
able,  their  power  declined.  Taking  advantage  of  the  weakness  of 
Assyria,  the  king  of  Media  and  the  viceroy  of  Babylon  together  led 
their  forces  against  Nin'e-veh,  the  capital.  After  a  two  years'  siege 
they  took  the  city  and  sacked  it.  When  they  had  finished  their  work, 
her  splendid  temples  and  palaces  were  ruins.  At  the  same  time  the 
empire  fell  (606  B.C.). 

Persons  and  Events  in  Assyrian  History 

B.C. 

1 125.  Tig'lath-Pi-le'ser  I,  first  notable  Assyrian  conqueror. 

860-783.  First  great  age  of  Assyria. 

745-727.  Tiglath-Pileser  TI,  a  great  organizer  as  well  as  conqueror. 

1§22. 


1 8  The  Asiatic  Nations 

722-705.     Sar'gon,  a  great  organizer  and  statesman;   Assyria  at  the    height   of 

her  glory. 
705-680.     Sen-nach'e-rib    wages  war    with    Egypt    and    Israel,   and    destroys 

Babylon. 
680-668.     E'sar-had'don  rebuilds  Babylon  and  conquers  Egypt. 
668-626.     As'shur-ban'i-pal,  the  last  magnificent  king. 
Egypt  and  Media  become  independent. 
The  Scyth'i-ans  invade  the  empire. 
606.     The  destruction  of  Nineveh. 

16.  The  Supremacy  of  Babylon  (606-538  B.C.).  In  destroying 
Nineveh  the  viceroy  of  Babylon  made  his  city  independent.  His 
son,  Neb-u-chad-nez'zar,  in  an  able  reign  of  forty-four  years,  built 
up  an  empire  which  reached  westward  to  the  Mediterranean.  A 
great   part  of  his  energy   he  devoted   to  the   improvement   of  his 


►>T-IWTT^^Hf  :^^^T^:s  t^-qTBTTl^ 


S5  Tf  trr^  ^^<m  A<SS\  rifmv 


A  Cuneiform  Inscription 

country  and  to  its  defence  against  the  Median  empire,  which  ex- 
tended along  his  northern  border.  He  fortified  this  frontier  with 
a  brick  wall  a  hundred  feet  high,  and  surrounded  his  city  with  mas- 
sive defences.  While  he  maintained  pfeace  with  Media,  he  was  thus 
preparing  to  resist  an  attack.  The  Medians  troubled  him  little,  but 
some  years  after  his  death  his  city  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians (538  B.C.).^ 

17.  Civilization  of  Chaldea  and  Assyria;  Literature.  —  The  Chal- 
dean alphabet  was  far  different  from  that  of  Egypt.  Each  letter 
was  a  group  of  wedge-shaped  marks,  whence  the  writing  is  termed 
cuneiform — from  cu'tie-us,  a  wedge.  Some  letters  represented  words, 
others  syllables.  Instead  of  paper  they  used  bricks  and  clay  tablets. 
The  Assyrians  adopted  this  alphabet,  and  even  used  the  old  Sume- 
rian  language  for  religious  purposes.  Hence  it  has  come  about  that 
modern   scholars,   after  deciphering   the   Assyrian  writing  with   the 

1  §  26. 


Religion  19 

greatest  difficulty,  have  been  able  to  proceed  from  this  starting-point 
to  the  vastly  older  literature  of  Ur  and  Accad.  In  addition  to 
grammars,  dictionaries,  religious  books  and  hymns,  they  have  left  us 
business  accounts,  public  documents,  and  laws,  which  throw  light 
upon  their  private  and  social  life.  They  had  two  national  epics,  — 
one  the  story  of  creation  closely  related  to  that  given  in  our  Bible, 
and  the  other  a  tale  of  the  hero  Iz-du-bar'.  The  latter  story  tells  how 
strangers  oppressed  the  holy  city  E'rech  till  mighty  Izdubar  killed 
the  cruel  king  and  set  his  country  free.  The  hero's  combats  with 
monsters  remind  us  of  the  labors  of  the  Greek  Her'a-cles,^  whereas 
the  story  of  the  flood,  which  forms  part  of  the  epic,  resembles  the 
one  we  have  read  in  our  Bible.. 

The  Assyrians  inherited  all  this  literature  and  added  greatly  to 
the  store.  The  kings  were  careful  to  keep  minute  records  of  their 
reigns,  and  especially  the  later  rulers  took  pleasure  in  making  collec- 
tions of  books.  The  library  found  in  the  palace  of  King  Asshur- 
bani-pal  at  Nineveh  is  a  treasure  to  modern  scholars. 

18.  Religion.  —  The  two  nations  of  the  river  basin  possessed  the 
same  religion  as  well  as  the  same  literature.  The  dense  population 
about  the  lower  Euphrates  had  to  contend  against  many  evils, — 
the  desert  wind,  swarms  of  devouring  locusts,  fever,  and  plague. 
The  spirits  of  these  destroying  forces  were  demons,  whom  art  repre- 
sented as  horrible  monsters.  Chief  of  the  higher  deities  were  An'u, 
king  of  heaven  and  father  of  the  gods ;  Bel,  lord  of  earth ;  and  the 
wise  E'a,  master  of  destiny,  whose  dwelling  was  in  the  waters. 
These  three  formed  the  supreme  triad.  The  second  triad  was  com- 
posed of  Sin,  the  moon ;  Sha'mash,  the  sun  ;  and  Ram'man,  who 
from  his  home  in  the  air  governed  the  rains  and  the  storms.  These 
six  gods,  together  with  their  wives,  formed  a  grand  council,  below 
which  came  the  deities  of  the  five  planets,  —  Ju'pi-ter,  Venus,  Sat'- 
urn.  Mars,  and  Mercury,  —  then  several  other  orders  of  celestial  and 
terrestrial  spirits.     The  chief  goddess  was  Ish'tar  (or  As-tar'te),  the 

M45. 


20 


TJie  Asiatic  Nations 


A  Chaldean  Temple 
(Restored;  Chipiez,  after  Strabo) 


evening   and   morning   star,   queen   of  life  and   nature,  sometimes 
thought  of  as  pure,  sometimes  as  grossly  immoral.     In  addition  to 


Art  21 

these  Chaldean  gods  the  Assyrians  worshipped  As'shur,  who  gave 
his  name  to  the  country  and  the  people.  He  was  the  great  lord, 
the  peerless  chief  of  all  the  gods,  the  protector  of  the  king. 

The  Chaldeans  and  Assyrians  worshipped  idols  of  stone  and  clay. 
They  brought  their  offerings  to  the  priest,  who  presented  these 
sacrifices  to  the  gods.  As  the  priests  alone  were  acquainted  with 
religious  ceremonies,  they  occupied  a  place  of  great  honor  and 
influence.  The  king  as  the  chief  of  the  class  appointed  festivals, 
in  which  magistrates  and  priests  marched  in  solemn  procession  and 
offered  costly  sacrifices.  As  conquests  brought  wealth,  the  higher 
classes  lived    in  luxury  and    became  immoral. 

19.  Art.  —  As  the  Chaldeans  had  little  wood  or  stone,  they  used 
for  their  buildings  bricks  made  of  clay  mixed  with  straw.  With 
this  material  they  erected  high  terraced  towers  as  foundations  for 
temples,  and  surrounded  their  cities  with  huge  walls.  Such  works 
had  neither  the  art  nor  the  durability  of  Egyptian  buildings.  In 
place  of  grand  ruins  scattered  over  their  plains  we  therefore  find 
mere  heaps  of  rubbish. 

Lacking  originality,  the  Assyrians  adopted  the  art  as  well  as  the 
literature  and  the  religion  of  Chaldea.  Although  their  country 
abounded  in  stone,  they  made  their  buildings  almost  wholly  of  brick, 
and  preferred  artificial  mounds  to  hills  as  sites  for  temples  and 
palaces.  In  Chaldea  the  temple  was  the  all-important  building ;  the 
Assyrian  king,  on  the  other  hand,  devoted  his  wealth  and  the  labor 
of  his  subjects  to  the  erection  of  an  enormous  palace.  As  a  foun- 
dation he  raised  a  huge  rectangular  platform  of  sun-dried  bricks,  or 
sometimes  of  earth,  held  in  on  all  sides  by  stone  walls.  On  one  end 
were  flights  of  steps  for  people  on  foot,  and  on  an  adjoining  side 
an  inclined  road  for  animals  and  carriages.  On  this  mound  the 
king  built  his  oblong  dwelling,  which  contained  great  open  courts, 
several  long  narrow  halls  of  state,  and  a  multitude  of  smaller  rooms. 
It  was  probably  but  one  story  high,  and  the  roofs  of  the  various  parts 
rested  on  wooden  rafters.     In  one  quarter,  however,  rose  a  terraced 


22 


The  Asiatic  Nations 


IS 

<  1 
^  1 

z     ^ 

O       CI 

'^  5 
OS  2 
<    "^ 

T3 


Public    Works 


23 


tower  of  the  Chaldean  pattern,  on  the  top  of  which  stood  the  chapel. 
The  palace  was  vast ;  that  of  Sennacherib  at  Nineveh  covered  more 
than  twenty  acres.  Works  of  such  material  decayed  so  rapidly  that 
a  king  usually  preferred  the  glory  of  building  a  new  palace  to  the 
expensive  task  of  repairing  that  of  his  father. 


A    WlNuKlJ    i^L.l.L 

(Assyrian  art;  from  Perrot  and  Chipiez) 

At  the  gates  stood  pairs  of  colossal  lions  or  bulls  with  wings  and 
human  heads ;  and  the  alabaster  slabs  which  faced  the  lower  part 
of  the  walls  within  the  courts  and  halls  were  decorated  with  bas- 
reliefs  representing  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  king.  Although  his 
sculptors  did  not  succeed  in  making  the  human  form  graceful,  they 
excelled  in  the  lifelike  representation  of  animals. 


24  The  Asiatic  Nations 

Under  the  Babylonian  supremacy  public  works  were  carried  out 
on  the  grandest  scale.  Nebuchadnezzar  rebuilt  Babylon  with  great 
magnificence.  It  lay  on  both  banks  of  the  Euphrates  in  the  form 
of  a  square  about  fifty  miles  in  circuit.  The  king  surrounded  it 
with  a  wall  eighty-seven  feet  in  thickness  and  three  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  high.  He  built,  too,  a  wall  along  each  bank  of  the  river 
within  the  city. 

The  number  of  laborers  at  his  command  we  may  judge  from  his 
statement  that  but  fifteen  days  were  required  to  build  his  great 
palace.  To  please  his  Median  queen,  who  was  accustomed  to  moun- 
tain scenery,  he  constructed  the  famous  "  hanging  gardens  "  —  an 
artificial  hill  rising  in  terraces,  supported  by  arches  and  covered 
with  trees,  shrubbery,  and  flowers.  These  gardens  as  well  as  the 
walls  were  among  the  wonders  of  the  world.  The  king  erected,  too, 
the  great  terraced  temple  of  Bel,  eight  stories  high,  with  an  in- 
clined road  winding  about  it  from  base  to  summit.  The  rich  built 
their  houses  along  the  broad  straight  avenues  which  the  king  had 
laid  out.  In  his  time  Babylon  was  the  largest,  the  richest,  and 
probably  the  most  attractive  city  in  the  world. 

20.  Science  and  Industry.  —  In  science  as  well  as  in  literature 
and  religion  the  Semites  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  basin  aimed  at 
the  useful.  They  excelled  in  agriculture,  and  made  equal  progress 
with  the  Egyptians  in  arithmetic  and  geometry.  But  their  greatest 
advance  was  in  astronomy.  From  immemorial  time  the  Chaldean 
priests  in  their  lofty  temples  watched  the  sky  and  recorded  daily 
the  movements  of  the  stars.^  They  gave  the  world  weights,  meas- 
ures, the.  sun-dial,  the  water-clock,  the  division  of  the  month  into 
four  weeks  and  of  the  day  into  hours  and  minutes.  All  their 
knowledge  they  committed  to  books,  whose  pages  were  clay  tablets, 
carefully  placed  in  order  in  the  library  of  the  king's  palace  or  of  the 
chief  temple  for  the  use  of  scribes,  priests,  and  officials. 

1  We  are  told  by  an  ancient  writer  that  the  record  of  astronomical  observation 
began  in  2234  B.C. 


TJie  Syrians  25 

Skilled  industry,  beginning  in  the  earliest  Chaldean  times,  reached 
a  high  degree  of  excellence  under  Nebuchadnezzar.  The  Babyloni- 
ans of  his  age  manufactured  articles  of  metal,  glass,  and  clay ;  but 
their  most  famous  wares  were  tapestries,  muslin,  and  linen.  Their 
merchandise  they  had  long  been  sending  abroad  over  the  whole 
civiHzed  world,  till  many  nations  had  learned  their  ideas,  their 
science,  and  their  useful  arts.  The  civihzation  of  Babylon  prevailed 
throughout  western  Asia ;  it  deeply  influenced  Asia  Minor,  and 
reached  even  to  Europe. 

21.  Government  and  War. — The  Chaldeans  were  inventors  in 
art,  science,  and  skilled  industry ;  the  Assyrians  in  political  and 
military  organization.  The  latter  introduced  provinces  and  tributes, 
as  we  have  already  noticed,^  and  they  governed  more  skilfully 
than  had  the  Egyptians  and  the  Chaldeans.  Their  armies  moved 
with  a  fierce  energy  which  terrified  enemies ;  and  those  who  dared 
resist  or  rebel  the  king  punished  with  the  utmost  cruelty.  A  king 
thus  boasts  of  a  conquest,  —  "I  built  a  pillar  at  the  gate  of  the 
city ;  I  then  flayed  the  chief  men,  and  covered  the  post  with  their 
skins  ;  I  hung  the  dead  bodies  from  the  same  pillar,  I  impaled  others 
on  top  of  the  pillar,  and  I  ranged  others  on  stakes  round  the  pillar."^ 
All  the  Asiatics,  however,  were  cruel ;  and  it  would  not  be  fair  to 
think  of  the  Assyrians  as  much  less  humane  than  their  fellows. 

In  taking  leave  of  the  Chaldeans  and  Assyrians,  we  may  say  thar 
they  developed  some  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  as  well  as  political 
and  military  organization,  beyond  the  point  reached  by  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  that  through  commerce  and  conquest  they  gave  their 
ideas  and  inventions  to  many  foreign  nations.  In  this  way  they 
greatly  aided  the  progress  of  the  world. 

II.   The  Syrians 

22.  The  Phoenicians.  —  In  contrast  with  the  plain  of  the  Tigris 
and  Euphrates,  Syria,  as  we  have  seen/^  is  a  mountainous  country. 

1  §  15.  2  cf.  Maspero,  Struggle  of  the  Nations,  p.  638  f.  »  §  13, 


26  The  Asiatic  Nations 

The  Semitic  tribes  who  occupied  most  of  it  would  not  combine 
in  their  own  defence,  and  therefore  had  usually  to  submit  to  the 
rule  either  of  Egypt  or  of  the  great  states  about  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates.  Their  location,  however,  between  two  seats  of  civiliza- 
tion gave  them  an  opportunity  to  profit  by  the  ideas  and  inventions 
of  both,  and  to  gain  wealth  by  carrying  merchandise  from  one  to  the 
other.  As  early  as  3000  B.C.  they  were  adopting  the  customs  and  the 
arts  of  Chaldea,  and  were  carrying  on  a  lively  trade  with  Egypt. 

The  principal  Semitic  tribes  or  nations  of  Syria  were  the  Aramaeans 
in  the  north,  the  Phoenicians  on  the  coast,  and  the  Hebrews  in 
Ca'naan,  a  district  in  the  south.  The  Phoenicians  occupied  the  nar- 
row strip  of  land  between  the  s«a  and  Mount  Leb'an-on. 

Careful  tillers  of  the  soil,  they  made  this  little  country  produce  its 
utmost.  In  the  mountains  they  cut  the  famous  "  cedars  of  Lebanon  " 
for  palaces  and  temples  in  all  the  neighboring  states,  and  from  a 
small  shell-fish  in  the  sea  they  made  a  rich  purple  dye  for  the  use 
of  lords  and  kings.  "  They  were  skilful  workers  in  metals,  and  pro- 
duced exquisite  cups,  dishes,  ewers,  and  ornaments  of  all  sorts  in  gold, 
silver,  artd  bronze ;  their  glasswares  were  as  famous  as  Bohemian  and 
Venetian  glass  is  nowadays ;   and  their  looms  were  not  idle."  ^ 

Sidon  and  Tyre  were  the  chief  cities.  Sidon,  reputed  the  elder, 
grew  from  a  fishing  station  to  a  great  centre  of  commerce.  In 
course  of  time  (about  1000  b.c.)  it  was  surpassed  by  Tyre,  built 
partly  on  a  rocky  island  near  the  coast. 

As  the  commerce  of  the  Phoenicians  was  already  extensive  in  the 
fifteenth  century  B.C.,  we  may  suppose  that  hundreds  of  years  earlier 
they  began  their  voyages  in  the  Mediterranean.  Their  chief  object 
was  to  search  for  the  shell-fish,  which  they  found  in  abundance  along 
the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  and  of  Greece,  and  for  the  precious  and  use- 
ful metals.  In  their  trade  with  the  natives,  they  bartered  Oriental 
goods  for  the  raw  products  or  the  finished  wares  of  every  country  to 
which  they  came.     On  the  shores  and  islands  of  the  Ae-ge'an  Sea 

^  Ragozin,  Story  of  Assyria,  p.  81. 


The  Hebrews  2/ 

they  found  an  especially  active  people.  Here  flourished  a  civilization 
nearly  as  ancient  as  that  of  Chaldea.  Modern  scholars  have  gener- 
ally believed  that  the  Phoenicians  brought  these  people  the  rudiments 
of  civilization.  In  fact  it  is  impossible  to  determine  how  early  and 
in  what  way  the  Easterners  and  Westerners  came  to  know  each  other. 
The  Phoenician  merchant  continued  to  trade  with  the  Aegean  folk 
long  after  they  had  learned  to  live  in  cities,  to  enjoy  the  refinements 
of  civihzation,  and  to  show  taste  and  skill  in  the  manufacture  of  vari- 
ous wares.  He  found  a  successful  rival  in  the  Cretans,  a  seafaring 
people,  who  doubdess  for  centuries  carried  on  much  of  the  trade 
between  the  Orient  and  Europe  (about  1 600-1  too  b.c).  But  when 
the  Cretan  naval  power  declined,  the  Phoenicians  pushed  westward. 
Wherever  convenient  they  founded  trading  stations,  as  in  Cyprus,  in 
Rhodes,  at  Carthage  in  northern ,  Africa,  and  at  Ga'des  (Cadiz)  in 
southern  Spain.  They  obtained  tin  from  Britain  and  amber  from  the 
Baltic  shores.  Their  trade  by  ship  and  caravan  extended  from  the 
British  Isles  to  India.  Not  only  were  they  the  greatest  commercial 
people  of  the  ancient  world,  but  the  carriers  of  civilization  throughout 
their  journeys  by  land  and  sea.  Their  best  achievement  is  the  inven- 
tion of  a  purely  phonetic  alphabet  of  twenty-two  letters,  from  which 
all  other  phonetic  alphabets  are  supposed  to  have  been  derived. 

The   Hebrews 

23.  Conquest  of  Canaan.  —  In  the  desert  of  Arabia,  probably 
the  early  home  of  the  Semites,^  most  of  the  tribes  had  no  settled 
abode  but  wandered  about  with  their  flocks  in  search  of  pasture. 
It  often  happened  that  a  tribe  abandoned  the  severe  motherland 
for  some  more  pleasant  country,  where  it  either  conquered  the 
earlier  dwellers  or  settled  peaceably  among  them.  In  this  way  the 
Semites  occupied  Chaldea,  Assyria,  and  Syria.  The  great  states 
often  found  it  necessary  to  fight  against  the  Arabs  in  order  to  confine 

^  §  13. 


28  The  Asiatic  Nations 

these  rovers  to  their  own  country ;  but  when  no  one  was  able  to  attend 
to  this  service,  fresh  hordes  poured  forth  from  the  wilderness  upon 
the  cultivated  lands  and  the  towns  of  the  neighborhood. 

Such  an  invading  race  were  the  Hebrews.  Their  writers  tell  us 
that  Abraham,  their  remote  ancestor,  left  his  home  in  Ur  to  wander 
in  Canaan,  a  land  Jehovah  had  promised  him  and  his  descendants, 
and  that  after  many  years  his  grandson  Jacob,  or  Is'ra-el,  went  with 
his  family  to  Egypt  to  escape  famine.  From  this  country  four  centu- 
ries later  Moses  led  the  Israelites,  now  a  numerous  host,  into  the 
desert  of  Mount  Si'nai,  there  to  receive  laws  from  Jehovah  before 
journeying  onward  to  the  promised  land.  After  dwelling  some  time 
about  Mount  Sinai,  they  invaded  Canaan,  seized  the  land,  and  killed 
or  enslaved  the  inhabitants.  This  conquest  took  place  probably 
about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  b.c. 

In  their  new  home  the  twelve  tribes,  who  claimed  descent  from  the 
twelve  sons  of  Israel,  occupied  each  a  distinct  territory.  For  about 
a  century  and  a  half  the  tribes  had  little  political  connection  with  one 
another  (about  1150-1010  B.C.)  ;  accordingly  \}l\^  judges,  who  gen- 
erally ruled  each  a  part  of  the  nation,  found  it  impossible  to  protect 
the  people  from  their  neighbors.  Under  these  circumstances  most 
of  the  Israelites  became  subject  to  the  Phi-lis 'tines,  who  lived  west  of 
them  on  the  coast.  About  the  year  10 10  b.c.  Saul,  a  noble  of  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin,  defeated  the  Philistines  and  won  thereby  the  title 
of  king  of  his  tribe.  He  displayed  remarkable  energy  in  uniting  the 
Hebrews  und?r  his  control  and  in  freeing  them  from  their  oppressors. 
But  in  the  end  these  terrible  enemies  overthrew  his  army,  and  killed 
both  the  king  and  his  son  Jon'a-than. 

24.  David  (1000-962)  and  Solomon  (962-930  B.C.).  —  David, 
already  anointed  king  of  his  tribe  Judah,  in  time  made  Israel  a  single 
state  wholly  independent  of  Philistia.  By  conquering  various  small 
tribes  of  Syria  he  extended  his  kingdom  northward  to  the  Euphrates 
and  southward  nearly  to  Egypt.  Jerusalem,  which  to  his  time  had 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Canaanites,  he  made  the  capital  and 


Religion  and  Literature  29 

religious  centre  of  his  realm.  As  the  founder  of  the  united  kingdom 
and  of  Jehovah's  shrine  at  Jerusalem,  he  became  the  national  hero 
of  the  Israelites.  Notwithstanding  these  great  services  his  extensive 
wars  and  heavy  taxes  oppressed  the  people,  who  were  ready  to  follow 
his  son  Ab'sa-lom  in  a  revolt  against  the  king.  But  the  son  fell,  and 
the  father  continued  to  rule. 

When  David  died,  Solomon,  another  son,  succeeded  to  the  throne. 
His  reign  was  in  many  ways  glorious.  Devoting  himself  to  peace,  he 
built  in  Jerusalem  a  magnificent  temple  to  Jehovah.  His  ships  in 
the  Mediterranean  and  Red  seas  brought  him  the  products  of  distant 
lands.  He  surrounded  his  court  with  all  the  luxury  and  splendor  of 
an  Oriental  despot.  His  empire  did  not  last  long,  however,  for  in 
his  own  Hfetime  Da-mas'cus,  regaining  its  freedom,  became  the  seat 
of  a  rival  Aramaean  power}  After  his  death  the  Hebrews  divided 
into  two  states  :  Jiidah  continued  under  the  rule  of  his  descendants, 
but  the  other  tribes  revolted  and  established  the  kingdom  of  Israel^ 
whose  capital  soon  came  to  be  Samaria.  Henceforth  these  three 
states,  in  addition  to  some  smaller  tribes  of  Syria,  were  constantly  at 
war  with  one  anotheT,  while  both  Israel  and  Judah  suffered  from  civil 
strife.  In  time  they  all  became  tributary  to  the  Assyrians,  who,  to 
punish  Israel  for  frequent  rebellion,  carried  the  people  into  captivity. 
Some  time  afterward  Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of  Babylon,  treated 
Judah  in  the  same  way,  and  destroyed  Jerusalem  (586  B.C.).  Finally 
the  Jews  —  men  of  Judah  —  returned  and  rebuilt  their  city  (§§  15, 
16,  26). 

25.  Religion  and  Literature.  —  Before  the  period  of  exile  most  of 
the  Hebrews  were  worshippers  of  the  various  Semitic  gods.  Some 
of  their  rehgious  customs  and  ideas  they  had  brought  with  them  from 
the  desert ;  many  others  they  adopted  from  the  Canaanites.  From 
very  early  time,  however,  there  were  among  them  leaders  and  proph- 
ets who  saw  in  Jehovah  the  only  God,  and  who  strove  to  uproot 
paganism  wholly  from  the  nation.     The  establishment  of  Jehovah's 

1§22. 


30  The  Asiatic  Nations 

shrine  with  a  priesthood  at  Jerusalem  —  the  work  of  David  —  was  an 
important  step  in  this  direction.  Under  Solomon  the  masses  were 
still  idolatrous ;  and  the  crafty  king  patronized  the  gods  in  order  to 
secure  the  good  will  of  his  Canaanitish  subjects.  The  priests  and 
prophets  of  Jehovah,  however,  continued  to  insist  on  the  command- 
ment, "  Thou  shalt  worship  no  other  god  :  for  the  Lord,  whose  name 
is  Jealous,  is  a  jealous  God."  To  keep  his  worship  pure  they  empha- 
sized another  commandment,  "Thou  shalt  not  make  unto  thee  any 
graven  image,  or  any  likeness  of  anything  that  is  in  heaven  above,  or 
that  is  in  the  earth  beneath,  or  that  is  in  the  water  under  the  earth ; 
thou  shalt  not  bow  down  thyself  to  them,  nor  serve  them."  ^  Gradu- 
ally the  people  learned  that  Jehovah  was  Lord  of  the  whole  world, 
and  that  the  so-called  gods  were  unreal.  They  were  helped  to  this 
belief  by  their  long  political  bondage  to  Assyria,  and  especially  by 
their  captivity  in  Chaldea.  Restored  Jerusalem  knew  no  god  but 
Jehovah,  who  demanded  of  his  worshippers  moral  as  well  as  ceremo- 
nial holiness. 

Before  the  captivity  the  Hebrews  lived  chiefly  by  tilling  the  soil ; 
but  their  long  stav  in  Babylon,  the  centre  of  Oriental  trade,  made  of 
them  a  commercial  people.  From  that  time  many  of  them  travelled 
over  the  world  and  settled  in  foreign  lands  in  order  to  carry  on  busi- 
ness. Wherever  they  went  they  built  synagogues ;  and  it  was  in 
these  houses  of  worship  that  Christianity  was  first  proclaimed.  The 
effects  of  the  captivity  were  therefore  far-reaching. 

The  Hebrews  produced  no  science.  Their  religion  discouraged 
art,  but  fostered  literature.  Prominent  among  their  writings  are  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament^  a  national  library  of  tradition,  history, 
proverbs,  songs,  and  prophecy,  written  to  glorify  Jehovah  and  to 
show  the  plan  of  his  dealings  with  men.  The  New  Testament,  com- 
posed in  Greek  by  Hebrew  writers,  tells  the  story  of  Christ  and  his 
early  followers  and  explains  his  teachings.  Jo-se'phus,  born  37  a.d., 
wrote  Jeivish  Antiquities,  a  history  of  his  people  from  the  creation  of 
1  Exodus  XX.  4  f.;  xxlv.  14. 


Tlie  Medes  and  the  Persians  ^\ 

the  world,  and  The  Jewish  War,  including  a  detailed  account  of  the 
siege  and  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Romans.^  Lastly,  Jewish 
rabbis  composed  the  TaVmud,  a  collection  of  Hebrew  laws  and  tra- 
ditions with  comments  and  explanations. 

Greatest  among  the  achievements  of  Syria,  the  Phoenicians  brought 
many  of  the  ideas  and  arts  of  the  Orient  to  Europe,  and  the  Hebrews 
gave  the  Europeans  their  religion. 

HI.   The  Medes  and  the  Persians 

26.  Political  History.  —  The  story  of  the  Syrians,  just  told,  is  an 
interruption  of  the  political  history  of  the  Orient,  for  these  people 
accomplished  nothing  remarkable  in  government.  Let  us  again  turn 
our  attention  to  the  great  states. 

Long  after  Nebuchadnezzar,-  his  city  continued  to  be  as  it  had  been 
for  a  thousand  years  before  him,  the  centre  of  Asiatic  civilization. 
Its  political  power,  on  the  other  hand,  soon  declined.  At  his  death 
the  Medes  ruled  an  empire  extending  westward  to  the  Ha'lys  River, 
and  exercised  lordship  over  the  Persians,  their  near  kinsmen  on  the 
south.  But  their  empire  was  short-lived.  When  Cyrus  the  Great 
became  king  of  Persia  (553  B.C.)  he  threw  off  the  Median  yoke  and 
soon  made  himself  master  of  the  entire  empire.  How  he  next  sub- 
dued Lydia  and  the  Asiatic  Greeks  will  be  told  in  a  later  chapter.^ 
As  Babylon  had  joined  Lydia  in  the  war,  he  marched  against  the 
city  and  took  it  by  surprise,  while  Belshazzar,  the  king's  son,  was 
feasting  with  "a  thousand  of  his  lords." '^  This  easy  conquest  gave 
Cyrus  the  whole  Babylonian  empire.  He  afterward  added  to  his 
realm  territory  on  the  north  and  east. 

In  military  genius  Cyrus  excelled  all  the  earlier  kings  of  Asia.  He 
overcame  his  enemies  by  wise  plans  and  rapid  movements.  A  gracious 
conqueror,  he  treated  his  new  subjects  kindly.  He  spared  Babylon 
and  permitted  the  Jews  to  rebuild  their  holy  city.^     In  him  Asiatic 

^  §  315.       '^  §  16.       3  pt.  n.  ch.  vii.  §  100.       4  538  B.C.;    Daniel  v.  I.       ^  §  24. 


32  The  Asiatic  Nations 

history  takes  a  new  and  higher  character.  The  Hamites  of  Egypt 
and  the  Semites  of  Chaldea  and  Babylonia  had  laid  the  foundations 
of  civilization,  and  their  kings  had  achieved  great  conquests.  The 
Medes  and  Persians,  however,  were  a  branch  of  the  more  gifted 
Aryans,^  who  for  the  future  were  to  control  the  destiny  of  the  world. 
Their  rule  over  western  Asia  was  due  to  Cyrus,  who  bequeathed  his 
generous  principles  to  his  successors,  and  whom  after  ages  remem- 
bered as  a  good  and  great  king. 

Cam-by 'ses,  son  and  successor  of  Cyrus,  conquered  Egypt.  He 
was  followed  by  Da-ri^us  (522-485  B.C.),  a  distant  kinsman,  who 
gave  the  empire  a  thorough  organization.  He  divided  the  whole 
area,  with  the  exception  of  Persia,  into  twenty  provinces,  or  sa'tra-pies, 
over  which  he  appointed  governors,  termed  satraps.  Under  the 
satraps  were  native  rulers  of  cities  or  tribes.  In  addition  to  fixed 
gifts  of  produce  for  the  support  of  the  royal  court  and  of  the  army, 
each  satrapy  paid  a  definite  annual  tribute  of  silver  or  gold,  to 
which  were  added  large  indirect  taxes  and  revenues  from  public 
property.  It  was  necessary  also  for  the  subjects  to  support  their 
native  rulers  as  well  as  the  satraps,  and  in  time  of  war  to  perform 
military  service.  Darius  built  excellent  roads  from  his  capital,  Susa, 
to  the  remotest  satrapies,  and  introduced  a  postal  system  for  carrying 
official  letters.  The  system  of  provinces  was  carried  out  more 
thoroughly  than  had  been  the  case  under  Assyria,  and  the  governors 
were  held  more  strictly  under  control ;  in  these  respects  the  Persian 
government  was  an  improvement  on  that  of  Assyria.  Darius  was  not 
only  an  organizer,  but  an  able  military  leader.  He  was  the  first 
Asiatic  king  who  attempted  to  make  conquests  in  Europe.- 

27.  Civilization ;  Architecture.  —  Like  the  kings  of  Babylon  and 
of  Assyria,  the  Persian  monarchs  were  builders,  not  of  temples,  for 
their  God  required  no  dwelling,  but  of  palaces  and  tombs.  Though 
in  imitation  of  the  Chaldeans  they  placed  their  buildings  on  high 
platforms,  they  used  stone  rather  than  brick  ;  hence  their  works  are 

1  §  2.  2  The  story  of  this  undertaking  will  be  told  in  Pt.  II.  ch.  vii. 


Persian  Architecture 


33 


comparatively  well  preserved.  They  did  not  slavishly  copy  existing 
models,  but  blended  the  art  of  Egypt,  Babylon,  Nineveh,  and  Greece. 
An  early  example  of  their  architecture  is  the  tomb  of  the  great  Cyrus. 
The  building  is  at  Pa-sar'ga-dae,  the  seat  of  his  clan.  It  is  a  simple 
chamber  "  well  preserved,  but  open  and  empty,  on  its  base  of  seven 
retreating  stages  or  high  steps,  all  of  solid  blocks  of  white  marble, 
surrounded   by   fragments    of  what   was    evidently   a    colonnade."^ 


Tomb  of  Cyrus 
(Pasargadae ;  from  Fergusson) 

Here  the  Persians  laid  the  body  of  their  king,  covered  with  wax, 
for  they  thought  it  a  sin  to  defile  the  holy  air  or  earth  by  cremating 
or  by  burying  the  dead.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  priests, 
ma^gi,  preferred  to  have  their  own  bodies  exposed,  to  be  torn  by 
birds  and  wild  beasts. 

For  the  foundation  of  his  palace  at  Per-sep'o-lis,  Darius  erected 
a  terraced  platform  of  stone,  mounted  by  beautifully  sculptured 
stairways.  On  one  part  of  the  platform  stood  his  dwelling,  a  large 
hall  with  a  porch  in  front  and  rooms  on  the  rear  and  sides.     Near 

1  Ragozin,  Story  of  Media,  p.  300  f. 
D 


34  The  Asiatic  Nations 

by  is  the  Hall  of  the  Hundred  Columns,  for  state  and  festive  occa- 
sions. On  the  same  platform  other  buildings  of  later  kings  repeat 
the  plans  of  the  two  just  mentioned.  The  walls  of  the  palaces  have 
disappeared  ;  the  pillared  halls  probably  had  none.  The  charac- 
teristic feature  of  all  these  buildings  is  the  colutnn,  which  in  contrast 
with  that  of  Egypt  is  slender  and  graceful,  doubtless  from  Greek 
influence.  Among  the  reliefs  are  lions,  bulls,  and  monsters  like 
those  of  Assyria,  though  better  proportioned.  Whereas  earlier 
Persian  art  shows  the  king  fighting  with  lions,  later  reliefs  represent 
courtly  and  religious  formalities.  Through  these  changes  we  may 
trace  the  decay  of  the  Persian  dynasty  under  the  corrupting  influence 
of  Oriental  power.  In  science,  and  in  all  the  arts,  with  the  exception 
of  architecture,  sculpture,  and  the  cutting  of  gems,  the  Persians 
accomplished  nothing  great.  They  were  not  workers,  but  warriors 
and  rulers. 

28.  Religion.  —  The  Persians  worshipped  one  God,  A-hi/ra- 
Maz'da,  lord  of  light,  revealed  through  his  prophet,  Zor-o-asUer. 
"A  great  God  is  Ahura-Mazda;  he  has  created  the  earth,  he  has 
created  yonder  heaven,  he  has  created  man,  and  all  pleasant  things 
for  man,  he  has  made  Darius  king,  the  only  king  of  many." '  He 
is  wise  and  holy ;  he  alone  has  majesty  and  power.  At  his  bidding 
are  many  angels,  including  Health,  Immortality,  and  Piety.  His 
eternal  enemy  is  Ah'ri-fnan,  the  spirit  of  darkness,  leader  of  a  host 
of  demons.  Though  the  evil  one  dares  contend  against  Ahura- 
Mazda,  he  has  neither  wisdom  nor  strength,  he  is  all  impure  and 
false.  Those  who,  in  opposition  to  the  prince  of  demons,  worship 
and  obey  the  good  God,  gain  immortality  and  the  reward  their 
character  deserves,  whereas  the  wicked  fall  into  the  pit  of  the 
demons.  "  Images  and  temples  and  altars  they  do  not  account 
it  lawful  to  erect,  nay,  they  even  charge  with  folly  those  who  do  these 
things ;  and  this,  as  it  seems  to  me,  because  they  do  not  account  the 
gods  to  be  in  the  likeness  of  men,  as  do  the  Hellenes.^  But  it  is 
1  From  an  inscription.  2  jg^^  t^e  Greeks;   §  33. 


India  35 

their  wont  to  sacrifice  to  Zeus  (Ahura-Mazda)  going  up  to  the  loftiest 
mountains,  and  the  whole  circle  of  the  heaven  they  call  Zeus ;  and 
they  sacrifice  to  the  Sun  and  the  Moon  and  the  Earth  and  to  Fire 
and  to  the  Winds."  ^  Their  holy  book  A-vcs'ta,  ascribed  to  Zoroaster, 
contains  laws,  rituals,  prayers,  and  hymns.  A  considerable  part  of 
the  work  is  still  extant. 

29.  Morals.  —  The  moral  nature  as  well  as  the  religion  of  the 
race  was  admirable.  Especially  among  Oriental  nations  the  enjoy- 
ment of  power  and  wealth  in  easy,  luxurious  living  weakens  both 
body  and  mind,  and  corrupts  the  character.  At  first  brave  and 
hardy,  a  conquering  race  soon  degenerates  and  falls  a  prey  to  warlike 
neighbors.  This  principle  goes  far  toward  explaining  the  rise  and  fall 
of  Asiatic  empires.  The  Persians,  for  instance,  —  strong,  brave  moun- 
taineers, with  simple  habits  and  sound  character, — easily  overcame 
the  decayed  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.  For  a  long  time  the  con- 
querors retained  their  early  virtues.  They  continued  to  educate 
their  children  "  in  three  things  only,  —  in  riding,  in  shooting,  and  in 
speaking  the  truth."  ^  Finally,  however,  they  so  declined  that  they 
were  in  turn  subdued  by  a  small  army  of  invaders  from  Europe 
(333-330  B.C.). -^ 

The  greatest  achievement  of  the  Persians  was  to  improve  upon  the 
political  organization  and  the  government  of  Assyria,  and  to  bring 
Asia  and  Europe  into  close  poHtical  relations. 

IV.   The  Far  East  —  India  and  China 

30.  India.  —  The  Asiatic  nations  which  we  have  thus  far  noticed 
lived  near  one  another,  and  were  closely  connected  in  history.  India 
and  China,  too,  formed  a  group  by  themselves.  Remote  from  the 
nations  of  the  West,  they  influenced  each  other,  hv\  had  little  to  do 
with  the  rest  of  the  civiHzed  world.  The  nativer.  of  India  are  of 
Aryan   speech,  whose   ancestors  came  to   their  historical   home  in 

1  Herodotus  i.  131.  2  Herodotus  i.  136.  ^  §§  192-196. 


36  The  Asiatic  Nations 

2000  B.C.,  or  earlier,  and  gradually  conquered  and  setded  the  whole 
of  the  country  which  they  now  occupy.  The  Hindoos,  as  this  nation 
is  called,  are  imaginative  and  intelligent.  Early  in  their  history  they 
composed  the  thousand  songs  of  the  Rig  Ve\ia,  which  show  their  life 
to  have  been  in  many  respects  admirable.  Later  they  produced 
epics,  and  still  later  laws,  science,  and  philosophy.  Their  classic  lan- 
guage, the  Sanskrit,  is  studied  by  scholars  for  the  sake  of  the  litera- 
ture as  well  as  for  the  light  it  throws  upon  the  kindred  tongues  of 
Europe.^ 

When  they  first  came  to  India,  they  worshipped  the  powers  of 
nature,  as  did  all  primitive  Aryans.  Their  gods  were  nearly  identi- 
cal with  those,  for  instance,  of  early  Greece.'^  In  time  their  beliefs 
and  ceremonies  became  complex  and  philosophical.  One  of  the 
most  striking  of  their  doctrines  is  the  transmigration  of  souls.  They 
believe  that  at  the  death  of  the  body  the  soul  always  enters  some 
other  human  being  or  animal  that  instant  born.  Thus  passing  from 
one  body  to  another,  the  soul  after  complete  growth  and  purification 
returns  to  the  Universal  Spirit,  from  which  it  originally  came. 

^yhile  the  religious  system  was  developing,  the  priests  were  be- 
coming an  hereditary  class,  who  refused  to  admit  laymen  to  their 
sacred  order.  Such  an  exclusive  circle  of  persons  we  term  a  caste. 
Soon  the  kings,  magistrates,  and  warriors  made  of  themselves  a  sec- 
ond caste.  The  third  caste  was  composed  of  common  Aryans, 
whereas  the  natives,  who  were  held  in  subjection,  formed  a  fourth 
caste.^ 

Although  the  Hindoos  created  a  brilliant  civilization,  they,  like  the 
Egyptians,  became  the  slaves  of  ceremony,  which  controlled  every 
action  of  their  lives.  The  caste  system,  too,  weighed  heavily  upon 
the  masses,  especially  upon  the  Sudras,  who  in  some  regions  formed 
the  great  majority  of  people,  and  yet  were  excluded  from  all  social 

1  p.  3,  n-  I-  '  §  41  f- 

3  The  names  of  the  castes  in  their  order  are  (i)  Brah'mans,  (2)  Ksha-tri'yas, 
(3)  Vais'yas,  (4)  Su'dras, 


China  37 

and  religious  benefits.  The  aim  of  Buddha,  born  about  557  B.C., 
was  to  remedy  this  evil  condition ;  "  and  the  truth  which  he  discov- 
ered and  preached  to  humanity  was  that  the  salvation  of  man  lay,  not 
in  sacrifices  and  ceremonials,  nor  in  penances,  but  in  moral  culture 
and  holy  life,  in  charity,  forgiveness,  and  love."  ^  He  could  not 
aboHsh  the  caste  system,  yet  he  did  much  to  help  the  lower  classes. 
Apostles  preached  his  religion  in  China,  Japan,  and  other  Eastern 
countries.  Buddhism  died  out  in  the  land  of  its  birth,  but  it  is  still 
the  religion  of  a  third  of  the  human  race. 

31.  China;  Ancient  Civilization  (to  225  B.C.).  —  The  civiliza- 
tion of  China  is  probably  as  old  as  that  of  the  Hindoos.  More  than 
two  thousand  years  before  Christ  a  tribe  of  Turanian,  or  yellow,  peo- 
ple invaded  the  country  from  the  west,  perhaps  from  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Babylon.  In  the  course  of  centuries  they  conquered  the 
natives,  founded  an  empire,  and  became  the  nation  whom  we  know 
as  Chinese.  From  the  earliest  times  they  tilled  the  soil,  raised  flax, 
and  made  silk  from  the  cocoon  of  the  worms  which  feed  on  mulberry 
leaves.  The  simple  picture-alphabet  which  they  probably  brought 
with  them  into  the  country  gradually  developed  into  a  complex  sys- 
tem of  writing  with  a  letter  for  every  word  or  idea.  Their  ancient 
literature,  comprising  philosophy,  history,  annals,  poetry,  and  ceremo- 
nies, fills  nine  books  of  classics,  a  knowledge  of  which  still  constitutes 
a  liberal  education.  In  the  beginning  they,  like  the  Aryans,  wor- 
shipped the  powers  of  nature  ;  and  their  empire  was  a  loose  group  of 
states  with  divisions  and  subdivisions,  ruled  by  lords  of  various  ranks. 
But  under  the  Chow  dynasty  (1122-256  b.c.)  religion,  morals,  and 
the  empire  declined.  "  The  world  had  fallen  into  decay,  and  right 
principles  had  disappeared.  Perverse  discourses  and  oppressive 
deeds  waxed  rife.  Ministers  murdered  their  rulers,  and  sons  their 
fathers."^  Con-fu'ci-us,  who  lived  in  this  age  of  anarchy,  attempted 
to  remedy  the  evil  by  leading  the  people  back  to  the  good  customs 

1  Dutt,  Civilization  of  India,  p.  38. 

2  From  Mencius,  a  Chinese  philosopher. 


38  The  Asiatic  Nations 

and  beliefs  of  the  ancestors.  "  Walk  in  the  trodden  paths  "  is  the 
sum  of  his  teachings.  Although  in  his  lifetime  he  met  with  little 
respect  or  success,  reverence  for  him  afterward  increased  ;  Con- 
fucianism became  a  rehgion,  whose  author  all  Chinese  now  regard  as 
the  wisest  and  best  of  men. 

In  his  time  grew  up  another  religion  or  philosophy,  termed 
Ta'o-isin,  which  taught  compassion,  economy,  and  humility. 
Buddhism,  introduced  in  the  first  century  of  our  era,  is  the  reli- 
gion of  the  masses,  whereas  scholars  prefer  the  two  native  systems. 
All  three  forms  of  religion,  however,  are  now  overgrown  with 
superstitions. 

32.-  Modern  Civilization  (since  225  B.C.).  —  In  spite  of  Con- 
fucius, the  empire  continued  to  decline  till  in  225  B.C.  Chi  Hwang-ti, 
a  man  of  remarkable  genius,  became  emperor.  He  abolished  the 
loose  system  of  states  and  established  a  strongly  centralized  gov- 
ernment. On  his  northern  frontier  he  built  the  Great  Wall,  sixteen 
hundred  miles  in  length,  to  protect  the  empire  from  barbarians.  In 
order  to  compel  his  people,  especially  the  scholars,  to  break  with 
traditions  and  adapt  themselves  to  his  new  ideas,  he  decreed  that 
all  books,  excepting  those  on  medicine  and  agriculture,  should  be 
burned.  Copies,  however,  were  saved  by  stealth,  and  eventually 
the  government  and  learning  came  to  work  in  harmony.  Provinces, 
divided  into  departments  and  districts,  took  the  place  of  the  states. 
At  the  head  of  each  territorial  division  stood  a  magistrate  assisted 
by  officials  of  various  grades.  About  the  beginning  of  our  era  all 
these  offices,  constituting  the  civil  service,  were  thrown  open  to 
those  who  passed  competitive  examinations  in  the  nine  classics. 
The  higher  the  offices,  the  severer  were  the  tests.  As  this  system 
is  still  in  force,  young  boys  begin  the  study  of  the  classics  to  pre- 
pare themselves  for  public  service,  and  some  continue  their  studies 
to  old  age.  Women,  on  the  other  hand,  have  little  intellectual 
education. 

The  Chinese  have  shown  not  only  capacity  for  learning,  but  also 


Summary  39 

a  high  degree  of  originality.  They  invented  the  art  of  printing  as 
early  as  the  sixth  century  a.d.,  and  gunpowder  still  earlier.  It  is 
believed  that  their  sailors  used  the  compass  long  before  it  was 
known  to  Europeans.  They  excel,  too,  in  carving  ornamental  and 
useful  articles  of  wood,  ivory,  and  horn.  With  their  natural  gifts 
it  is  unfortunate  that  they  devote  their  minds  almost  exclusively  to 
a  dead  language  and  literature,  and  to  a  slavish  imitation  of  the 
past.  This  disposition  prevents  further  scientific  progress.  Priding 
themselves  on  inherited  wisdom,  they  refuse  to  accept  the  ideas  and 
inventions  of  foreigners,  and  even  dislike  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  outsiders.  In  these  respects  China  of  to-day  resembles  the 
Egypt  of  Rameses  II. 

V,   Summary  of  Oriental  History 

The  Hamites  of  Egypt  produced  the  earliest  civilization  of  the 
world.  The  Semites,  who  lived  in  western  Asia  and  were  nearly 
as  ancient  as  the  Hamites,  made  a  great  advance  over  the  older 
people  in  the  sciences,  in  some  of  the  useful  arts,  in  government, 
and  political  organization.  By  bringing  Europe  and  Asia  into  com- 
mercial relations,  they  gave  the  younger  continent  its  first  lessons  in 
civilization.  They  are  especially  noted  for  their  religious  character; 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  they  have  produced  three  of  the  great 
religions,  —  Ju'da-ism,  Christianity,  and  Mo-ham'me-dan-ism.  The 
Persians,  who  were  of  Aryan  speech,  improved  upon  the  Semites 
in  government,  and  brought  Europe  and  Asia  into  close  political 
relations,  which  proved  to  be  an  invaluable  service  to  the  younger 
continent ;  for  from  that  time  to  this  the  Europeans  and  their 
colonies  have  controlled  the  civilized  world. 

The  foremost  nations  of  Europe  in  ancient  times  were  the  Greeks 
and  the  Romans.  Ancient  history  has  to  do  (i)  with  the  Orient, 
(2)  with  Greece  and  Rome,  and  with  the  extension  of  their  civiliz- 
ing influence  over  the  countries  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 


40  The  Asiatic  Nations 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  ( i )  Civilization.  —  Decoudray,  History  of  Ancient 
Civilization,  ch.  iii  (London,  1889);  (2)  Life.  —  Maspero,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt 
and  Assyria,  chs.  xi-xx;  Sayce,  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  especially  chs.  ii, 
iii,  V  (N.Y.,  1899). 

II.   Media  and  Persia.  —  Bury,  History  of  Greece,  ch.  vi. 
III.    The  Hindoos. —  WwrA^x, -Brief  History  of  the  Indian  Peoples,  chs.  ii,  iii 
(Oxford,  1892). 

IV.    Confucius.  —  Douglas,  China,  pp.  11-14. 

V.  The  Influence  of  the  Orient  on  Greece. —  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  L 
ch.  ix  ;   Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  76-79. 


■  '  .  '  I  I'  IJ 


Valley  of  the  Styx  in  Arcadia 

PART    II 

GREECE 


CHAPTER   I 

THE   COUNTRY   AND  TFIE   PEOPLE 

33.  Mountains  and  Coasts.  —  While  Egypt,  Chaldea,  Assyria,  and 
Babylonia  in  succession  rose  and  fell,  a  litde  nation  in  Europe  was 
doing  more  for  the  improvement  of  the  world  than  were  all  the 
great  empires  of  the  East.  These  people  were  Greeks,  or  as  they 
called  themselves,  Hel-le'nes.  In  the  beginning  of  their  history, 
Greece,  or  Hel'las,  was  the  small  peninsula  which  extends  from 
southeastern  Europe  into  the  Mediterranean  Sea.^  In  travelling 
through  Greece  or  in  looking  at  a  map   of  it  we  notice  that  the 

^  §  57. 
41 


42  The  Country  and  the  People 

country  is  mountainous.  Ridges  so  high  as  to  be  ahuost  impassable 
divide  the  peninsula  into  narrow  valleys,  leaving  here  and  there  a 
little  plain.  Life  among  these  mountains  made  the  Greeks  hardy, 
vigorous,  and  brave,  —  ready  to  fight  and  die  for  home  and  freedom. 
And  the  people  of  each  valley  or  narrow  plain,  seeing  little  of  their 
neighbors,  were  content  to  live  alone  in  the  enjoyment  of  complete 
independence.  In  other  words,  the  mountains  prevented  the  growth 
of  large  states. 

Another  striking  feature  of  the  country  is  its  great  number  of 
gulfs  and  bays,  on  which  the  Greeks  could  found  commercial  cities. 
For  this  reason  many  of  them  began  in  the  earliest  times  to  build 
ships  and  send  out  colonies  or  engage  in  trade  with  foreign  lands. 
The  knowledge  of  the  world  which  they  gained  in  these  occupations 
made  them  intelligent  and  broad  minded ;  they  were  eager  to  adopt 
the  ideas  and  inventions  of  strangers  and  to  improve  their  own  homes, 
their  society,  and  their  laws.  Fortunately  for  the  Greeks,  far  more 
of  their  harbors  were  on  the  eastern  than  on  the  western  coast ;  it 
was  easy,  tlierefore,  for  traders  from  the  Orient  to  find  on  the  nearest 
shores  places  where  they  could  land  and  display  their  useful  wares 
and  arts.  It  was  from  these  traders  that  the  Greeks  while  mere  bar- 
barians received  their  first  lessons  in  civilization  (§  22). 

34.  Northern  Greece.  —  Looking  more  carefully  at  the  map,  we 
find  the  peninsula  divided  by  arms  of  the  sea  into  three  regions, 
northern  Greece,  central  Greece,  and  Pel-o-pon-nese'.  Northern 
Greece  comprises  two  countries,  —  E-pei'rus  and  Thes'sa-ly,  —  sepa- 
rated by  the  high  Pindus  range.  Epeirus  is  largely  a  highland 
crossed  from  north  to  south  by  mountain  chains.  The  principal 
town  was  Do-do'na,  where  the  Greeks  believed  Zeus,  their  supreme 
god,  revealed  his  thoughts  to  men  in  the  rustling  of  the  oak  leaves. 
A  shrine  of  this  sort,  at  which  inquirers  may  in  any  way  learn  the 
will  of  a  god,  is  called  an  oracle ;  and  the  same  word  is  used  to 
signify  the  god's  utterance. 

Unlike  Epeirus,  Thessaly  is  a  plain,  the  largest  in  Greece,  nearly 


Central  Greece  43 

surrounded  by  mountains.  On  the  north  the  Cam-bu'ni-an  range 
rises  like  a  huge  wall  to  defend  Greece  against  the  attack  of 
foreigners.  This  chain  reaches  its  height  in  Mount  0-lym'pus, 
near  the  sea,  the  loftiest  peak  on  the  peninsula.  The  Greeks  im- 
agined it  the  abode  of  Zeus  and  of  the  other  great  gods.  Near 
Olympus,  in  the  range  which  extends  along  the  east  coast  of 
Thessaly,  is  Mount  Os'sa.  Homer,  an  early  poet  of  Greece,  tells 
us  that  the  two  tallest  men  on  earth  once  "  threatened  to  raise 
even  against  the  mortals  in  Olympus  the  din  of  stormy  war.  They 
strove  to  pile  Ossa  on  Olympus,  and  on  Ossa  Pe'li-on,  with  the 
trembling  forest  leaves,  that  there  might  be  a  pathway  to  the  sky."  ^ 
Between  Olympus  and  Ossa  is  the  beautiful  Vale  of  Tem'pe,  rich 
in  foliage,  the  main  pass  into  Greece  from  the  country  on  the 
north.  Through  this  valley  flows  the  Pe-nei'us  River,  which  drains 
the  great  inland  plain. 

In  ancient  times  the  basin  of  the  Peneius  furnished  excellent 
pasturage ;  the  great  lords  of  the  country  accordingly  reared  herds 
of  horses,  that  they  might  be  able  in  war  to  lead  hundreds  of 
mounted  servants  to  battle.  In  southeastern  Thessaly,  nearly  sur- 
rounded by  land,  is  the  Pa-ga-sae'an  Gulf,  on  which  stood  the  ancient 
trading  city  of  I-ol'cos,  famed  in  myth.  In  course  of  time  greater 
cities  grew  up  in  the  plain  ;  but  both  E-pei'rots  and  Thessaliians  pre- 
ferred country  life ;  they  had  little  trade  or  skilled  industry ;  in 
education  and  in  the  refinements  of  life  they  lagged  behind  the 
commercial  states  of  Greece. 

35.  Central  Greece;  the  Less  Civilized  Countries.  —  South  of 
Thessaly  and  Epeirus  is  central  Greece,  a  long  narrow  region  extend- 
ing east  and  west.  It  is  more  mountainous  than  northern  Greece, 
and  is  well  supplied  with  harbors  along  the  immense  stretch  of  coast. 
This  district  comprises  seven  or  eight  small  countries.  Ae-fo'li-a 
and  Lo^cris  are  especially  rugged  lands  whose  inhabitants  long 
remained  barbarous.  After  the  commercial  cities  of  eastern  and 
1  Otos  and  Ephialtes;   Odyssey,  yX.  307  ff. 


44  The  Country  and  the  People 

southern  Greece  had  reached  the  height  of  their  civihzation,  the 
Aetolians  and  Locrians  still  carried  weapons  in  their  daily  life,  as  now 
do  the  American  Indians ;  they  fought  continually  among  them- 
selves, and  robbed  or  murdered  all  whom  they  found  weak  or 
defenceless.  Some  of  them  spoke  a  language  strange  to  the 
other  Greeks  and  ate  raw  meat.  They  continued  in  this  low  con- 
dition till  civiHzed  men  visited  them  and  gave  them  better  ideas 
of  life.  West  of  Aetolia  is  A-car-na'ni-a,  a  land  of  lakes  and  har- 
bors, but  with  high,  steep  shores.  The  colonists  who  came  hither 
in  early  time  from  the  eastern  coast  taught  the  natives  useful  arts. 
Hence  this  country  made  greater  progress  in  civilization  than  did 
Aetolia  or  Locris.  Pho'cis^  which  divides  Locris  into  two  sections, 
lies  partly  in  the  valley  of  the  Ce-phis'sus  River,  and  partly  in  the 
rugged  district  about  Mount  Par-nas'sus.  Below  the  mountain  on 
the  south,  in  the  city  of  Del'phi,  was  the  celebrated  oracle  of  Apollo. 

The  Phocians,  too,  were  more  civilized  than  the  Aetolians  or  the 
Locrians.  In  the  valleys  and  plains  were  thrifty  lords  and  busy 
peasants ;  on  the  mountain  sides  the  shepherd  pastured  his  flocks. 
Others  engaged  in  commerce.  Cri'sa,  not  far  from  a  gulf  of  the 
same  name,  was  a  prosperous  trading  city  till  it  was  destroyed  about 
590  B.C. 

36.  The  More  Civilized  Countries.  —  Boe-oUi-a,  east  of  Phocis,  has 
two  important  streams,  —  the  Ae-so'pus  and  the  Cephissus.  The 
former  empties  into  the  sea ;  the  latter  into  Lake  Co-pa'is,  which 
has  no  outlet.  The  land  about  the  lake  is  flat  and  very  productive ; 
its  moisture  fills  the  air  with  fog.  Some  witty  neighbors  of  the  Boeo- 
tians remarked  that  the  dull  sky  and  excessive  beef-eating  made 
these  people  stupid ;  but  in  fact  they  were  second  in  intelligence 
and  in  enterprise  among  the  states  of  central  Greece.  Long  before 
the  dawn  of  history  Or-chom'e-nus  was  a  wealthy,  thriving  city ; 
later  Thebes  became  the  capital  of  all  Boeotia.  Several  other  cities 
are  famous  in  history. 

Mount  Ci-thae'ron  separates  Boeotia    from  At'ti-ca,  a  peninsula 


Peloponnese  45 

which  forms  the  eastern  end  of  central  Greece.  In  the  northeast 
of  Attica,  overlooking  the  Plain  of  Mar'a-thon,  is  Mount  Pen-tel'i- 
cus,  full  of  brilliant  white  marble ;  and  south  of  Pentelicus  is  the 
range  of  Hy-met'tus,  still  renowned  for  its  honey-bees.  The  central 
region  is  a  plain  about  two  small  streams,  —  the  Cephissus  and  the 
I-Hs'sus,  which  unite  before  reaching  the  sea.  A  third  plain  lies 
round  the  city  of  E-leu'sis  on  the  northwest  coast.  Attica  is  for  the 
most  part  a  rugged  country,  whose  thin  soil,  fit  only  for  grazing, 
compelled  her  people  to  make  the  best  of  the  little  they  had.  But 
the  air  is  remarkably  clear  and  the  landscapes  are  beautiful,  tempt- 
ing the  imagination.  All  the  Greeks  indeed  were  near  the  sea,  but 
Attica  was  especially  favored  by  a  long  coast-line  which  invited  to 
commerce.  These  surroundings  helped  make  the  people  enterpris- 
ing and  intelligent,  refined  their  tastes,  and  awakened  in  them  a  love 
for  the  beautiful.  Athens,  the  capital,  became  in  time  the  foremost 
city  of  the  world  in  civilization. 

The  traveller  who  journeys  b>  land  from  Athens  to  Peloponnese 
passes  through  Meg'a-ris,  a  little  country  which  lies  in  the  broader 
part  of  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth.  As  the  soil  is  even  more  barren  than 
that  of  Attica,  the  people  supported  themselves  by  rearing  sheep 
and  by  making  coarse  woollens  and  heavy  pottery  for  exportation. 
With  a  harbor  on  each  side  of  the  Isthmus  they  were  well  equipped 
for  commerce ;  and  their  leading  city,  Megara,  might  have  become  a 
great  centre  of  trade,  had  she  not  been  overshadowed  by  powerful 
neighbors. 

37.  Peloponnese  ;  the  Less  Civilized  Countries.  —  Peloponnese  — 
"Isle  of  Pe'lops,"  a  mythical  hero  —  is  a  massive  peninsula  with  a 
great  gulf  on  the  east  coast  and  two  on  the  south.  The  central 
region  is  Ar-ca'di-a,  "  the  Switzerland  of  Greece,"  a  plateau  above 
which  tower  lofty  mountain  ranges.  Among  the  mountains  are 
fruitful  plains  and  valleys,  each  of  which  was  the  domain  of  a  tribe 
or  a  city.  The  Arcadians  lived  in  the  simple,  homely  style  of 
mountaineers.     Master  and  slaves  ate  their  pork  and  barley  cake 


46 


The  Country  a7id  the  People 


together,  and  mixed  their  wine  in  a  common  bowl.  Hardy  and 
warlike,  the  Arcadian  freemen  were  equally  ready  to  fight  for  their 
homes  and  to  serve  foreign  states  for  pay. 

The  northern  slope  of  the  plateau,  with  a  narrow  border  of  coast 
plain,  is  A-chae^a.  Divided  among  twelve  independent  cities,  this 
country  remained  unimportant  till  late  in  history.^  E'lis  comprises  the 
western  slope  and  the  broad  rich  plain  along  the  coast.  \'i:.  most 
notable  city  is  O-lym'pi-a,  where  the  Greeks  celebrated  the  greatest 
of  their  national  festivals,  and  athletes  from  all  Hellas  contended  ir 
the  games.  The  site  is  now  strewn  with  the  ruins  of  temples  (§  69) 
38.    The   More   Civilized  Countries.  —  Corinth,  near  the  Isthmus, 

was  one  of  the  greatest  com- 
mercial cities  of  Hellas.  Her 
lofty  citadel  commanded  the 
Isthmus,  and  by  means  of  her 
three  harbors,  two  on  the  Sa- 
ron'ic  Gulf  and  one  on  the 
Corinthian,  she  could  trade 
equally  well  with  the  East  and 
with  the  West.  Though  she 
had  a  large  navy,  her  narrow 
territory  prevented  her  from 
becoming  a  great  •  power. 
Ar^go-lis  is  chiefly  tne  moun- 
tainous peninsula  on  the  east 
of  Peloponnese ;  to  it  be- 
longed also  in  early  time  a 
strip  of  coast  land  extending 
southward  to  Cape  Ma'le-a. 
The  chief  cities  were  along 'the  valley  which  reaches  northward  from 
the  head  of  the  Ar-gol'ic  Gulf.  Tir'yns,  near  the  gulf,  is  the  oldest 
city,  so  far  as  we  know,  on  the  continent  of  Europe.     My-ce'nae, 

1  §  201. 


Gallery  in  the  Wall  of  Tiryns 


Climate  and  Products  4^ 

farther  from  the  gulf,  outgrew  Tiryns  and  became  the  head  of  a  great 
state.  Like  the  older  city,  it  has  been  for  ages  in  ruins.  Even 
before  the  dawn  of  history  it  had  declined,  and  Argos  had  taken  its 
place  as  the  head  of  Argolis. 

The  great  rival  of  Argos  was  Sparta,  chief  city  of  La-co^ni-a.  In 
the  beginning  this  country  occupied  the  fertile  basin  of  the  Eu-ro'tas 
River,  between  the  ranges  of  Ta-yg'e-tus  and  Par'non ;  later  the 
coast  land  east  of  Mount  Parnon  was  added  to  it.^  The  people 
of  the  country  were  the  first  in  the  world  to  have  a  well-equipped 
and  well-discipHned  army.  In  time  of  danger,  therefore,  all  the 
Hellenes  looked  to  them  for  protection.  Sparta,^  "  low-lying  among 
the  caverned  hills,"  was  but  a  group  of  villages.  Unlike  most 
Greek  cities,  it  was  wholly  without  fortifications ;  the  ranks  of 
brave  warriors  were  its  walls. 

West  of  Mount  Taygetus  is  the  hilly  but  fruitful  country  of  Mes- 
se'ni-a.  Near  the  centre  of  this  country  is  Mount  I-tho'me,  whose 
summit  furnished  an  excellent  site  for  a  fortress. 

39.  Climate  and  Products ;  Summary.  —  The  greatest  length  of 
the  Greek  peninsula  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  and  its 
greatest  breadth  is  a  hundred  and  eighty ;  it  is  smaller  than  Scot- 
land and  about  the  size  of  the  state  of  Maine.  And  yet  within  these 
narrow  Hmits  the  cHmate,  ranging  from  temperate  to  semi-tropical, 
fosters  a  great  variety  of  products.  In  the  forests  of  the  north  are 
nearly  all  kinds  of  European  trees;  southern  Thessaly  produces 
rice  and  cotton ;  olives  flourish  in  Attica ;  and  in  Peloponnese 
lemons,  oranges,  and  date-palms  thrive.  Though  wheat  grows  in 
the  few  fertile  lowlands,  most  of  the  ground  is  too  stony  and  sterile 
for  anything  but  pasturage,  or  at  best  for  the  growth  of  barley.  But 
the  poor  soil  compelled  the  Greeks  to  form  moderate  habits  of  life ; 
the  mild  climate  and  gentle  changes  of  season  rendered  them 
happy ;  the  bracing  air  stimulated  thought ;  and  the  bare,  sharply 
pointed  mountains,  while  repeUing  the  senses,  —  which  call  for  richness 
^  §  93-  ^  Sparta  is  the  name  of  the  city,  Lacedaemon  of  the  state. 


48  The  Country  and  the  People 

of  grass  and  foliage,  —  awakened  in  the  soul  that  love  of  intellectual 
beauty  which  lifts  the  Greeks  above  all  other  people.  Finally  the 
diversity  of  climate,  soil,  and  products  combined  with  other  favoring 
influences  to  create  a  nation  famous  for  its  men  of  genius  in  litera- 
ture, science,  art,  and  statesmanship. 

Topic  for  Reading 

The  Influence  of  Geography  on  the  Character  of  the  Greeks.  —  Curtius, 
History  of  Greece^  Bk.  i.  ch.  i;.  Kolm,  History  of  Greece,  i.  ch.  i;  Oman,  History 
of  Greece^  ch.  i. 


So-called  Treasury  of  Atreus 
(Mycenae ;  in  reality  the  tomb  of  a  prehistoric  king  of  Mycenae) 


Royal  Tombs  at  Mycenae 


CHAPTER   II 


THE  PREHISTORIC  AGE    (to  700  b.c.)  —  RELIGION   AND   MYTH 


40.  Future  Life.  —  When  in  the  earliest  times  the  Greeks  began 
to  think  about  themselves,  they  tried  to  explain  sleep  and  death. 
While  a  man  was  resting  in  slumber  they  supposed  his  second  self,  a 
shadowy  form  of  the  body,  was  attending  to  its  routine  duties  or 
perhaps  experiencing  strange  adventures  in  dream  life.  To  them 
death  was  an  eternal  sleep.  The  body  decayed ;  but  the  second 
self,  or  soul,  abiding  in  the  grave,  ate,  drank,  and  used  the  tools  or 
enjoyed  the  luxuries  which  had  been  his  in  life.  As  he  expected  his 
living  kinsmen  to  supply  him  with  food  and  drink,  he  severely  pun- 
ished those  who  neglected  this  duty,  but  protected  and  blessed  all 
his  relatives  who  at  proper  times  and  with  fitting  ceremonies  brought 
him  the  customary  offerings.  For  these  reasons  the  Greeks  contin- 
E  49 


50  The  Prehistoric  Age 

ued  to  sacrifice  to  the  dead  even  until  the  introduction  of  Christianity. 
The  kings  of  the  early  Greek  cities,  as  Mycenae  and  Orchomenus, 
built  for  themselves  magnificent  tombs,  some  of  which  are  still  stand- 
ing. Here  they  were  buried  with  a  vast  quantity  of  jewels  and  golden 
ornaments,  with  golden  masks  on  their  faces  and  diadems  on  their 
heads,  with  swords,  vases,  and  little  idols.  Some  of  their  slaves 
were  buried  with  them  to  serve  them  in  the  world  of  the  dead. 

In  course  of  time  the  Greeks  began  to  imagine  a  place  —  the 
realm  of  the  god  Ha'des  —  beneath  the  earth,  whither  all  souls  went 
after  leaving  the  body,  there  to  pass  a  joyless,  dreamlike  eternity. 
Cha'ron,  the  divine  boatman,  ferried  the  souls  across  the  Styx 
River  to  the  home  of  the  dead,  where  Cer'be-rus,  a  three-headed 
dog,  keeping  watch  at  the  gate,  allowed  all  to  enter  but  none  to  de- 
part. Still  later  the  idea  of  a  judgment  arose ;  three  judges  of  the 
souls  below  distributed  rewards  and  punishments  according  to  the 
deeds  done  in  the  body. 

But  the  dark  realm  of  Hades  did  not  long  remain  the  only  abode 
of  souls.  A  world  of  future  happiness  gradually  dawned  upon  the 
mind  of  the  Greeks.  This  was  E-lys'i-um,  **  at  the  end  of  the  earth, 
where  life  is  easiest  for  men.  No  snow  is  there,  nor  yet  great  storm, 
nor  any  rain ;  but  always  ocean  sendeth  forth  the  breeze  of  the 
shrill  west  to  blow  cool  on  men."  ^  The  early  Ckeeks  imagined  that 
a  few  heroes  only,  the  especial  favorites  of  the  gods,  came  while  still 
living  to  this  home  of  the  blest,  but  in  time  the  idea  arose  that  it  was 
open  to  the  souls  of  all  the  good. 

41.  The  Gods.  —  In  the  childhood  of  their  race  the  Greeks  were 
thinking  not  only  about  themselves,  but  about  the  world  in  which 
they  lived.  They  imagined  that  all  moving  and  growing  objects 
were  living  persons  with  souls  like  their  own.  The  spirits  of  those 
objects  which  were  great  or  strong  enough  to  help  or  to  injure  them 
they  thought  of  as  gods,  whose  favor  they  ought  to  win  by  prayer 
and  sacrifice.     At  first  they  thought  of  a  few  only  of  these  deities  as 

1  Homer,  Odyssey,  iv.  563  ff.     Compare  the  religion  of  the  Egyptians,  §  ii. 


The  Gods  51 

possessing  human  form  and  human  character.  Such  a  god  was  sup- 
posed to  Hve  in  his  appropriate  object  as  a  man  hves  in  a  house. 
But  in  time  they  came  to  beheve  that  all  deities  were  like  men, 
that  they  differed  from  human  beings  simp'ly  in  their  greater  stature 
and  strength  and  in  their  immortality.  Homer  sometimes  represents 
a  god  as  wounded  by  a  man  in  battle.  In  his  belief  heaven  was 
very  near  to  earth.  "  Yea,  and  the  gods  in  the  likeness  of  strangers 
from  far  countries  put  on  all  manner  of  shapes,  and  wander  through 
the  cities,  beholding  the  violence  and  the  righteousness  of  men."^ 
As  the  gods  were  only  magnified  men,  they  had  both  good  and  evil 
qualities  ;  and  the  influences  of  religion  were  both  moral  and  immoral 
42.  The  Twelve  Gods  of  Olympus.  —  The  greatest  deity  was 
Zeus,  "father  of  gods  and  men."  After  dethroning  his  father  Cron'os 
and  putting  down  all  opposition,  he  reigned  supreme  over  the  whole 
world.  Bestowing  the  ocean  as  a  kingdom  upon  his  brother  Po-sei'- 
don,  and  the  region  beneath  the  earth  upon  Hades,  another  brother, 
he  retained  the  sky  and  earth  for  his  own  dominion.  On  the  top  of 
snow-capped  Olympus  he  dwelt  with  his  brothers,  sisters,  and  chil- 
dren. Twelve  with  himself  made  up  the  great  Olympic  council. 
It  included  — 

Zeus,  father  of  gods  and  men.  He'ra,  wife  of  Zeus,  guardian  of  women 

Poseidon,  god  of  the  sea.  and  of  marriage. 

A'res,  god  of  war.  Pal'las  A-the'na,  who  sprang  full  grown 

A-pol'lo,    the    ideal   of  manly   beauty,  and  clad  in  armor  from  the  head  of 

god  of  light,  of  the  bow  and  arrows,  Zeus,  patron  of  war,  peace,  and  wis- 

of  music  and  medicine.  dom,  especially  of  skilled  labor. 

Her'mes,  messenger  of  the  gods  and      Aph-ro-di'te,     goddess   of     love     and 

patron  of  commerce.  beauty. 

He-phaes'tus,  god  of  fire  and  of  the      Ar'te-mis,  goddess  of  the  chase,  a  mod- 
forge,  est  maiden,  who  protected  girls. 

Hes'ti-a,  goddess  of  the  family  hearth 

and  dwelling. 
De-me'ter,  patroness  of  agriculture  and 
of  civihzation. 

1  Odyssey,  xvii.  485  ff. 


52  The  PreJiistoric  Age 

Many  lesser  gods  attended  upon  these  great  divinities  ;  many,  too, 
inhabited  the  earth,  sea,  and  air  and  had  no  access  to  Olympus. 

43.  The  Men  before  the  Flood.  —  For  a  time  the  gods  alone 
existed ;  and  when  men  came  into  being  they  lived  a  happy  life  free 
from  all  care  and  pain  till  curiosity  prompted  Pan-do'ra,  a  fair 
woman,  to  uncover  a  box  which  contained  sorrow,  pain,  diseases, 
vice,  and  all  manner  of  mischiefs.  These  evils  flew  abroad  among 
men  to  plague  them  forever. 

Gradually  the  human  race  became  so  wicked  that  Zeus  resolved  to 
destroy  it  by  ?.  flood.  Accordingly  he  caused  the  rain  to  pour  down 
till  the  waters  covered  the  whole  earth  excepting  the  peaks  of  the 
highest  mountains.  One  man  alone,  Deu-ca'h-on  by  name,  warned 
by  his  father  Pro-me'theus,  —  "  Forethought,"  —  took  refuge  with 
Pyr'rha,  his  wife,  in  an  ark.  After  floating  nine  days  over  the  water, 
the  ark  rested  on  the  summit  of  Mount  Parnassus.  Then,  when  the 
flood  had  receded,  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  stepped  forth  upon  dry 
land.  In  their  loneliness  they  cried  out  to  Zeus  for  companions ; 
and  the  great  god  in  pity  sent  Hermes  to  tell  them  they  should  cast 
behind  them  the  bones  of  their  mother.  Rightly  guessing  the  mean- 
ing qf  this  strange  command,  they  threw  stones  behind  them ;  and 
those  which  Deucalion  threw  became  men,  whereas  women  sprang 
forth  from  those  cast  by  his  wife. 

44.  The  Four  Hellenic  Races.  —  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  then  went 
to  Thessaly,  where  they  had  two  sons,  Hellen  and  Am-phic'ty-on. 
Hellen  became  the  father  of  Ae'o-lus,  Do'rus,  and  Xu'thus.  To  the 
last  named  were  born  A-chae'us  and  I'on.  Aeolus,  Dorus,  Achaeus, 
and  Ion  became  kings  —  doubtless  in  the  earliest  form  of  the  myth, 
fathers  —  of  the  four  Hellenic  races  :  Ae-o'li-ans,  Dorians,  Achaeans, 
and  lonians.  From  their  home  in  Thessaly  and  Boeotia  the  Aeolians 
colonized  Lesbos  and  the  adjacent  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  From 
Attica,  "  the  most  ancient  Ionian  land,"  colonists  occupied  the  cen- 
tral Aegean  islands,  and  that  part  of  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  after- 
ward named  Ionia.     The  Dorians,  after  migrating  from  Thessaly  to 


Heroes  of  Argolis 


53 


Doris  in  central  Greece,  and  thence  to  Peloponnese,  there  founded 
three  great  states,  —  Argolis,  Laconia,  and  Messenia.  From  Pelo- 
ponnese some  of  them  occupied  the  islands  and  east  coast  of  the 
Aegean  Sea,  south  of  the  lonians.  The  Achaeans  at  first  inhabited 
a  large  part  of  Peloponnese,  but  were  afterward  crowded  by  the 
Dorian  invaders  into  the  narrow  strip  of  coast  land  known  as  Achaea. 
Such  was  in  fact  the  location  of  these  four  great  races  as  early  as 

,  lOOO  B.C. 

45.  The  Heroes  of  Argolis.  — The  Greeks  as  easily  invented  myths 
to  explain  the  origin  and  early  growth  of  their  cities.  They  imag- 
ined that,  in  time  long  past,  heroes,  the  sons  or  near  descendants 
of  the  gods,  lived  on  earth.  Taller,  stronger,  and  braver  than  men, 
the  heroes  protected  their  communities  from  savage  beasts  and  rob- 
bers, and  performed  great  deeds  in  war.  Some  of  them  founded 
cities,  or  became  the  ancestors  of  tribes  or  nations.  Though  all  the 
races,  tribes,  cities,  and  villages 
had  their  heroes,  we  shall  no- 
tice a  few  only  of  those  that  be- 
came of  national  importance. 

Ae-gyp'tus  and  Da'na-us 
were  brothers  born  in  the  Nile 
Valley.  The  former  had  fifty 
sons,  the  latter  as  many  daugh- 
ters. To  avoid  giving  his 
daughters  in  marriage  to  their 
cousins,  Danaus  fled  with  his 
dear  ones  across  the  sea  to  Ar- 
gos.  After  becoming  king  of 
the  city  he  made  the  whole 
country  fruitful  by  irrigation. 
Probably  his  daughters  represent  the  springs  of  Argolis,  and  his  own 
close  kinship  with  Aegyptus  was  invented  to  show  how  the  Hellenes 
got  much  of  their  civilization  from  Aegypt. . 


Perseus  cutting  off  Medusa's  Head 
(A  Metope  from  Selinus;  about  600  B.C.) 


54 


The  Prehistoric  Age 


Froe'tus,   great-grandson  of  Danaus,   founded   Tiryns ;    and    Cy- 
clo'pes,  one-eyed  giants  from  Lycia,  surrounded  it  with  huge  walls. 

This  mighty  king  gained  control  of  the 
country  as  far  as  Corinth.  Fer'seus^ 
another  descendant  of  Danaus,  was  a 
strong,  brave  hero.  In  his  day  lived 
the  Gor'gons,  monstrous  women  whose 
heads  were  covered  with  writhing 
snakes  instead  of' hair.  Any  one  who 
dared  look  a  Gorgon  in  the  face  was 
instantly  changed  to  stone.  Com- 
manded to  kill  Me-du'sa,  the  most 
frightful  of  these  monsters,  Perseus 
found  her  after  great  toil  and  care- 
ful searching,  and  cut  off  her  head. 
Though  he  met  with  many  other  dan- 
gers, his  strength  and  courage  over- 
came them  all.  Becoming  king  of 
Tiryns,  he  founded  Mycenae,  a  much 
larger  city,  on  a  hill  between  two  over- 
hanging mountains.  It  remained  the 
chief  city  of  Peloponnese  till  Argos 
came  to  surpass  it  in  power. 

Alc-me'ne,  a  granddaughter  of  Per- 
seus, while  she  was  in  exile  at  Thebes 
bore  to  Zeus  a  son  named  Her^a-cles^ 
who  became  the  greatest  of  heroes. 
Though  Zeus  had  planned  that  this  be- 
loved son  should  rule  over  all  his  neighbors,  jealous  Hera  compelled 
him  to  pass  a  toilsome  life  in  fighting  monsters  at  the  bidding  of  his 
cowardly  cousin  Eu-rys'theus,  king  of  Mycenae.  Twelve  great  labors 
this  weak  master  commanded  him  to  perform,  all  of  them  full  of 
danger  and  calling  for  the  strength  of  a  giant.     In  his  search  for  the 


Engraved  Gems  from  Mycenae 

(i)  Fight  with  a  lion.  (2)  Combat 
of  four  warriors.  (3)  Women 
worshipping  —  the  seated  fig- 
ure is  probably  a  goddess. 


Dorian  Migration  55 

monsters  to  be  slain  he  had  to  wander  over  nearly  the  whole  world 
of  the  ancients ;  he  even  descended  to  the  home  of  the  dead  to 
bring  forth  the  watch-dog  Cerberus.  But  when  he  had  ended  his 
career  of  glorious  toil,  Zeus  called  him  up  to  Olympus  to  dwell  for- 
ever in  joy  among  the  deathless  gods.  In  this  way  virtue  received 
its  reward. 

46.  The  Return  of  the  Heracleidae  ;  Lycurgus.  —  For  three  genera- 
tions the  Her-a-clei'dae  —  descendants  of  Heracles  —  remained  in 
exile,  deprived  of  their  inherited  right  to  the  throne  of  Argos.  Then 
it  came  about  that  the  Dorians,  who  at  that  time  dwelt  in  Doris,  a 
mountainous  little  country  in  central  Greece,  chose  the  hero's  great- 
grandsons,  Tem'e-nus,  Cres-phon'tes,  and  Ar-is-to-de'mus,  to  lead 
them  in  an  invasion  of  Peloponnese.  In  a  single  battle  they  con- 
quered the  whole  peninsula.  Elis  they  gave  to  their  Aetolian  guide  ; 
Temenus  received  Argos  as  his  kingdom ;  Cresphontes  was  given 
fertile  Messenia ;  and  as  Aristodemus  had  died  on  the  way,  his  twin 
sons,  Eu-rys'the-nes  and  Pro'cles,  became  the  first  kings  of  Laconia. 
For  this  reason  Laconia  always  had  two  kings,  one  from  the  family  of 
Eurysthenes,  the  other  from  that  of  Procles.  Thus  were  founded  in 
Peloponnese  three  great  Dorian  states,  each  ruled  by  Heracleid 
kings. 

Argos  gained  in  prosperity ;  but  Sparta,  chief  city  of  Laconia,  was 
full  of  confusion  and  lawlessness,  till  Ly-air'gus,  a  member  of  one  of 
the  royal  families,  came  to  have  charge  of  affairs.  By  establishing 
good  laws  and  a  severe  military  training  for  all  the  Spartans,  he  not 
only  reduced  the  state  to  order  but  made  it  the  most  powerful  in 
Greece.  Accordingly,  when  he  died,  his  fellow-citizens  built  a 
temple  in  which  they  continued  to  worship  him  as  a  god. 

47.  The  Heroes  of  Thebes.  —  Among  the  mythical  heroes  of 
Thebes,  another  great  city  of  Greece,  was  Cad^mus, —  by  birth  a 
Phoenician,  who  wandered  westward  in  search  of  his  sister  Eu-ro'pa, 
whom  Zeus  had  stolen  away.  At  the  command  of  Apollo  he  gave  up 
the  search,  and  following  a  cow  into  Boeotia,  he  founded  the  city  of 


56  The  Prehistoric  Age 

Thebes  on  an  elevated  spot  where  she  lay  down.  First,  however,  he 
sowed  the  ground  with  dragon's  teeth,  from  which  armed  men 
sprang  forth.  They  fought  and  killed  one  another  till  but  five  were 
left ;  these  became  the  heads  of  the  five  noble  families  of  Thebes. 
Some  generations  later  a  curse  of  the  gods  drove  the  descendants  of 
Cadmus  to  commit  a  fearful  sin  which  well-nigh  ruined  the  family. 
Oed'i-pus  unwittingly  married  his  mother,  queen  Jo-cas'ta.  When 
she  discovered  who  her  husband  was,  the  miserable  queen  hanged 
herself;  and  king  Oedipus,  after  tearing  out  both  his  eyes,  was 
forced  into  exile  by  his  unfeeling  subjects.  In  working  out  further 
the  purpose  of  the  wrathful  gods,  his  sons  E-te'o-cles  and  Pol-y-nei'- 
ces,  remaining  in  the  city,  quarrelled  violently.  Polyneices,  driven 
into  exile,  took  refuge  with  A-dras'tus,  king  of  Argos,  who  called  the 
mightiest  heroes  of  his  country  to  aid  in  restoring  the  fugitive. 
Seven  chiefs  with  their  followers  appeared  before  Thebes,  "seven 
leaders  against  seven  gates  arrayed,  equal  against  equal  foes."^ 
From  the  citadel  the  inhabitants  saw  about  the  walls  nothing  but 
gleaming  shields  and  spears,  nothing  they  heard  but  the  shouts  of 
foes  and  the  clanging  of  arms.  Already  the  foremost  assailant  stood 
on  the  walls  ready  to  shout  victory,  when  Zeus  with  a  thunderbolt 
dashed  him  down.  The  two  brothers  killed  each  other  in  single  com- 
bat. The  wave  of  war  rolled  back,  and  Thebes  was  free  to  celebrate 
her  deliverance  in  dances  and  in  thank-offerings  to  the  gods.  Ten 
years  afterward  tlie  sons  of  the  Seven  led  another  army  against 
Thebes,  and  after  taking  it,  placed  the  son  of  Polyneices  upon  the 
throne. 

48.  The  Heroes  of  Athens.  —  Athens,  too,  had  her  heroes.  Ce^ crops, 
half  man,  half  serpent,  a  monster  born  of  the  soil,  was  the  founder 
and  first  king  of  the  city  on  the  A-crop'o-lis.  This  was  a  high,  steep 
hill  about   four  miles  from   the  coast.^     He  named  the  setUement 

^  Sophocles,  Antigone. 

2  An  acropolis  is  a  fortified  hilltop.  The  most  famous  acropolis  in  Greece  is 
that  at  Athens. 


Theseus 


57 


Cecropia,  after  himself;  and  he  built  eleven  other  cities  in  Attica, 
gathering  the  people  within  the  walls  to  protect  them  from  pirates 
and  from  the  hostile  Boeotians.  In  his  reign  Athena  and  Poseidon 
strove  for  the  possession  of  Cecropia ;  and  as  the  goddess  won  the 
contest,  she  called  the  city  Athens  and  the  people  Athenians,  after 
her  own  name.  Abiding  henceforth  on  the  Acropolis,  she  remained 
the  chief  deity  and  guardian  of  the  state. 

These  events  took  place  before  the  flood.  Afterward  E-rech'theus 
became  king.  He  was  a  second  Cecrops,  wholly  a  serpent  whom 
the  bounteous  earth  produced,  and  whom,  when  young,  Athena  cared 
for  in  her  beautiful  shrine.  Thenceforth  the  Athenians  worshipped 
him  along  with  Athena  in  the  E-rech-thei'um,  the  most  ancient  of 
their  temples. 

Many  years  afterward  lived  The^seus,  a  descendant  of  Erechtheus. 
He  was  an  athlete  second  only  to  Heracles  in  strength  and  valor. 
In  his  youth  he  won  fame  by 
killing  robbers  and  monsters. 
Up  to  his  time  the  Athenians 
had  been  paying  a  tribute  of 
human  beings  to  King  Mi'nos 
of  Crete,  who  wielded  a  great 
naval  power.^  Every  nine  years 
they  sent  him  seven  youths  and 
seven  maidens  as  a  sacrifice  to 
Min'o-taur,  a  monstrous  bull 
kept  in  the  Lab'y-rinth.  The- 
seus, however,  accompanied 
one  of  these  gloomy  embassies . 
to  Cnos'sus  in  Crete  ;  and  after 
killing  the  monster,  escaped  from  the  intricate  windings  of  the  Laby- 
rinth by  following  a  thread  given  him  by  A-ri-ad'ne,  daughter  of 
Minos.     When,  after  his  return  to  Athens,  he  became  king  of  the 

1  §  22. 


r^ 


\^^  -^^ 


"  Theseus  " 

(From  the  east  pediment  of  the  Parthenon) 


58  TJie  Prehistoric  Age 

city,  he  planned  the  union  of  all  the  towns  of  Attica  in  one  great 
state.  Going  about  the  country,  he  persuaded  the  people  to  give  up 
the  independence  of  their  towns  that  all  might  become  citizens  of 
Athens.  They  continued  to  live  on  their  farms  or  in  their  towns  and 
villages,  but  all  learned  to  look  upon  Athens  as  their  only  city,  the 
seat  of  their  government. 

49.  The  Voyage  of  the  Argonauts.  —  Sometimes  heroes  from  sev- 
eral cities  joined  in  national  undertakings.  Such  an  expedition  was 
the  voyage  of  the  Ar'go-nauts  in  search  of  the  golden  fleece.  Ja'son, 
heir  to  the  throne  of  lolcos  in  Thessaly,  grew  up  in  exile  in  a  cave 
on  Mount  Pelion.  There  a  wise  Cen'taur*  cared  for  him  and  taught 
him  medicine.  But  at  the  age  of  twenty  he  returned  to  lolcos  to 
demand  his  rights  of  the  reigning  king,  Pelias,  his  father's  step- 
brother. The  deceitful  ruler  promised  everything,  if  Jason  would 
but  bring  from  Col'chis  the  golden  fleece  of  a  ram  which  years 
before  had  carried  off  two  children  of  the  royal  household ;  for  with 
the  return  of  the  fleece  the  gods,  he  thought,  would  allay  a  pestilence 
then  raging  among  the  people.  In  answer  to  Jason's  call  heroes 
from  all  Greece  gathered  to  man  the  Argo  for  a  voyage  to  Colchis. 
Fifty  Argonauts  —  sailors  of  the  Argo  —  struck  the  water  with  their 
oars,  "  and  in  their  rapid  hands  the  rowing  sped  untiringly."  ^  Many 
troubles  they  had  with  the  natives  of  the  coasts  along  which  they 
steered  their  way. 

When  the  heroes  reached  Colchis,  Ae-e'tes,  king  of  the  country, 
promised  them  the  golden  fleece  if  Jason  should  plough  a  piece  of 
land  with  fire-breathing  bulls  and  sow  it  with  dragons'  teeth.  The 
king's  daughter  Me-dei'a,  a  sorceress,  showed  the  hero  how  to  do 
these  deeds  without  harm  to  himself;  and  as  the  king  failed  to  keep 
his  word,  she  helped  the  stranger  steal  the  fleece  from  the  cave 
where  it  hung,  and  followed  him  aboard  the  ship  to  become  his  wife. 
On  their  way  home  the  Argonauts  wandered  far  and  wide  over  the 

1  A  Centaur  was  an  imaginary  being  with  the  head  and  arms  of  a  man  and  the 
body  and  feet  of  a  horse.  2  pjndar,  Pythian  Ode,  iv. 


The  Trojan    War  59 

waters  of  the  earth.  This  mythical  voyage  furnished  the  Greeks 
with  subjects  for  songs  and  dramas.^ 

50.  The  Trojan  War.  —  The  most  famous  of  heroic  undertakings 
was  the  Trojan  War.  Helen,  the  wife  of  Men-e-la'lis,  king  of  Lace- 
daemon,  was  the  fairest  and  most  accomplished  woman  in  Hellas. 
Most  of  the  Grecian  kings  had  sued  for  her  hand  ;  but  when  Mene- 
laiis  won  the  prize,  they  bound  themselves  to  uphold  his  right  tocher. 
Now  it  chanced  that  Paris,  son  of  Priam,  king  of  Troy,  paid  a  visit  to 
Menelaiis,  and  taking  advantage  of  his  host's  confidence,  he  per- 
suaded Helen  to  desert  her  husband  and  go  with  him  to  Troy.  As 
Priam  refused  to  give  her  up,  the  kings  of  Hellas,  true  to  their  oaths, 
joined  Menelaiis  in  an  attempt  to  recover  her  by  force.  In  the  har- 
bor of  Au'hs,  on  the  Boeotian  coast,  gathered  their  ships  —  nearly 
twelve  hundred  in  number.  Ag-a-mem'non,  king  of  Argos  or 
Mycenae  and  brother  of  Menelaiis,  was  leader. 

They  landed  near  Troy,  and  nine  years  they  besieged  the  city  and 
harried  the  country  and  villages.  Then  A-chil'les,  the  most  valiant 
hero  in  the  army,  and  most  dreaded  by  the  enemy,  quarrelled  with 
Agamemnon  over  a  captive  maiden.  The  Greeks  had  assigned  her 
to  Achilles  in  his  share  of  the  spoil  from  a  captured  town,  but 
Agamemnon  had  unjustly  taken  her  from  him.  Withdrawing  in 
anger  to  his  tent,  the  impetuous  youth  refused  to  engage  further  in 
the  war.  Thereupon  Zeus,  as  a  favor  to  the  mother  of  Achilles,  gave 
victory  to  the  besieged  and  sent  countless  woes  upon  the  Greeks 
till  Agamemnon  was  ready  to  acknowledge  the  wrong  he  had  done 
and  make  ample  amends  for  it.  It  was  no  gift,  however,  which 
induced  Achilles  to  resume  his  part  in  the  war,  but  the  death  of  his 
dear  companion  Patroclus  at  the  hands  of  Hector,  the  greatest  of 
Trojan  heroes.  Eagerly  Achilles  put  on  the  armor  forged  for  him  by 
Hephaestus,  and  mounted  his  chariot  drawn  by  fierce  steeds.  His 
teeth  gnashed  in  rage  at  the  Trojans,  his  eyes  blazed  like  fire,  and 
the  gleam  of  his  shield  reached  the  sky.  He  drove  the  host  of  Troy 
^  For  instance,  Pindar's  Fourth  Pythian  Ode  and  Euripides'  Medeia. 


6o 


The  Prehistoric  Age 


before  him  like  sheep,  and  many  a  renowned  hero  he  slew  with  his 
own  hand.  Three  times  round  the  city  he  pursued  the  noble  Hector 
as  a  dog  chases  a  fawn.  At  last  he  killed  the  hero  of  Troy  without 
mercy ;  the  Greeks  mutilated  the  body,  and  pitiless  Achilles  dragged 
it  at  his  chariot  wheels. 

Some  time  afterward  Achilles  was  himself  slain;  but  crafty 
O-dys'seus,  king  of  Ith'a-ca,  contrived  a  plan  of  taking  Troy  by 
stratagem.  He  had  the  Greeks  build  a  large  wooden  horse,  in 
which  they  concealed  a  hundred  brave  heroes.  Then  Sinon,  desert- 
ing to  the  Trojans,  persuaded  them  to  bring  the  horse  into  the  city, 

pretending  that  this  offering  to 
Athena  would  give  them  domin- 
ion over  the  Greeks.  In  the 
niglit,  after  the  horse  had  been 
dragged  within  the  walls,  the 
heroes  left  their  hiding  and 
opened  the  city  gates  to  their 
friends  outside.  The  Greeks 
then  burned  and  sacked  the 
city ;  they  killed  the  men  and 
took  captive  the  women  and 
children. 

51.  The  Return  from  Troy. 
—  The  destruction  of  Troy  did 
not  end  the  woes  of  the  Greeks. 
On  their  homeward  way  they 
met  with  many  hardships,  some 
even  with  death.  Agamemnon 
reached  home  in  safety,  to  be 
murdered  by  his  queen  Cly-tem- 
nes'tra,  aided  by  the  husband  she  had  taken  in  the  absence  of  the 
king.  Odysseus,  on  the  other  hand,  wandered  far  and  wide,  after  he 
had  sacked  the  citadel  of  Troy.     Driven  hither  and  thither  over  the 


Ideal  Statue  of  Homer 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


The  lonians  6 1 

sea  by  angry  Poseidon,  he  saw  many  interesting  countries  and  peo- 
ples, he  underwent  severe  toils,  and  met  with  strange  adventures. 
Reaching  home  at  last,  he  slew  the  company  of  nobles,  who,  while 
suing  for  the  hand  of  his  faithful  wife  Pe-neFo-pe,  had  long  been 
living  at  his  house  and  wasting  his  property. 

52.  Homer.  —  Most  of  the  story  of  the  siege  of  Troy  is  told  in  the 
jri-ad,  —  a  long,  narrative  poem  intended  for  recitation.  Such  a 
poem  is  called  an  epic.  The  Od'ys-sey,  another  epic,  narrates  the 
wanderings  and  return  of  the  hero  Odysseus.  These  stories  are  sim- 
ple, graceful,  and  interesting.^  Myth  declares  the  author  to  have 
been  Homer,  a  blind  old  poet,  who  wandered  about  from  city  to  city 
chanting  his  beautiful  verses  to  eager  listeners.  So  great  was  his  rep- 
utation that  seven  cities  boasted  of  being  his  birthplace.  Although 
some  still  assert  that  the  author  was  a  person  named  Homer,  the 
best  scholars  now  agree  that  the  JHad  and  the  Odyssey  are  the  work 
of  several  Aeolian  and  Ionian  poets  who  lived  in  the  period  from 
looo  to  700  B.C.,  and  that  the  Iliad  \s  the  older  by  about  a  century. 

These  poems  tell  us  much  of  the  life  and  character  of  the  lonians 
of  that  age.  Although  "  Homer's  "  stories  are  myths,  the  manners 
and  customs  he  describes  are  those  of  his  own  time  and  country. 

53.  Social  Life  of  the  lonians  (1000-700  B.C.). — Among  the 
lonians  of  Homer's  time,  family  and  kin  were  sacred,  and  under  the 
care  of  "household"  Zeus,  whose  altar  was  the  hearth.  Parent  and 
child,  brothers  and  cousins,  united  by  the  twofold  bond  of  blood  and 
religion,  stood  by  one  another  in  danger,  for  the  state  had  not  yet 
begun  to  protect  the  lives  of  the  citizens.  Zeus  commanded  men  to 
be  kind  to  wayfarers.  A  common  form  of  welcome  was  —  "Hail 
stranger,  with  us  thou  shalt  be  kindly  entertained,  and  thereafter, 
when  thou  hast  tasted  meat,  thou  shalt  tell  us  that  whereof  thou  hast 
need."  ^     Hospitality,  love  of  kindred,  freedom  of  women,  and  the 

1  Lang,  Leaf,  and  Myers'  I/iad,  Butcher  and   Lang's    Odyssey,  and   Palmer's 
Odyssey  are  simple  translation  into  English  prose. 
-  Homer,  Odyssey,  i.  123  f. 


62  The  Prehistoric  Age 

gentle  manners  of  home  and  of  social  life  were  the  most  admirable 
features  of  an  age  whose  darker  side  appears  in  time  of  war.  For 
then  men  sacked  and  burned  cities,  killed  the  warriors  whom  they 
captured,  and  enslaved  the  women  and  children.  Piracy  was  re- 
spectable; the  weak  and  homeless  had  no  protection. 

54.  Property  and  Labor.  —  In  time  of  peace  the  lords  of  the  land 
kept  their  servants  busy  in  the  country  planting  orchards  and  vine- 
yards, raising  barley,  or  tending  the  herds,  from  which  they  drew 
most  of  their  living.  As  there  were  few  skilled  workmen,  they  had 
to  make  at  home  nearly  everything  they  needed  in  their  daily  life. 
Kings  and  queens  worked  along  with  their  slaves.  As  there  was  yet 
no  money,  they  bartered  their  produce,  and  reckoned  values  in  cattle 
or  in  pounds  of  bronze,  iron,  or  other  metal.  Although  Phoenician 
traders  supplied  the  rich  with  costly  wares  from  the  East,  the  lonians 
were  themselves  building  ships  and  beginning  a  trade  which  was  soon 
to  drive  the  vessels  of  Phoenicia  from  Greek  waters  (§  22). 

55.  Government.  — While  the  common  people  were  working  in  the 
fields  or  were  building  walls,  houses,  and  ships,  the  nobles  lived  in 
the  city  in  the  enjoyment  of  wealth  and  authority.  The  greater 
lords  met  in  a  council  to  advise  and  assist  the  king  in  all  public  busi- 
ness, and  to  provide  for  the  interests  of  their  class.  The  king,  who 
was  merely  the  first  among  the  nobles,  was  general,  priest,  and  judge. 
He  led  the  army,  prayed  to  the  gods  for  the  city's  safety,  and  settled 
cases  of  private  law.  He  did  not  try,  however,  to  keep  the  peace  or 
prevent  murder,  but  allowed  the  families  of  his  state  to  fight  one 
another  as  much  as  they  pleased.  His  power  was  by  no  means  abso- 
lute, for  not  only  did  he  respect  the  wishes  of  the  council,  but  he 
brought  all  his  important  plans  before  the  gathering  of  freemen.  This 
assembly  did  not  vote ;  the  people  merely  shouted  assent  or  showed 
disapproval  by  silence.  They  exercised  far  less  influence  on  the 
king  than  did  his  noble  advisers.  In  fact  the  council  could  some- 
times carry  on  the  government  without  either  the  king  or  the  assem- 
bly, and  it  began  to  do  so  at  Athens  and  in  the  other  Ionian  states 


'=/•'' 

^.>-. 


The  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mycen^ 


Value  of  the  Myths  63 

about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  b.c.  It  did  not  aboHsh  these 
institutions,  but  it  degraded  the  office  of  king  to  a  mere  priesthood, 
and  rarely  called  the  assembly  together.  In  this  manner  the  govern- 
ment ceased  to  be  a  monarchy,  or  rule  of  one,  and  became  an 
aristocracy,  or  rule  of  "the  best,"  —  that  is,  of  the  nobles. 

56.  Value  of  the  Myths;  the  Prehistoric  Age.  —  On  the  site  of 
ancient  Troy  explorers  have  unearthed  nine  settlements  belonging  to 
as  many  different  periods  of  history.  The  next  to  the  oldest  had 
been  destroyed  by  burning, — probably  long  before  the  Greeks  visited 
that  region.  But  the  Grecian  colonists  in  Asia  Minor  must  have  waged 
many  wars  with  the  natives ;  and  perhaps  the  memory  of  these  con- 
flicts, attaching  itself  to  the  burned  city,  gave  rise  to  the  story  of  the 
Trojan  War.  Other  myths  may  have  had  a  similar  origin.  Some  of 
these  tales  may  be  partly  true  ;  but  no  one  has  yet  found  a  satisfac- 
tory method  of  separating  the  facts  from  the  fiction. 

Although  the  myths  are  therefore  of  little  direct  service  to  history, 
they  are  valuable  in  showing  how  the  Greeks  regarded  the  distant 
past,  and  they  form  the  groundwork  of  religion,  literature,  and  art. 

This  remote  period,  concerning  which  the  Greeks  possessed  abun- 
dant myths,  but  httle  or  no  real  knowledge,  we  call  prehistoric  be- 
cause the  people  of  the  time  handed  down  no  written  history  of 
themselves.  It  is  clear  that  when  they  first  came  into  the  peninsula 
they  were  barbarous.  From  the  fact  that  they  were  then  grouped  in 
tribes  but  as  yet  knew  nothing  of  cities,  this  stage  of  their  progress  is 
called  the  tribal  age.  In  course  of  time  some  of  them,  stimulated 
by  the  Orient,  built  cities  and  became  civiHzed.  This  second  stage 
is  called  the  Mycenaean  age,  after  Mycenae,  the  most  famous  city  of 
the  time.  Our  knowledge  of  the  civilization  of  this  age  comes 
almost  wholly  from  excavations.  The  epic  age  follows  the  Mycenaean, 
and  is  represented  by  the  poems  of  Homer.  These  three  ages 
make  up  the  prehistoric  period.  From  the  works  of  their  hands 
which  still  exist  at  Gnossus,  Mycenae,  Athens,  and  other  ancient  cities, 
as  well  as  from  the  poetry  of  Homer  composed  in  that  far-off  time, 


64  The  Prehistoric  Age 

we  may  learn  how  the  Greeks  lived,  but  of  individual  persons  and 
events  of  the  age  we  know  nothing.  About  the  year  700  B.C.  some 
cities  began  to  keep  lists  of  magistrates,  and  soon  afterward  to  record 


Vessels  and  Idols  from  Mycenae 

their  laws.  Though  written  material  useful  to  the  historian  then  be- 
gan to  accumulate,  no  one  attempted  to  compose  history  till  two 
centuries  later.  Nevertheless  we  may  feel  justified  in  saying  that 
the  historic  age  of  Greece  begins  about  700  B.C. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.   The  Worship  of  the  Dead.  —  Fustel  de  Coulanges,  Ancient  City,  chs.  i,  ii. 
11.    The  Gods  of  Olympus.  — Gladstone,  Homer  (primer),  ch.  vi;  Seemann, 
Alythology  of  Greece  and  Rome,  pp.  27-86. 

III.  The  Trojan  War.  —  Seemann,  pp.  276-297;   Guerber,  Myths  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  ch.  xxvii. 

IV.  Romulus;  Theseus.  —  V\\x\.zxc\i,  Romulus,  Theseus. 

V.  Homer.  —  Gladstone,  ^<?;«^r  (primer);  Jebb,  Greek  Literature  {j^xxm^x), 
pp.  19-37;  Murray,  Ancient  Greek  Literature,  ch.  i;  Mahaffy,  Survey  of  Greek 
Civilization,  ch.  ii. 

VI.   The  Prehistoric  Age.  —  Botsford,  Greece,  ch.  i;  Holm,  History  of  Greece, 
i.  chs.  iv,  viii,  xiii,  xiv. 


Temple  of  Poseidon  in  Posidonia,  Italy 

CHAPTER   III 

TWO   PERIODS   OF  COLONIAL  EXPANSION 
1(a)  Before  looo  B.C.  ;    (d)  750-550  B.C.] 

57.    Earlier  Colonization  (before  1000  B.C.).  — The  Greeks  did  not 

long  rest  contented  in  the  mother  country.  During  the  prehistoric  age, 
as  we  have  seen,  they  were  settUng  the  islands  and  the  east  coast  of  the 
Aegean  Sea.  They  could  pass  without  danger,  without  losing  sight 
of  land,  across  its  entire  breadth.  Indeed,  from  the  mountains  of 
Euboea  the  Greeks  could  look  quite  across  the  sea  to  the  hills  of 
Chi'os.  Before  1000  B.C.  the  Aeolians,  lonians,  and  Dorians  had 
formed  the  settlements  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter,^  —  the 
Aeolians  on  the  north,  the  lonians  in  the  centre,  and  south  of  them 
the  Dorians.  We  are  not  to  think  of  these  colonists  as  leaving  Greece 
to  settle  in  foreign  lands,  but  rather  as  extending  the  boundaries  of 

M  44. 

F  65 


66  Two  Periods  of  Colojiial  Expansion 

their  own  country.  Greece,  or  Hellas,  was  the  land  of  the  Greeks, 
or  Hellenes,  wherever  that  might  be.  Its  boundaries  varied  with  the 
fortunes  of  the  race. 

Of  all  the  early  Greeks  the  lonians  of  Asia  Minor  were  the  most 
active  and  intelligent.  Their  country  was  the  best  in  Hellas  ;  it  had 
a  rich  soil,  a  delightful  climate,  and  plenty  of  good  harbors.  From 
the  Lydians,  their  near  neighbors,  they  learned  to  weave  fine  woollens, 
which  they  dyed  purple  and  wore  in  long  robes  with  abundant  golden 
ornaments.  In  their  ships  they  carried  their  fine  merchandise,  not 
only  among  the  islands  and  along  the  coasts  of  Greece,  but  even  to 
Egypt  and  to  Italy. 

Believing  that  their  ancestors  had  come  as  colonists  from  Attica, 
twelve  of  their  cities,  joining  in  a  league,  prided  themselves  on  their 
purity  of  race.  But  in  fact  with  the  Attic  immigrants  had  come 
strangers  from  various  parts  of  Hellas,  so  that  even  in  the  beginning 
the  population  was  mixed  ;  and  further,  "  those  of  noblest  descent 
brought  no  women  with  them  to  their  settlement,  but  took  Carian 
women,  whose  parents  they  slew ;  and  on  account  of  this  slaughter 
these  women  laid  down  for  themselves  a  rule,  imposing  oaths  on  one 
another,  and  handed  it  on  to  their  daughters,  that  they  should  never 
eat  with  their  husbands,  nor  call  them  by  name,  for  this  reason,  be- 
cause the  lonians  had  slain  their  fathers,  husbands,  and  children,  and 
then  having  done  this  had  them  to  wife.  This  happened  at  Mi- 
le'tus,"^  for  centuries  the  most  brilliant  city  in  Greece.  As  a  rule 
migrations  and  settlements  were  made  in  this  way. 

58.  Later  Colonization  (750-550  B.C.) ;  Achaean  and  Locrian 
Colonies.  —  About  1000  B.C.  came  a  pause  in  colonization.  Two 
hundred  and  fifty  years  afterward  the  Hellenes  began  to  plant  settle- 
ments in  Italy  and  Sicily.  Italy  is  farther  than  Asia  Minor  from  the 
Greek  peninsula,  and  the  Ionian  Sea  is  not,  like  the  Aegean,  filled 
with  islands ;  yet  the  Greeks  from  the  Epeirot  coast  could  look  in 
clear  weather  across  the  narrowest  part  of  the  sea  to  the  shore  of 
^  Herodotus  i.  146. 


ENaRAVEO  Br  BORMAr  4i  CO.,  N.V. 


/  I  i'  ^  i>  •■,  I  J  ( 


Ionic  and  Doric  Colonies  6y 

Italy.  There  they  found  a  far  more  fertile  soil  and  a  milder  climate 
than  they  had  known  in  their  old  homes.  So  large,  too,  was  the  new 
country  that  the  early  settlers  called  it  "  Great  Greece."  In  southern 
Italy  the  Achaeans  planted  a  group  of  prosperous  colonies,  the  chief 
of  which  were  Syb'a-ris,  noted  for  her  wealth  and  luxury,  and  Cro'ton, 
the  home  of  famous  athletes  and  physicians.  After  these  two  cities 
had  shown  the  utmost  good  feeling  toward  each  other  for  many  years, 
they  engaged  in  deadly  strife,  in  which  Sybaris  was  blotted  out  of 
existence.     (510  B.C.) 

South  of  the  Achaeans  the  city  of  Lo'cri,  founded  by  Locrians,  was 
not  only  rich  and  prosperous  but  renowned  for  her  excellent  govern- 
ment and  laws.^ 

59.  Ionic  and  Doric  Colonies.  —  Chal'cis,  an  Ionic  city  of  Eu-boe'a, 
noted  for  her  manufactures  and  commerce,  also  founded  many 
colonies  in  the  West,  some  of  which  became  great  centres  of  traffic. 
One  of  the  most  important  in  Italy  was  Cu^mae^  near  the  Bay  of 
Naples,  a  colony  which  we  may  style  Rome's  first  schoolmistress,  as 
she  taught  the  Romans  the  alphabet  and  other  rudiments  of  culture. 
Two  notable  colonies  from  Chalcis  —  Rhe'gi-um  and  Zan'cle,  after- 
ward named  Mes-se'ne  —  were  founded  on  opposite  sides  of  the 
Sicilian  strait ;  and  there  were  many  other  Ionian  settlements  in 
northern  Sicily. 

The  Spartans,  who  were  Dorians,  founded  one  early  colony  in  Italy, 
at  Ta-refi'tum,  on  the  best  harbor  of  the  eastern  coast.  Because  of  its 
situation  this  city  became  renowned  for  commerce,  wealth,  and  refine- 
ment ;  so  that  it  contrasted  strikingly  with  frugal,  old-fashioned  Sparta. 

Corinth,  another  Dorian  city,  founded  Syracuse  in  Or-tyg'i-a,  an 
island  off  the  eastern  coast  of  Sicily.  In  time  this  colony  outgrew 
the  island,  and  spread  over  the  adjoining  mainland  till  it  became  the 
largest  city  in  Greece  ;  its  "  Great  Harbor  "  could  shelter  the  navies 
of  the  world.  Next  to  Syracuse  in  importance  among  the  Dorian 
colonies  of  Sicily  was  Ac'ra-gas  —  Latin  Ag-ri-gen'tum.     Its  founders 

1  Botsford,  Greece,  p.  32.  2  §  214. 


68 


Two  Periods  of  Colonial  Expansion 


built  their  city  on  a  hill  two  miles  from  the  sea,  and  adorned  it  with 
temples,  colonnades,  and  beautiful  dwellings,  while  all  about  it  they 
planted  vineyards  and  olive  orchards.  On  account  of  its  brilliancy 
and  beauty  Pindar,  the  poet,  calls  it  ''  the  eye  of  Sicily." 

60.   Results  of  Colonization  in  the  West.  —  Because  of  its  wonder- 
ful fertility,  Sicily  soon  excelled  the  mother  country  in  wealth.     Its 


Fountain  ok  Arethusa  at  Syracuse 
(Present  appearance) 

cities  were  mostly  on  the  coast,  and  for  this  reason  Pindar  calls  them 
"a  gorgeous  crown  of  citadels,"  which  nearly  surrounded  the  island. 
The  Greeks  were  prevented  from  completing  the  circuit  of  colonies 
by  Phoenicians  from  Carthage,^  who  occupied  the  west  end  of  Sicily. 
Whereas  the  lonians  were  for  the  most  part  in  the  north  of  the  island, 
the  Dorians  were  in  the  south.  On  the  whole  the  latter  had  the 
better  situation,  and  so  were  the  more  prosperous. 

The  colonization  of  the  West  began  as  early  as  750  B.C.  and  con- 

1  §  22. 


Northern  Colonies  69 

tinued  a  century  or  more.  The  territory  occupied  by  the  Greeks  in 
Italy  is  called  Mag'na  Grae'ci-a  ("  Great  Greece  "  )  ;  while  the  term 
"  Western  Greece "  includes  their  settlements  in  both  Italy  and 
Sicily.  Western  Greece  was  related  to  the  mother  country  somewhat 
as  America  now  is  to  Europe.  It  remained  politically  distinct,  but 
always  kept  in  the  closest  commercial  and  intellectual  contact. 

61.  Northern  Colonies.  —  Chalcis  was  the  first  city  to  send  colonies 
northward.  On  the  northwest  coast  of  the  Aegean,  explorers  found  a 
broad  peninsula  with  three  arms  reaching  far  into  the  sea.  It  is  so 
rugged  and  has  so  long  a  coast-line  that  the  Greeks  who  went  there 
to  live  found  it  very  homelike.  Men  swarmed  to  that  region  to  work 
the  copper,  silver,  and  gold  mines,  and  to  cut  timber  for  shipbuilding ; 
and  as  most  of  them  came  from  Chalcis,  they  named  their  new  home 
Chal-cidi-ce.  Pot-i-dae'a,  a  Corinthian  colony,  however,  became 
the  chief  commercial  city  of  the  region  (§  136). 

While  some  of  the  Greeks  were  working  the  mines  of  Chalcidice, 
others  were  sailing  into  the  Hel'les-pont  to  fish  and  to  found  settle- 
ments along  its  shores.  The  people  of  Miletus  established  more 
colonies  there  than  did  any  of  the  other  Greeks.  They  were  the  first 
also  to  push  on  through  the  strait  of  Bos'po-rus  and  to  explore  and 
setde  the  coasts  of  the  Black  (Eux'ine)  Sea.  Its  southern  coast 
yielded  silver,  copper,  iron,  and  timber ;  its  northern  coast,  cattle  and 
grain ;  the  sea  itself,  fish.  The  country  about  this  sea  accordingly 
supplied  the  populous  districts  of  Greece  with  food  and  with  raw 
material  for  manufactures. 

One  of  the  most  important  of  the  colonizing  cities  of  Greece  was 
Megara;  and  her  principal  settlement  was  By-zan^ ti-um  at  the  en- 
trance to  the  Bosporus.  It  has  remained  a  great  city  to  the  present 
day ;  but  long  ago  its  name  was  changed  to  Constantinople. 

All  the  colonies  on  the  shores  of  the  Aegean  Sea  and  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  Hellespont,  extending  as  far  as  Byzantium,  entered  at 
once  into  the  political  and  intellectual  life  of  Greece.  The  circle  of 
the  Aegean  coasts  and  islands  was  in  fact  the  heart  of  Hellas,  in 


*jO  Two  Periods  of  Colonial  Expansion 

which  her  history  centred.  The  outlying  colonies,  on  the  other  hand, 
as  those  in  western  Greece  and  about  the  Black  Sea,  were,  so  to 
speak,  her  arms  by  which  she  came  into  contact  with  the  world,  to 
supply  herself  with  material  and  mental  food,  and  to  offer  to  the 
world  in  return  rich  gifts  from  her  store  of  wisdom  and  art. 

62.  The  More  Distant  Colonies.  —  From  the  point  of  view  just  set 
forth  no  setdements  were  more  important  than  those  made  on  the 
farthest  Mediterranean  shores.  As  early  as  looo  B.C.  the  Greeks 
colonized  Cyprus.  After  Psammetichus  ^  with  their  help  had  united 
Egypt  under  his  rule  and  had  freed  it  from  Assyria,  he  permitted 
them  to  settle  in  his  country;  and  somewhat  later  they  founded 
NauUra-tis  near  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Nile.  In  it  all  the  great 
commercial  cities  of  Greece  had  their  warehouses,  chartered  by  the 
Egyptian  government.  The  kings  of  the  land  sent  youths  to  Nau- 
cratis  to  learn  the  Hellenic  tongue,  and  began  to  form  alliances  with 
the  Greek  states.  Many  Greeks  who  were  eager  for  knowledge  and 
had  the  leisure  and  the  means  of  travelling  visited  Egypt  to  see  the 
strange  old  country  and  learn  wisdom  from  its  priests.  They  brought 
home  a  few  valuable  facts  about  surveying,  the  movements  of  the 
stars,  and  the  recording  of  events,  and  with  the  help  of  this  little 
treasure  of  truths  their  own  bright  minds  worked  out  the  first  real 
science. 

The  Aegean  sailor  on  his  way  to  Egypt  passed  southward  by  Crete 
to  the  nearest  point  of  the  Libyan  shore,  thence  eastward  to  Naucra- 
tis.  Near  the  Libyan  landing  some  Dorians  founded  Cy-J'e'ne.  They 
conquered  the  natives  of  the  vicinity  and  planted  other  colonies. 
The  Cyrenaeans  were  able  to  defend  themselves  against  Egyptian 
armies;  but  Egypt  on  the  east,  Carthage  on  the  west,  and  in  the 
interior  the  desert  gave  them  little  room  for  expansion. 

In  the  opposite  direction,  the  Phocaeans  of  Ionia  rowed  their 
fifty-oared  galleys  to  the  southern  coast  of  Gaul,  where  they  founded 
Mas-sa'li-a  on  an  excellent  harbor.     From  this  colony  as  a  centre 

M8. 


Organization  yi 

they  established  trading  stations  in  the  interior  as  well  as  along  the 
coast ;  by  means  of  these  settlements  they  extended  their  traffic  over 
the  whole  of  Gaul  and  as  far  as  Britain  and  the  Baltic  Sea.  In  Spain 
the  Greeks  founded  fewer  settlements,  owing  to  its  distance  as  well  as 
to  the  opposition  of  the  Phoenicians,  who  were  already  taking  posses- 
sion of  this  peninsula. 

63.  Organization  of  a  Colony.  —  When  a  city  planned  to  send  out 
a  colony,  it  was  customary  first  to  ask  the  advice  and  consent  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  Having  obtained  this,  it  appointed  some  noble  as 
"founder,"  who  was  to  lead  the  enterprise,  to  distribute  the  lands 
among  the  settlers,  and  to  arrange  the  government.  Generally  the 
mother  city  permitted  any  from  neighboring  communities  to  join  the 
expedition,  and  all  did  so  who  loved  adventure,  or  wanted  better 
opportunities  for  trading  or  farming,  or  felt  oppressed  by  the  home 
government.  The  founder  assigned  each  man  his  place  in  the  new 
state,  and  established  a  government  and  religion  hke  those  of  the 
mother  city.  In  this  connection  it  is  well  to  notice  that  every  Greek 
city  had  in  its  town  hall  a  sacred  hearth  on  which  it  always  kept  fire 
burning.  This  hearth  was  the  religious  centre  of  the  community,  an 
altar  on  which  the  divine  founder  and  ancestor  received  his  sacrifices. 
It  was  customary  for  colonists  to  carry  with  them  sacred  fire  from  the 
hearth  of  the  mother  city  with  which  to  kindle  the  public  hearth  of 
the  new  settlement,  that  the  religious  Hfe  of  the  old  community  might 
continue  uninterrupted  in  the  new,  and  that  those  who  went  forth 
to  found  homes  in  a  strange  country  might  not  for  a  moment  be 
deprived  of  divine  protection.  Although  the  colony  usually  looked 
to  the  mother  city  with  respect  and  love,  —  such  as  a  child  owes  to 
his  parent,  —  it  was  pohtically  independent. 

64.  Greece  and  the  Greeks.  —  The  later  period  of  colonization, 
which  began  about  750  B.C.,  came  to  an  end  two  centuries  afterward. 
In  this  time  the  Greeks  had  spread  over  a  large  part  of  the  known 
ancient  world,  as  the  western  Europeans  have  made  their  home  in 
every  part  of  the  modern  world.     The  Greeks  were  then  all  that 


72 


Tzvo  Periods  of  Colonial  Expansion 


western  Europeans  now  are,  —  representatives  and  teachers  of  the 
highest  existing  civilization,  carrying  their  culture  everywhere,  and 
everywhere  gaining  the  advantage  over  others  by  means  of  their 
own  superior  vitality  and  intelhgence.  Greece,  or  Hellas,  included 
all  their  settlements  on  the  shores  .of  the  Mediterranean  and  its 
tributaries,  from  Egypt  and  Ci-li'ci-a  to  the  "Pillars  of  Heracles,"  — 
Strait  of  Gi-bral'tar, — and  from  south  Russia  to  the  Libyan  desert. 
They  were  not  united  under  a  single  government,  but  were  one  in 
blood,  one  in  speech  and  manners,  one  in  religion. 


Topics  for  Reading 


History   of   Greece,  i. 


I.  Causes  and  Effects  of  Colonization.  —  Abbott, 
pp.  353-358;   Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  86-89. 

II.  Colonies  in  Italy  and  Sicily.  —  Bury,  pp.  93-106;  Abbott,  i.  pp.  342- 
348;   Holm,  History  of  Greece,  i.  pp.  282-294. 

III.   Character  of  a  Greek  Colony.  —  Botsford,  Greece,  p.  39;  Bury,  p.  87  f.; 
Abbott,  i.  p.  355  f. 


A  Grekk  \'ase 
(Demeter,  Persephone,  and  Triptolemus) 


CHAPTER  IV 

NATIONAL  INSTITUTIONS 

65.  The  City-state.  —  In  every  Greek  community,  whether  a 
colony  or  not,  several  kindred  families  were  joined  in  a  brotherhood 
(phra'try) ;  several  of  these  brotherhoods  in  a  tribe  (phy'le)  ;  and 
three  or  four  tribes  made  up  the  city.  This  division  of  the  com- 
munity served  political,  military,  and  religious  purposes.  The  space 
within  the  walls  was  usually  so  small  and  contained  so  few  people 
that  we  should  call  it  a  village ;  the  whole  domain  of  the  community 
occupied  perhaps  no  more  than  the  valley  of  some  brook.  The 
Greek  word  po/' is  ("city")  applied  to  the  whole  domain,  which 
included  a  walled  town  and  the  fields  about  it.  As  the  Greek  state 
was  under  the  city  government,  and  within  the  city  limits,  we  call  it 
a  city-state  to  distinguish  it  from  the  territorial  states  of  modern 
times.  All  the  citizens  of  a  Greek  state  regarded  each  other  as 
kinsmen,  the  children  of  a  common  ancestor.  Thus  in  every  Ionian 
city  they  claimed  descent  from  Ion  through  his  four  sons,  the  fathers 
of  the  four  tribes  to  which  they  all  belonged.^  Though  these  remote 
ancestors  were  mythical,  the  Greeks  looked  upon  them  as  real 
persons.  Each  state  gave  special  honor  to  some  one  of  the  gods, 
and  each  worshipped  the  common  ancestor.  The  Ionian  cities,  for 
instance,  worshipped  Apollo,  the  divine  father  of  Ion ;  and  the 
people  of  each  town  considered  it  impious  to  admit  strangers  to 
their  brotherhoods  and  to  their  religious  festivals,  for  the  god  loved 
only  his  fellow-citizens  and  looked  upon  all  others  as  intruders. 

66.  Amphictyonies.  —  There  were  hundreds  of  these  little  city- 

1  §  7h  n.  3. 

73 


74  National  Institiitio7is 

states  in  early  Greece.  It  was  difficult  for  them  to  unite  in  larger 
states,  because  they  were  so  exclusive  in  their  religion  and  because 
they  were  separated  from  one  another  by  high  mountain  ranges. 
But  neighboring  communities  sometimes  found  it  convenient  to  join 
together  for  commerce  or  for  social  and  religious  purposes.  A 
league  of  this  kind  was  called  by  the  Greeks  an  am-phic'ty-on-y  — 
a  ''union  of  neighbors."  At  fixed  times  the  citizens  gathered  at  the 
shrine  of  the  god  to  hold  their  fair  and  festival  in  his  honor. 
Deputies  from  the  states  of  the  league  met  in  a  council  to  deliberate 
on  the  interests  of  the  god  and  of  his  worship. 

The  7nost  famous  amphictyony  was  that  of  twelve  tribes— ^ not 
cities  —  of  Thessaly  and  central  Greece  for  the  protection  of  the 
shrine  of  Apollo,  the  prophet-god  of  Delphi.  Though  the  members 
of  the  league  continued  to  fight  among  themselves  and  would  not 
help  one  another  when  attacked  by  foreigners,  they  recognized 
certain  laws  of  war ;  for  instance,  they  were  not  to  destroy  any 
allied  city  or  cut  it  off  from  running  water  in  a  siege,  and  any  one 
who  wronged  the  god  or  injured  his  property  they  were  to  punish 
with  foot  and  hand  and  voice,  and  with  every  means  in  their  power. 
This  they  did  by  declaring  a  "sacred  war"  against  the  offending 
state. 

67.  The  Oracle  of  Apollo  at  Delphi.  —  The  great  importance  of 
the  league  which  centred  in  Delphi  was  due  to  the  oracle  of  Apollo 
in  that  city.  High  up  in  a  ravine  at  the  southern  base  of  Mount 
Parnassus,  in  the  midst  of  magnificent  scenery,  stood  the  temple  of 
Apollo.  Within  was  a  fissure  in  the  earth  through  which  volcanic 
vapor  issued  inspiring  the  Pyth'i-a,  or  prophetess  of  Apollo,  who  sat 
over  it  on  a  tripod.  In  ecstasy  from  the  vapor,  she  muttered  some- 
thing in  reply  to  questions ;  a  priest  standing  near  wrote  out  her 
utterance,  and  gave  it  to  the  questioner  as  the  word  of  Zeus  de- 
livered to  man  through  his  son  Apollo.  The  oracle  extended  its 
influence  beyond  the  Delphic  Amphictyony  till  it  became  national. 
Apollo  then  came  to  be  recognized  as  the  expounder  of  religious  and 


Delphi 


75 


moral  law  for  all  Hellas  ;  he  often  gave  his  sanction  to  political 
measures ;  he  watched  over  the  calendar,  and  was  the  guide  and 
patron  of  colonists.  His  advice  was  sought  by  individuals  and  by 
states  on  both  private  and  pubhc  matters.  His  fame  extended 
beyond  Greece,  and  some  foreign  nations  acknowledged  him  as 
their  highest  religious  authority.  Those  who  sought  his  favor  sent 
him  presents  till  his   treasuries  were   full  of  wealth.     The   Delphic 


Delphi  with  Modern  Village 


priests,  who  were  the  real  authors  of  the  oracles,  kept  themselves 
acquainted  with  current  events  that  they  might  give  inteUigent 
advice ;  but  when  necessary  to  preserve  the  credit  of  Apollo,  they 
offered  double-meaning  prophecies  so  as  to  be  right  in  any  event. 
In  moral  questions  their  influence  was  usually  wholesome,  as  they 
preferred  to  advise  just  and  moderate  conduct.  But  sometimes  the 
oracle  was  bribed,  sometimes  it  lent  its  aid  to  the  schemes  of 
politicians,  and  in  the  war  of  independence  which  the  Greeks  fought 


76  National  Institutions 

against  Persia  it  lost  favor  by  being  unpatriotic.  Notwithstanding 
all  its  shortcomings,  it  was  a  bond  of  union  among  the  Hellenes,  for 
in  thinking  of  Apollo  as  their  common  prophet,  they  thought  of  one 
another  as  members  of  the  same  great  political  society. 

68.  Political  Leagues ;  Great  States.  —  Some  religious  leagues 
became  political  as  well.  This  happened  when  one  of  the  cities 
grew  strong  enough  to  compel  the  others  to  acknowledge  her  as 
leader  in  war.  Such  a  leadership  the  Greeks  called  a  he'  ge-mo-ny. 
For  instance,  among  the  cities  of  Boeotia  which  joined  in  a  league 
for  the  worship  of  Athena,  the  greatest  were  Orchomenus  and 
Thebes.  Each  aimed  to  make  herself  more  powerful  by  conquering 
her  neighbors.  In  course  of  time  Thebes  outstripped  Orchomenus 
and  became  the  head  of  the  league.  The  victor  then  tried  continu- 
ally, but  in  vain,  to  subject  the  other  allied  cities  to  herself,  so  as  to 
convert  the  league  into  a  single  great  state.  The  whole  history  of* 
Boeotia  turns  on  this  strife. 

Argolis  also  had  a  league  of  cities.  First  Tiryns  was  leader,  then 
Mycenae,  and  finally  Argos,  which  at  the  beginning  of  the  historic 
age  was  the  strongest  power  in  Greece.^  Though  Argos  advanced 
beyond  Thebes  in  the  work  of  changing  her  alliance  to  a  single 
great  state,  she  did  not  in  this  attempt  meet  with  perfect  success. 

What  Thebes  and  Argos  failed  to  accomplish  Athens  achieved 
before  the  dawn  of  history.  Partly  by  fighting,  but  in  the  main  by 
persuasion,  she  brought  together  the  petty  kingdoms  of  Attica 
in  one  large  state.  In  time  all  the  Atticans  became  Athe- 
nians, and  the  whole  country  was  brought  into  the  city-state  of 
Athens. 

By  subduing  the  free  cities  of  Laconia,  Sparta,  too,  built  up  a 
great  state.  Unlike  Athens,  however,  she  kept  the  conquered  cities 
in  subjection  to  herself.  It  is  an  important  fact  that  at  the  dawn 
of  history  (about  700  b.c.)  Athens  and  Lacedaemon  —  the  state 
governed   by  Sparta  —  were  the  only  two  Greek  states,  as   distin- 

'  §  38. 


Olympic  Games 


77 


guished  from  leagues,  which  included  a  large  area.^  Hence  they 
were  to  become  in  time  the  strongest  powers  in  Greece. 

69.  The  Great  National  Games.  — Another  institution  which  helped 
unite  the  Greeks  was  the  great  national  games.  There  were  four  of 
these,  held  at  Olympia,  Ne'me-a,  on  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth,  and 
at  Delphi,  each  in 
honor  of  the  chief  god 
of  the  place.^  The 
Olympian  games  were 
the  most  splendid. 
They  began  in  the 
earliest  times  as  a 
merely  local  festival  ; 
but  gradually  more 
distant  communities 
joined  in  them,  till  all 
the  Hellenes  took 
part,  and  thus  they 
became  national. 
Once  in  four  years  a 
vast  number  of  Greeks 
from  all  the  shores 
of  the  Mediterranean 
gathered  on  the  banks 
of  the  Alpheius  in  Elis 

to  see  the  competitions.  The  month  in  which  the  games  were 
held  was  proclaimed  a  holy  season,  during  which  all  -Hellas 
ought    to    be    at    peace    with    itself.      The    multitude    encamped 

1  Although  they  were  large  as  compared  with  the  other  states  of  Greece,  we 
should  compare  them  in  area  not  with  our  states,  but  with  our  counties.  Attica 
contained  no  more  than  a  thousand  square  miles.  Determine  from  the  map  of 
Greece  whether  Laconia  was  larger  or  smaller  than  Attica, 

2  Apollo  at  Delphi,  Poseidon  on  the  Isthmus,  and  Zeus  at  Nemea  and  at 
Olympia. 


The  Wrestlers 


y8  National  Institutions 

about  the  sacred  enclosure  of  Zeus,  the  great  god  of  Olympia. 
"  Merchants  set  up  their  booths,  and  money-changers  their  tables, 
all  classes  of  artists  tried  to  collect  audiences  and  admirers,  crowds 
attended  the  exercises  of  the  athletes  who  were  in  training,  or 
admired  the  practice  of  the  horses  and  chariots  which  were  entered 
for  the  races.  Heralds  recited  treaties,  military  or  commercial, 
recently  formed  between  Greek  cities,  in  order  that  they  might  be 
more  widely  known."  ^ 

The  competitors  in  the  games  had  to  be  Greeks  of  good  character 
and  religious  standing  and  of  sufficient  athletic  training.  The  judges 
of  the  games  examined  the  qualifications  of  candidates,  and  at  the 
end  bestowed  the  wreath  of  victory.  There  were  contests  in  run- 
ning, leaping,  discus-throwing,  spear-hurling,  wrestling,  boxing,  and 
racing  of  horses  and  chariots. 

Such  contests  promoted  art ;  the  Greek  sculptor  found  his  best 
models  among  the  athletes.  These  great  national  games  also  fostered 
commerce,  peace,  and  unity. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  City-state.  —  Botsford,  Greece^  pp.  20-22;  Cox,  Greeks  and  Persians^ 
pp.  4-10;  Fustel  de  Coulanges, ///7r/>«/ OVj^,  Bk.  iii;  Fowler,  The  City -State  of 
the  Greeks  and  Romans,  chs.  i-iii. 

II.  The  Delphic  Oracle.  —  Curtius,  History  of  Greece,  Bk.  II.  ch.  iv.  pp. 
20-28  (N.Y.  1886);  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  \.  pp.  228-236;  ^\io\X,  History 
of  Greece,  ii.  p.  30  f. 

III.  The  Olympic  Games.  —  Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  140-144;  Curtius, 
Bk.  II.  ch.  iv.  pp.  31-35;   Holm  i.  pp.  235-241. 

1  P.  Gardner,  New  Chapters  in  Greek  History,  p.  275  f. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  ATHENS  FROM  KINGSHIP  TO  DEMOCRACY 

(753-508   B.C.) 

70.  The  Kingship  (to  753  B.C.).  —  The  early  society  and  govern- 
ment of  Athens  were  hke  those  of  other  Ionian  states.^  Her  last 
royal  family,  the  Me-don'ti-dae,  claimed  descent  from  King  Co'drus 
("The  Glorious").  There  is  a  myth  that  in  his  reign  the  Dorians 
invaded  Attica.  Word  came  to  him  from  Apollo  at  Delphi  that  the 
army  whose  leader  should  be  killed  by  the  enemy  would  be  victorious 
in  the  war.  Thereupon  he  dressed  himself  Hke  a  peasant,  and  going 
into  the  Dorian  camp,  intentionally  provoked  a  quarrel  and  was  slain 
without  being  known,  thus  bringing  eternal  glory  to  himself  and 
victory  to  his  country.  The  Athenians  from  gratitude  for  his  heroic 
self-sacrifice  decreed  that  his  son  Me'don  should  reign  in  his  stead  ; 
and  after  Medon,  his  descendants,  the  Medontidae,  were  kings  of 
Athens  for  many  generations.  Although  Codrus  is  mythical,  no  one 
doubts  the  existence  of  the  family. 

The  Athenian  council  of  nobles  —  known  as  the  Council  of  the 
A-re-op'a-gus^ — desired  to  weaken  the  royal  power.  In  753  B.C.  it 
decreed  accordingly  that  the  king  should  reign  for  a  period  of  only 
ten  years,  whereas  he  had  hitherto  held  office  for  life.  While  the 
government  remained  for  a  time  a  kingship  in  name,  this  change 
made  it  in  fact  an  aristocracy. 

71.  The  Aristocracy  (753-594  B.C.). — One  power  after  another 
was  taken  from  the  king  and  bestowed  upon  new  officers  until  (about 
650  B.C.)  there  were  nine  principal  magistrates  called  archons.     They 

1  §§  53-55.  '  §  73. 

79 


8o     Development  of  Athens  front  Kingship  to  Democracy 


were  (i)  the  Archon/  who  was  the  chief  executive  magistrate,  (2) 
the  pol 'em-arch,  who  commanded  the  army,  (3)  the  king,  now  a 
mere  priest  and  judge,  and  (4)  the  six  thes-moth'e-tae  (''  legisla- 
tors") who  recorded  the  laws,  had  charge  of  public  documents,  and 

acted  as  judges  in  cer- 
tain civil  cases.  At  first 
these  officers  were  se- 
lected from  the  nobles 
by  the  Council  of  the 
Areopagus. 

The  Council  of  the 
Areopagus,  like  the 
council  in  other  Ionic 
cities,^  was  originally 
made  up  of  great  nobles, 
the  leaders  of  the  tribes 
or  the  phratries  or  the 
powerful  families^ 
{gentes,  Gk.  gene)  of  the 
state.  But  after  the 
institution  of  the  archons 
at  Athens,  the  same 
council  came  to  be  com- 
posed of  all  ex-archons 
who  had  filled  their 
offices  with  credit.  The 
members  of  this  body  were  therefore  wealthy,  and  they  held  their 
places  for  life.  They  cared  for  the  interests  of  the  richer  classes, 
supervised  the  magistrates,  and  punished  immoral  as  well  as  lawless 
citizens.     In  this  period  they  were  the  supreme  power  in  the  state. 


The  AREorAGUS 
(A  group  of  excavators  in  the  foreground) 


1  In  this  book,  when  the  word  archon  applies  to  the  head  of  the  board  of  "  nine 
jirchons,"  it  will  be  capitalized, 
^55- 


§65. 


Cylon  8 1 

A  Council  of  Four  Hundred  and  One,  formed  about  650  bx.,  was 
filled  by  lot  in  such  a  way  as  to  represent  the  four  tribes  ^  and  forty- 
eight  townships  ^  of  Attica.  It  prepared  decrees  for  presentation  to 
the  assembly  and  assisted  the  magistrates  in  their  duties. 

In  the  earlier  part  of  the  period,  the  common  citizens  had  little  to 
do  with  the  government;  but  about  650  B.C.  the  assembly,  now  con- 
sisting of  all  who  could  equip  themselves  with  full  armor,  began  to 
meet  regularly.  It  elected  magistrates,  and  accepted  or  rejected 
decrees  prepared  for  it  by  the  Council  of  Four  Hundred  and  One. 
At  the  same  time  the  wealthy,  even  though  they  might  not  be  noble, 
became  eligible  to  the  offices. 

With  a  view  to  taxation  and  military  service,  the  citizens  were 
divided  into  four  classes  according  to  the  amount  of  produce  which 
each  citizen  derived  from  his  land.  These  census  classes,  however, 
did  not  become  important  till  the  following  period.^ 

72.  The  Conspiracy  of  Cylon  (628  B.C.). — While  these  changes 
were  taking  place,  the  country  was  full  of  confusion  and  strife.  The 
poor,  who  were  for  the  most  part  in  slavery  to  the  rich,  threatened 
to  rebel  against  their  lords ;  the  shepherds  and  peasants  of  the  Hills 
in  north  Attica  hated  the  wealthier  men  of  the  Plain  about  Athens, 
just  as  the  highland  and  lowland  Scots  used  to  hate  each  other; 
both  Plain  and  Hills  were  hostile  to  the  traders  and*  fishermen  of  the 
Shore ;  and  the  contention  between  these  local  factions  was  continu- 
ally breaking  out  into  civil  war.  In  addition  to  these  troubles,  the 
great  families  were  actually  fighting  with  each  other  for  the  possession 
of  the  offices,  and  as  the  son  inherited  the  feuds  of  his  father  no  one 
could  hope  for  an  end  of  the  turmoil.  The  state  was  in  fact  drifting 
into  anarchy. 

There  was  at  this  time  in  Attica  an  ambitious  young  man  named 
Cylon,  who  belonged  to  one  of  the  noblest  and  most  powerful  families 

1  The  Geleontes,  Aegicoreis,  Argadeis,  and  Hopletes.  They  are  called  the  Ionic 
tribes,  as  they  are  found  in  every  Ionic  state;   cf.  §  65. 

2  The  naucraries.  ^  §  7^ 

G 


82     Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 

of  the  state,  and  who  had  greatly  distinguished  himself  by  winning  a 
victory  in  the  Olympic  games.  Taking  advantage  of  the  weakness 
of  his  country  he  planned  to  usurp  the  government.  His  father-in- 
law,  The-ag'e-nes,  despot  of  Megara,  encouraged  him  in  his  scheme 
and  lent  him  a  force  of  hired  soldiers.  With  the  help  of  these 
mercenaries  and  of  a  band  of  friends  from  the  nobility,  he  seized 
the  Acropolis.  But  the  country  people  in  great  numbers  put  on 
their  armor  and  besieged  him  in  the  citadel.  When  their  provisions 
were  exhausted,  Cylon  and  his  brother  stole  through  the  besieging 
lines ;  their  starving  followers,  forced  to  surrender,  flocked  for 
protection  about  Athena's  altar  on  the  Acropolis.  Hereupon  the 
chiefs  of  the  townships  promised  these  suppliants  their  lives  if  they 
would  submit  to  trial.  They  agreed  ;  yet  not  having  full  confidence 
in  the  promise,  they  tied  a  thread  to  Athena's  image,  and  holding 
one  end  of  it,  went  down  to  the  tribunal.  But  when  they  came  near 
the  shrine  of  the  Furies,^  the  thread  by  which  the  goddess  gave  them 
her  protection  broke;  and  then  the  Archon  Meg'a-cles  and  his 
followers  stoned  and  butchered  them,  permitting  only  a  few  to  escape. 
Probably  a  feud  between  the  family  of  Cylon  and  that  of  Megacles 
led  to  this  impious  massacre.  The  Alc-me-on'i-dae,  to  whom 
Megacles  belonged,  were  the  mightiest  family  in  Attica.  The  state 
appears  to  have  been  powerless  to  bring  them  to  trial  either  for 
murder  or  for  the  mistreatment  of  suppliants,  but  the  curse  of  impiety 
rested  upon  the  whole  family  for  two  centuries  or  more.'-  There  was 
need  of  laws  and  courts  for  the  suppression  of  such  feuds. 

73.  Draco,  the  Lawgiver  (621  B.C.).  —  By  keeping  the  laws  secret 
the  nobles  had  ruled  thus  far  in  their  own  interest ;  the  magistrates 
decided  cases  in  favor  of  those  of  their  own  rank  or  of  those  who 

1  The  work  of  the  Furies,  or  angry  goddesses,  was  to  punish  perjury,  murder, 
mistreatment  of  parents  and  suppliants,  and  a  few  other  such  offences.  At  that 
time  their  shrine  was  probably  a  cave  in  the  south  side  of  the  Areopagus. 

2  A  suppliant  was  one  who  took  refuge  at  an  altar  or  in  a  temple  of  some  god. 
Any  one  who  mistreated  a  suppUant  brought  upon  himself  and  his  family  the 
curse  of  impiety. 


Laws  of  Dj-aco  83 

could  pay  the  highest  fee.  Men  were  growing  rich  through  injustice ; 
and  though  the  great  lords  were  often  at  strife  with  one  another,  they 
agreed  in  insulting  and  oppressing  the  lower  class.  Naturally  the 
commons  resisted  this  oppression  and  demanded  to  know  the  laws  by 
which  they  were  judged.  The  nobles  yielded,  and  in  621  B.C.  the 
citizens  elected  Draco  "legislator"^  with  full  power  to  write  out  a 
code  for  the  state. 

His  laws  of  homicide  are  of  chief  interest  because  the  Athenians 
retained  them  unchanged  for  many  centuries.  Before  Draco  a  man 
who  killed  another  in  self-defence,  or  for  any  other  good  reason,  was 
compelled,  like  the  wilful  murderer,  to  flee  from  the  country  or  satisfy 
the  kinsmen  of  the  slain  by  paying  them  a  sum  of  money ;  otherwise 
they  would  kill  him  in  revenge.  According  to  Draco's  code  wilful 
murder  was  to  be  A-ied  by  the  council  of  nobles  sitting  on  the 
Areopagus,  a  hill  within  the  city  which  was  sacred  to  the  Furies,  and 
the  penalty  in  case  of  conviction  was  death  with  the  confiscation  of 
the  murderer's  property.  From  this  hill  accordingly  the  aristocratic 
council  received  its  name,  "Council  of  the  Areopagus."^  Cases  of 
accidental  and  justifiable  homicide  were  to  be  tried  by  other  courts, 
each  in  its  appropriate  place,  and  the  punishments  were  graded 
according  to  the  degree  of  guilt. 

Theft  of  vegetables  was  punishable  with  death ;  and  this  fact  has 
given  Draco  a  reputation  for  cruelty.  But  though  the  penalty  for 
stealing  was  too  severe,  the  laws  of  homicide  were  a  great  improve- 
ment. "Whoever  made  them  originally,  whether  heroes  or  gods, 
did  not  oppress  the  unfortunate,  but  alleviated  humanely  their  mis- 
eries so  far  as  they  could  with  right."*  It  is  even  probable  that 
apart  from  his  laws  of  homicide  he  made  Httle  change  in  existing  cus- 
toms, so  that  he  cannot  be  held  wholly  responsible  for  the  harsh 
features  of  his  code. 

74.    Lords  and  Tenants.  —  His  laws  did  nothing,  however,  to  help 

1  He  was  one  of  the  six  thesmothetae;   §  71.  ^  §  70* 

*  Demosthenes  xxiii.  70. 


84     Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 

the  wretched  poor.  The  cause  of  their  misery  we  shall  now  con- 
sider. 

When  a  wandering  tribe  or  a  colony  took  possession  of  a  tract  of 
land  on  which  to  found  a  city,  the  king  or  leader  divided  the  plough- 
land  among  the  men,  doubtless  giving  each  a  lot  proportioned  to  his 
rank.  In  return  for  these  gifts  the  citizens  followed  the  king  in  war 
and  worked  for  him  or  gave  him  presents  to  support  him  in  time  of 
peace.  The  richer  citizens,  who  on  account  of  their  illustrious 
descent  or  their  distinguished  service  in  war  had  received  large 
estates,  also  divided  a  part  of  their  lands  among  tenants,  —  either 
their  best  slaves  or  homeless  persons.  In  return  for  the  land  the 
tenants  served  their  lord,  and  supported  him  in  war  and  in  politics. 
In  Attica  such  tenants  were  called  hec-te^mo-ri}  because  in  addition 
to  other  service  they  paid  their  lord  a  sixth  part  of  the  produce. 
No  one  thought  of  seUing  his  lot  of  land,  first  because  he  did  not 
think  of  it  as  property,  and  secondly  because  the  sale  would  have 
deprived  him  of  a  livelihood. 

75.  Slavery  of  the  Masses. — We  have  seen  how  the  nobles 
degraded  the  office  of  king  to  a  mere  priesthood,  and  themselves 
ruled  the  state  through  their  council.^  After  they  had  brought  about 
this  great  change  in  the  government,  they  were  not  content  with  the 
enjoyment  of  all  the  poHtical  power,  but  aimed  also  to  acquire  all 
the  wealth  in  the  state  and  to  gain  an  absolute  mastery  over  the  citi- 
zens. Those  peasants  who  had  received  lands  directly  from  the 
king,  and  were,  therefore,  practically  freemen,  the  nobles  forced  into 
dependence  on  themselves  ;  when  a  lord  laid  claim  to  a  field,  whether 
justly  or  unjustly,  he  placed  on  it  a  "  boundary  "  stone,  as  a  sign  that 
the  land  and  the  persons  on  it  were  his.  It  was  not  long  before  these 
stones  stood  on  all  the  farms  in  Attica,  holding  "  Black  Earth  en- 
slaved," in  the  words  of  Solon,  a  great  statesman  of  the  time.  In 
addition  to  the  payment  of  rent  the  better  class  of  tenants  had  to  equip 
themselves  at  their  own  expense  for  military  service  ;  and  if  any  one 
1  Literally  "  sixth-part  men."  2  §§  ^^^  70  f. 


Solon  85 

failed  to  bring  in  his  quota  of  produce,  or  otherwise  fell  into  debt  to  his 
lord,  he  and  his  children  could  be  sold  into  slavery.  With  nothing 
but  sharpened  sticks  for  digging  the  stony  soil  the  poor  tenants  found 
it  so  difficult  to  make  a  living  and  pay  their  dues,  that  many  were 
actually  sold  into  slavery  to  foreign  masters.  There  was  no  legal 
way  of  obtaining  satisfaction,  for  their  lords  were  the  absolute  judges 
in  the  courts.     Accordingly  they  agreed  among  themselves  to  rebel. 

76.  Solon.  —  When  the  existence  of  the  city  was  thus  threatened, 
Solon  came  forward  to  save  it.  He  addressed  to  the  citizens  a  poem 
containing  the  following  words  :  — 

"  It  is  not  the  will  of  Zeus  and  the  purpose  of  the  blessed  undying  gods  that 
our  city  should  ever  perish;  for  in  such  wise  the  great-souled  guardian  of  the 
city  —  Pallas  Athena,  daughter  of  a  mighty  sire  —  spreads  over  it  her  hands. 
The  nobles,  persuaded  by  their  love  of  money,  desire  thoughtlessly  to  destroy 
the  great  city.  Dishonest  is  the  mind  of  the  magistrates,  who  for  their  mon- 
strous violence  shall  suffer  many  ills.  For  they  know  not  how  to  be  satisfied  or 
to  enjoy  the  present  feast  in  quiet.  .  .  .  They  grow  wealthy  by  obeying  injus- 
tice. .  .  .  Sparing  neither  sacred  nor  public  property,  they  rob  and  steal,  one 
here  another  there.  .  .  .  And  many  of  the  poor  are  going  into  foreign  lands, 
sold  and  bound  in  unseemly  chains,  and  suffer  hateful  woes  by  force  of  slavery. 
Hall  doors  will  no  longer  hold  the  evil ;  it  leaps  over  the  lofty  hedge,  and  you 
find  it  even  if  you  hide  in  a  chamber  corner.  This  my  soul  bids  me  teach  the 
Athenians,  that  misrule  brings  most  ills  to  a  city,  but  that  good  rule  makes  all 
things  harmonious  and  at  one." 

77.  Archonship  of  Solon  (594  B.C.).  —  Solon  was  not  only  a  mem- 
ber of  one  of  the  noblest  families  in  Attica,  but  also  a  merchant  of 
wide  experience  and  a  friend  of  the  poor.  As  all  classes  therefore 
had  confidence  in  him,  they  elected  him  Archon  and  lawgiver  for 
the  year  594  B.C.,  that  he  might  restore  harmony  among  the  citizens 
and  give  them  a  better  government. 

On  the  day  he  entered  office  he  ordered  the  removal  of  all  the 
boundary  stones,  so  as  to  release  the  tenants  from  the  payment  of 
dues  to  their  lords.  For  the  future  he  forbade  slavery  for  debt,  and 
fixed  the  amount  of  land  which  any  one  might  legally  acquire.  And 
in  order  that  the  people  might  henceforth  protect  both  their  freedom 


86     Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 


and  their  property,  he  admitted  the  lowest  class ^  as  well  as  the  otlTers 
to  a  popular  supreme  court  which  he  established,  and  to  the  assem- 
bly. The  court  was  composed  of  all  citizens  thirty  years  old  and 
above  who  offered  to  serve  as  jurors;  all  who  were  eighteen  and 
above  might  take  part  in  the  assembly.      Yet  as  these  duties  long 

remained  unpaid,  none 
but  the  well-to-do  could 
find  leisure  regularly  to 
attend  to  them.  In  the 
assembly  the  people 
elected  their  magistrates 
and  voted  on  important 
public  questions  brought 
before  them  by  the 
Council  of  Four  Hun- 
dred —  formerly  Four 
Hundred  and  One.  The 
popular  court,  on  the 
other  hand,  received 
appeals  from  the  judg- 
ments of  the  archons, 
and  tried  the  magistrates 
at  the  expiration  of  their 
terms,  if  any  one  accused 
them  of  having  abused 
their  authority.  These 
were    by    far    his    most 


" Solon " 
(National  Museum,  Naples.     As  there  are  no  con- 
temporary  portraits  of  Greek  persons  so  early  as 
Solon,  this  bust,  like  the  statue  of  Homer,  can 
only  be  an  ideal.) 


important  measures.     He  did  not  rest,  however,  till  he  had  improved 
the  entire  government. 

78.    The  Athenian  Constitution  as  improved  by  Solon.^  —  The  con- 
stitution, improved  by  him,  had  the  following  form  :  — 

2  The  constitutional  matter  in  small  type  may  be  reserved  for  the  review  or 
omitted  altogether  by  beginning  classes,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  teacher. 


Constitution  8/ 

I.  The  Territorial  Divisions  of  Attica. 

The  four  tribes  and  forty-eight  nau'crar-ies,  or  townships,  remain  as  before 

(§  70- 
II.   The  Four  Census  Classes. 

1.  The  pen-ta-co-si-o-me-dim' ni —  "  five-hundred-bushel  men  "  — whose  es- 

tates yield  5CX)  or  more  measures  of  grain,  oil,  and  wine.  They  are 
eligible  to  cavalry  service,  to  the  highest  military  offices,  to  treasury- 
ships,  and  archonships. 

2.  1^\\Q  hip' pels  —  knights  —  whose  estates  yield  from  300  to  500  measures 

wet  and  dry.  They  are  eligible  to  cavalry  service,  probably  to  the 
archonships,  and  to  various  offices  of  moderate  importance. 

3.  The  zeu-gi'tae  —  "yoked-men,"  that  is,  heavy-armed  men  in  battle  array 

—  whose  estates  yield  from  200  to  300  measures  wet  and  dry.  They 
serve  in  the  heavy  infantry  and  are  eligible  to  inferior  offices. 

4.  The  iheles  —  the  laborers,  the  poor  —  whose  estates  are  inferior  to  those 

of  the  zeugitae,  or  who  are  entirely  without  land.  They  serve  as 
light-armed  troops,  and  though  eligible  to  no  offices,  they  may  attend 
the  assembly  and  the  popular  court. 
The  first  [three  classes  pay  war  taxes,  which  are  rarely  levied;  but  the 
thetes  are  exempt.  The  classes  existed  before  (§  71),  but  Solon 
gave  them  this  definite  form. 

III.  The  Magistrates. 

They  have  the  same  duties  as  in  the  preceding  period  (§  71);  for  their 
qualifications,  see  II.  At  the  close  of  their  terms  of  office  they  are  now 
responsible  to  the  popular  court. 

IV.  The  Councils.  f  Qualifications  and  method  of  ap- 

1.  The  Council  (i5^e</^)  of  the  Areopagus.    1      pointment    of    the    councillors 

2.  The  Council  {Boule)  of  the  Four  |  and  powers  of  the  councils  are 
Hundred.  I      substantially  as  before  (§  71). 

V.   Th3  Assembly  —  Ec-cle'si-a. 

1.  Composed  of  all  the  citizens  who  have  the  leisure  and  the  desire  to  attend. 

2.  It  elects  magistrates  and  votes  on  questions  brought  before  it  by  the 

Council  of  Four  Hundred. 

VI.  The  Popular  Supreme  Court  —  Hel-i-ae'a. 

1.  Composed  of  all  citizens  above  thirty  years  of  age  who  have  the  leisure 

and  the  desire  to  attend. 

2.  It  receives  appeals  from  the  judgments  of  archons,  and  tries  the  magis- 

trates at  the  end  of  their  terms. 

VII.  Form  of  Government. 

The  government  may  still  be  called  an  aristocracy,^  as  it  remains  to  a  great 

1  For  the  use   of  the  more  special  term  "timocracy,"  see  Botsford,  Greece^ 
pp.  45'  54. 


SS      Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 

extent  in  the  hands  of  the  "  better  class."  But  in  Solon's  arrangements 
the  popular  court  and  the  attendance  of  the  thetes  at  the  assembly  are 
democratic.  These  popular  elements  of  the  constitution  gradually  grow 
so  strong  that  in  time  they  make  the  whole  government  democratic. 

79.  The  Laws  of  Solon.  —  The  improvement  of  the  constitution 
was  but  a  part  of  Solon's  work.  Revising  the  laws  of  Draco,  he 
lightened  those  penalties  which  he  found  too  severe.  In  a  kindly 
spirit  he  aimed  to  help  the  poor  by  forbidding  the  exportation  of  all 
products  of  the  soil  except  olive  oil ;  for  by  keeping  the  fruit  and 
grain  at  home  he  hoped  to  prevent  the  return  of  famine.  In  the 
same  spirit  he  made  laws  to  encourage  skilled  industry,  and  com- 
pelled every  man  to  teach  his  son  a  trade ;  with  the  growth  of  manu- 
facturing and  commerce  he  knew  that  life  would  become  easier  and 
the  population  larger.  As  a  standard  of  value  for  Athens  he  adopted 
a  silver  coin  from  her  friendly  neighbor  Chalcis.  As  it  was  lighter 
than  the  coin  to  which  the  Athenians  had  been  accustomed,  it  en- 
abled those  who  still  owed  to  pay  more  easily,  and  it  helped  trade 
with  Euboea  and  her  colonies,  with  Egypt,  and  with  all  other  coun- 
tries which  used  the  same  standard.  Thus  Solon  introduced  Athens 
to  a  commercial  world  she  had  scarcely  known  before. 

80.  Drifting  into  Anarchy  (594-560  B.C.).  —  Solon  made  his  laws 
binding  for  a  hundred  years,  and  required  all  the  citizens  to  swear  to 
obey  them.  When  he  had  completed  his  work,  "  he  found  himself 
beset  by  people  coming  to  him  and  harassing  him  concerning  his 
laws,  criticising  here  and  questioning  there,  till  as  he  wished  neither 
to  alter  what  he  had  decided  on  nor  yet  to  be  an  object  of  ill-will  to 
everyone  by  remaining  in  Athens,  he  set  off  on  a  journey  to  Egypt 
...  for  ten  years  with  the  combined  objects  of  trade  and  travel."  ^ 

After  visiting  many  foreign  lands  he  returned  home  to  find  his 
country  in  great  confusion.  No  one  was  satisfied  with  his  reforms  ; 
the  nobles  had  hoped  he  would  restore  to  them  all  their  old  power, 
and  the  poor  had  expected  a  complete  redistribution  of  property. 

1  Aristotle,  Athenian  Constitution,  ii. 


Pisistratus  89 

In  fact,  though  Solon  had  provided  his  country  with  excellent  laws, 
there  was  no  one  with  the  will  and  the  power  to  enforce  them.  The 
state  accordingly  was  falling  into  anarchy;  the  men  of  the  Hills, 
Plain,  and  Shore^  were  fighting  one  another  so  that  in  some  years  no 
Archon  could  be  elected. 

81.  Pisistratus  becomes  Tyrant  (560  B.C.). — The  leadef  of  tht 
Hill  men  was  Pi-sis'tra-tus,  "  crafty  and  pleasant  of  speech,  a  pro- 
tector of  the  poor,  and  a  man  of  moderation  even  in  his  quarrels."^ 
These  popular  quaUties,  added  to  his  successful  generalship  in  a 
recent  war  with  Megara,  attracted  many  followers.  But  the  men  of 
the  Plain  and  of  the  Shore  were  his  bitter  foes,  who  would  not  hesi- 
tate to  kill  him  if  an  opportunity  afforded.  One  day  he  drove  into 
the  market-place  at  Athens,  and  showed  the  people  wounds  which 
he  said  his  enemies  had  inflicted  on  himself  and  his  mules.  The 
people  in  the  assembly  voted  their  favorite  a  guard  of  fifty  men  who 
were  to  arm  themselves  with  clubs.  Pisistratus  quietly  increased 
the  number,  and  after  substituting  spears  for  clubs,  he  seized  the 
citadel  and  made  himself  tyrant  of  Athens.  A  tyrant  in  the  Greek 
sense  was  one  who  seized  or  held  the  government  illegally  —  a 
usurper;  he  was  not  necessarily  severe. 

Though  the  government  of  Pisistratus  was  moderate,  he  had  not  ruled 
long  when  the  leader  of  the  Shore,  combining  with  the  chief  of  the 
Plain,  drove  him  into  exile.  The  two  allies  soon  quarrelled  ;  then  the 
leader  of  the  Shore  "  opened  negotiations  with  Pisistratus,  proposing 
that  the  latter  should  marry  his  daughter ;  and  on  these  terms  he 
brought  him  back  to  Athens  by  a  very  primitive  and  simple-minded 
device.  He  first  spread  abroad  a  rumor  that  Athena  was  bringing 
back  Pisistratus,  and  then  having  found  a  woman  of  great  stature  and 
beauty,  .  .  .  he  dressed  her  in  a  garb  resembling  that  of  the  goddess 
and  brought  her  into  the  city  with  Pisistratus.  The  latter  drove  in 
on  a  chariot  with  the  woman  beside  him,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  struck  with  awe,  received  him  with  adoration."^ 

1  §  72.         2  Plutarch,  Solon^  29.         ^  Aristotle,  Athenian  Constitution^  14. 


90      Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 


Pisistratus  married  the  daughter  of  his  ally,  but  afterward  refused 
to  treat  her  as  his  wife.  Enraged  at  this  conduct,  her  father  settled 
his  quarrel  with  the  Plain  men,  whereupon  Pisistratus  withdrew  from 
the  country  and  went  to  Mount  Pan-gae'us  in  Thrace.  By  working 
the  gold  mines  of  this  region  he  acquired  great  wealth,  with  which  he 
hired  soldiers  and  gained  many  friends.     When  after  ten  years  of 

exile  he  was  ready  to  force 
his  return,  Thebes,  E-re'tri-a, 
and  other  cities  gave  their 
active  support,  for  he  had  a 
wonderful  gift  of  winning 
friends  abroad  as  well  as  at 
home.  He  landed  at  Mara- 
thon, on  the  northeast  coast 
of  Attica.  While  he  was  there 
in  camp,  hundreds  who  looked 
to  him  for  protection  from 
the  oppression  of  the  nobles 
flocked  to  him  from  all  parts 
of  Attica.  On  the  way  to 
Athens  he  came  upon  the 
camp  of  his  opponents,  who 
had  no  thought  of  his  ap- 
proach. Some  were  asleep, 
and  others  were  playing  dice ; 
but  all  hastily  fled.  The  sons 
of  Pisistratus,  however,  mounted  their  horses  and  easily  overtook 
the  fugitives,  telling  them  to  go  cheerfully  home,  as  no  harm  would 
come  to  them.  Although  many  nobles  immediately  fled  from  the 
country,  the  pegple  did  as  they  were  told.  Regaining  his  authority 
in  this  way,  Pisistratus  established  himself  firmly  by  means  of  troops 
hired  from  other  states. 

82.   His  Government. — "His  administration  was  temperate,  as  has 


Athenian  Lady  at  Time  of  Pisistratus 
(Acropolis  Museum,  Athens) 


Hippias  a7td  Hipparchus  91 

been  said  before,  and  more  like  constitutional  government  than 
tyranny.  Not  only  was  he  in  every  respect  humane  and  mild  and 
ready  to  forgive  those  who  offended,  but  in  addition  he  advanced 
money  to  the  poorer  people  to  help  them  in  their  labors,  so  that  they 
might  make  their  living  by  agriculture.  In  this  he  had  two  objects  : 
first  that  they  might  not  spend  their  time  in  the  city,  but  might 
be  scattered  over  all  the  face  of  the  country ;  and  secondly  that, 
being  moderately  well  off  and  occupied  with  their  own  business,  they 
might  have  neither  the  wish  nor  the  leisure  to  attend  to  public 
affairs.  At  the  same  time  his  revenues  were  increased  by  the 
thorough  cultivation  of  the  country,  since  he  imposed  a  tax  of  one- 
tenth  on  all  the  produce.  For  the  same  reason  he  instituted  the 
local  justices  and  often  made  journeys  in  person  into  the  country  to 
inspect  it  and  settle  disputes  between  individuals,  that  they  might 
not  come  into  the  city  and  neglect  their  farms."  ^ 

He  built  an  aqueduct  to  supply  Athens  with  fresh  water;  he 
erected  temples,  founded  religious  festivals,  and  encouraged  literature 
and  art.  His  reign  marks  a  great  advance,  not  only  in  education,  but 
in  agriculture,  in  the  industries,  in  wealth,  and  in  quiet,  orderly 
government. 

83.  Hippias  and  Hipparchus. — When  he  died  in  old  age  (527  B.C.), 
his  sons  Hip'pi-as  and  Hip-par'chus  succeeded  him.  For  a  time 
they  imitated  the  wise  government  of  their  father.  But  unfortunately 
Hipparchus,  the  younger,  in  an  affair  of  love,  insulted  Har-mo'di-us 
and  Ar-is-to-gei'ton,  two  noble  youths,  who  in  return  plotted  the 
overthrow  of  the  tyrants.  Taking  advantage  of  the  Pan-ath-en-a'ic 
festival  in  honor  of  Athena,  they  concealed  their  swords  in  myrtle 
wreaths,  and  killed  Hipparchus  while  he  was  arranging  the  pro- 
cession. Hippias,  who  as  the  elder  was  the  head  of  the  government, 
they  could  not  surprise.  Failing  therefore  to  overthrow  the  tyranny, 
they  were  themselves  taken  and  put  to  death.  But  after  the 
Athenians  regained  their  freedom,  they  celebrated  Harmodius  and 
^  Aristotle,  Athenian  Constitution,  1 6. 


92       Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 

Aristogciton  in  song  as  tyrant-slayers,  and  decreed  public  honors  to 
be  enjoyed  forever  by  the  descendants  of  the  two  heroes. 

In  consequence  of  the  murder  Hippias  treated  the  nobles  with 
great  harshness,  so  that  he  became  very  unpopular. 

Meanwhile  the  exiled  nobles  were  trying  to  bring  about  their 
return.  CleisUhe-nes,  leader  of  the  exiles,  won  the  favor  of  the 
Delphic  oracle  by  building  for  Apollo  a  splendid  temple  with  a 
marble  front;  on  this  work  he  spent  far  more  money  than  the 
contract  demanded.  In  gratitude  for  the  generous  deed  the 
prophetess  was  ready  to  aid  in  restoring  the  exiles  to  their  homes. 
Accordingly  whenever  the  Lacedaemonians,  now  the  leading  people  of 
Peloponnese,^  sent  to  consult  the  oracle  on  any  subject  whatever, 
the  answer  was  always,  ^^  Athens  must  be  set  freeT 

In  obedience  to  the  oracle  Cle-om'e-nes,  king  of  the  Lacedae- 
monians, led  an  army  into  Attica  and  besieged  Hippias  in  the 
Acropolis.  "  And  the  Lacedaemonians  would  never  have  captured 
the  sons  of  Pisistratus  at  all ;  for  the  besiegers  had  no  design  to 
make  a  long  blockade,  and  the  others  were  well  provided  with  food 
and  drink ;  so  that  the  Lacedaemonians  would  have  gone  away  back 
to  Sparta  after  besieging  the  tyrant's  party  for  a  few  days  only :  but 
as  it  was,  a  thing  happened  just  at  this  time  which  was  unfortunate 
for  the  one  party,  and  of  assistance  to  the  other ;  for  the  children 
-of  the  sons  of  Pisistratus  were  captured  while  being  secretly  removed 
out  of  the  country ;  and  when  this  happened,  all  their  matters  were 
thereby  cast  into  confusion,  and  they  surrendered  —  receiving  back 
their  children  on  the  terms  which  the  Athenians  desired,  namely 
that  they  should  depart  out  of  Attica  within  five  days.  After  this  they 
departed  out  of  the  country,  and  went  to  Si-gei'um  (a  colony  they  had 
established)  on  the  Sca-man'der  (510  b.c.)."^ 

84.  Isagoras  and  Cleisthenes  (510-508  B.C.) — ''After  the  over- 
throw of  the  tyranny  the  rival  leaders  in  the  state  were  I-sag'o-ras, 
a  partisan  of  the  tyrants,  and  Cleisthenes,  who  belonged  to  the  family 
^  §§  92-94.  ^  Herodotus  v.  65. 


Cleisthenes  93 

of  the  Alcmeonidae.  Cleisthenes,  being  beaten  by  means  of  the  polit- 
ical clubs,  attracted  the  people  to  his  side  by  promising  the  franchise 
to  the  masses.  Thereupon  Isagoras,  finding  himself  left  inferior  in 
power,  invited  Cleomenes,  who  was  united  with  him  by  ties  of  hospi- 
tality, to  return  to  Athens,  and  persuaded  him  to  '  drive  out  the  pollu- 
tion,' on  a  plea  derived  from  the  fact  that  the  Alcmeonidae  were 
supposed  to  be  under  the  curse  of  pollution.^  Then  Cleisthenes, 
with  a  few  of  his  adherents,  retired  from  the  country,  and  Cleom- 
enetj  expelled  as  polluted  seven  hundred  Athenian  families.  Hav- 
ing effected  this  he  next  attempted  to  dissolve  the  Council  (of  Four 
Hundred),  and  to  set  up  Isagoras  and  three  hundred  of  his  partisans 
as  the  supreme  power  in  the  state.  The  council,  however,  resisted, 
the  populace  flocked  together,  and  Cleomenes  and  Isagoras,  with 
their  adherents,  took  refuge  in  the  Acropolis.  Here  the  people  sat 
down  and  besieged  them  two  days  ;  and  on  the  third  they  agreed  to 
let  Cleomenes  and  all  his  followers  depart,  while  they  sent  to  summon 
Cleisthenes  and  the  other  exiles  back  to  Athens.  When  the  people 
had  thus  obtained  the  command  of  affairs,  Cleisthenes  was  their  chief 
and  leader."  ^ 

True  to  his  promise,  Cleisthenes  (508  B.C.)  thoroughly  reformed 
the  government,  with  the  object  (i)  of  mingling  all  classes  of  people 
together  on  the  public  registers  of  citizens  that  the  humble  and  the 
high-born  might  enjoy  an  equal  right  to  vote,  and  (2)  of  putting  an 
end  to  the  feuds  among  the  Plain,  Shore,  and  Hills.^  To  accomplish 
these  ends  he  first  divided  Attica  into  more  than  a  hundred  demes, 
or  townships,  which  he  then  arranged  in  thirty  groups,  termed  trit'- 
ty-es,  all  as  equal  as  possible  in  population.  Ten  of  these  trittyes 
were  on  the  Shore,  ten  in  the  Plain,  and  ten  on  the  Hills.  Of  the 
trittyes  he  formed  ten  tribes  by  drawing  for  each  tribe  a  trittys  from 
the  Plain,  Shore,  and  Hills  respectively.  By  dividing  the  three  sec- 
tions equally  among  the  ten  tribes  he  destroyed  the  local  organiza- 
tions, and  thus  put  an  end  to  the  strife  among  them.     And  though 

1  §  72.  2  Aristotle,  Athenian  Constitution,  20.  ^  §§  ^2,  80. 


94       Development  of  Athens  from  Kingship  to  Democracy 

the  nobles  had  controlled  the  old  tribes,  the  commons  were  on  a 
political  level  with  them  in  the  new.  Cleisthenes  was  successful  in 
his  plans  ;  the  people  were  thereafter  more  nearly  equal  than  they 
had  been  before,  and  sectional  warfare  entirely  ceased. 

He  substituted  a  Council  of  Five  Hundred  —  fifty  from  each  tribe 
—  in  place  of  the  Four  Hundred  ;  and  he  provided  that  there  should 
be  ten  generals,  one  for  each  tribe.^ 

85.  The  Constitution  of  Athens  as  reformed  by  Cleisthenes.  ^  — 
After  he  had  made  these  changes  and  some  others  of  less  importance, 
the  constitution  of  Athens  had  the  following  form  :  — 

I.    Territorial  Divisions. 

Ten  tribes,  thirty  trittyes,  more  than  one  hundred  demes;    nearly  the  same 
as  the  counties,  townships,  etc.,  of  a  modern  state. 
II.   The  Four  Census  Classes  as  before  (§  78,  II). 

III.  The  Magistrates. 

1.  The  nine  archons  as  before  (§  78,  III) ;   they  gradually  decline  in  im- 

portance as  the  more  popular  ofhces  develop. 

2.  The  ten  generals,  one  from  each  tribe.     They  lead  the  ten  tribal  regi- 

ments and  form  a  council  of  war  under  the  polemarch.  The  generals 
gradually  grow  in  authority  at  the  expense  of  the  archons  till  they 
become  the  chief  magistrates. 

IV.  The  Councils. 

1.  Of  the  Areopagus. 

Composition  and  duties  as  before  (§  78,  IV);  but  the  popular  meas- 
ures of  Cleisthenes  drive  it  into  the  background.  It  comes  again  to 
the  front  in  the  war  with  Persia,  and  thereafter  (480-462  B.C.) 
gradually  declines  as  the  democratic  institutions  (the  assembly, 
popular  courts,  and  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred)  grow. 

2.  Of  the  Five  Hundred  (in  place  of  the  Four  Hundred;    §  78,  IV),  fifty 

drawn  by  lot  from  the  candidates  presented  by  each  tribe. 
{a)    Organization. — These  ten  groups  of  councillors  take  turns  in  man- 
aging the  business  of  the  council,  each  for  a  prytany,  or  tenth  of 
a  year.     The  fifty  men  on  duty  for  a  given  time  are  called  pryt'a- 
neis  ("foremen"),  and  their  chairman,  who  is  chi.nged  daily,  is 

1  Though  there  were  generals  before  Cleisthenes  —  one  for  each  of  the  four 
tribes —  the  office  did  not  come  into  prominence  till  after  his  time. 

2  §  78,  n.  2. 


Constitution  .  95 

an  e-pisUa-tes.     He  presides  also  over  the  entire  council  for  the 

short  time  it  meets  each  day,  and  over  the  assembly. 

(3)    Functions.  —  It  prepares  decrees  for  presentation  to  the  assembly, 

and  gradually  takes  the  place  of  the  Council  of  the  Areopagus  as 

the  chief  supervisory  and  administrative  power  in  the  state. 

V.    The  Assembly  (regularly  meeting  once  in  a  f  Composition  and  functions 

prytany).  j       as  before    (§  77);    they 

VI.   The  Popular  Supreme  Court  (meeting  but  \      begin  to  take  a  far  more 

a  few  times  each  year).  |       active  part  in  the  govern- 

\      ment. 
VII.  Form  of  Government. 

1.  Aristocratic  elements. 

{a)    Council  of  the  Areopagus  (because  it  is  filled  by  wealthy  men  who 

hold  their  places  for  life). 
(J))    High  property  qualifications  of  the  archons. 
{c)    Filling  the  archonships  by  election  (rather  than  by  lot). 
{d)    Absence  of  pay  for  most  public  duties. 

2.  Democratic  elements. 

(a)    Assembly  and  popular  court  (because  they  are  composed  of  all  the 

citizens). 
(J))    Council  of  Five  Hundred  (as  it  is  filled  by  lot,  the  poor  have  an 

equal  chance  of  appointment  with  the  rich). 

3.  Summary.  — Though  the  constitution  contains  some  aristocratic  elements, 

it  may  now  be  termed  a  tfioderale  democracy  (§  78,  VII). 


Cleisthenes  introduced  a  peculiar  institution  termed  "  ostracism." 
The  word  is  derived  from  os'tra-kon,  piece  of  pottery,  which  was  the 
form  of  ballot  used  in  the  process.  Once  a  year,  if  the  assembly  saw 
fit,  the  citizens  met  and  voted  against  any  of  their  number  whom 
they  deemed  dangerous  to  the  state.  If  the  archons  found,  on  count- 
ing the  votes,  that  there  were  at  least  six  thousand  in  all,  they  sent 
the  man  who  had  received  the  greatest  number  into  exile  for  ten  years. 
As  the  Athenian  noble  lacked  respect  for  the  government,  he  would 
not,  when  defeated  in  his  candidacy  for  office,  submit  to  the  will  of 
the  majority,  but  preferred  rather  in  defiance  of  law  to  destroy  his 
more  fortunate  rival.  Ostracism  removed  the  dangerous  man  from 
the  community,  and  left  at  the  head  of  the  state  the  one  whom  the 
people  believed  to  be  the  best  and  ablest. 


96       Developmefit  of  Athens  frojn  Kings Jiip  to  Democracy 

86.  Summary  of  Athenian  History  (753-508  B.C.). —  We  have  now 
followed  the  history  of  Athens  through  a  period  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years.  (i)  The  kingship  gave  way  to  an  aristocracy 
(753  B.C.),  in  which  the  nobles  greatly  oppressed  the  lower  class. 
(2)  Some  time^  before  Solon  men  of  wealth  gained  equal  political 
privileges  with  those  of  noble  birth.  (3)  Draco  (621  b.c.)  gave  the 
citizens  the  advantage  of  written  laws.  (4)  Solon  (594  b.c.)  freed  the 
masses  from  scrfJom  and  provided  them  with  the  means  of  protecting 
themselves.  (5)  Pisistratus  and  his  sons  (560-510  b.c.)  crushed  the 
nobles  and  introduced  an  orderly  government.  (6)  The  great  re- 
forms of  Cleisthenes  in  favor  of  liberty  and  equahty  filled  the  citizens 
with  patriotism,  and  encouraged  them  to  defend  their  country  and 
freedom,  not  only  against  unfriendly  neighbors,  but  also  against  the 
enormous  armies  of  Persia  which  were  soon  to  invade  Greece. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Society  and  Government  in  the  Time  of  Homer.  —  Gladstone,  Hot7ier 
(primer)  pp.  io5-l20;  Botsford,  6" r^^r^,  pp.  10-15;  Dei'elopment  of  the  Athenian 
Constitution,  pp.  111-122;  Hohti,  History  of  Greece,  i.  ch.  xiv. 

II.  Solon.  —  Aristotle,  Athenian  Constitution,  5-12;  Plutarch,  Solon;  Bots- 
ford, Greece,  pp.  50-56;  Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  180-189. 

III.  Pisistratus  and  his  Sons.  —  Aristotle,  13-19;  Botsford,  Greece,  pp.  70- 
80;  Athenian  Constitution,  ch.  x;  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  i.  ch.  xxvii;  Curtius, 
History  of  Greece,  Bk.  II.  ch.  ii. 

IV.  Cleisthenes.  —  Aristotle,  20,  21;  Bury,  pp.  211-215;  V>iA%{ox(^,  Athenian 
Constitution,  cti.  xi. 

1  About  650  B.C. 


CHAPTER   VI 


SPARTA  AND  THE  PELOPONNESIAN   LEAGUE  (about  750-500  B.C.) 


87.  Perioeci  and  Helots.  —  Laconia,  like  Attica,  once  contained 
several  independent  cities ;  but  Sparta,  the  strongest,  gradually 
conquered  the  others  and  brought 
them  all  into  one  state.^  Though 
she  permitted  them  to  manage 
their  local  affairs,  in  every  other 
respect  she  kept  them  in  subjec- 
tion. The  inhabitants  of  these 
conquered  towns  were  per-i-oeUi 
—  "dwellers  around."  As  the 
Spartans  had  taken  their  best 
lands  from  them,  many  devoted 
themselves  to  commerce  and  in- 
dustry. In  war  they  served 
Sparta  as  heavy-armed  troops,- 
and  their  condition  was  at  first 
happy ;  but  after  a  time  Sparta 
deprived  some  of  them  of  their 
independence  by  sending  military 
governors  to  rule  them. 

Far  worse  was  the   condition 
of  the  conquered  villagers  and  country  people.     They  were  he' lots 
(state  serfs)  who  tilled  the  fields  of  the  Spartans,  bringing  their  lords 

1  §  68. 

2  A  heavy-armed  soldier  wore  a  shield,  a  helmet,  a  breastplate  of  leather  or 
felt,  —  sometimes  plated  with  metal,  —  and  greaves,  which  covered  the  front  of 

H  97 


A  Spartan  Tombstone 


98  Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 

a  fixed  annual  amount  of  grain,  oil,  and  wine.  As  cruel  treatment 
continually  goaded  them  to  rebellion,  they  were  always  suspected 
by  the  government.  The  most  prudent  young  men  of  Sparta,  form- 
ing a  secret  police,  used  to  go  one  by  one  through  the  country  to 
kill  any  helots  whom  they  thought  dangerous.  Those,  on  the  other 
hand,  who  served  the  state  well  in  war  often  received  their  freedom. 
88.  The  Spartans  ;  their  Training.  —  As  the  Spartans  persisted  in 
keeping  the  helots  and  the  perioeci  in  subjection,  they  had  to  give 
their  whole  attention  to  military  training,  so  as  to  be  able  to  enforce 
obedience.  It  was  necessary  in  the  first  place  that  every  Spartan 
should  have  a  sound  body.  "  A  father  had  not  the  right  of  bringing 
up  his  child,  but  had  to  carry  it  to  a  certain  place  .  .  .  where  the 
elders  of  the  tribe  sat  in  judgment  upon  it.  If  they  thought  it  well- 
built  and  strong,  they  ordered  the  father  to  bring  it  up,  and  assigned 
one  of  the  nine  thousand  lots  of  land  to  it ;  but  if  it  was  mean-looking 
or  misshapen,  they  sent  it  away  to  a  place  called  the  Exposure,  a  glen 
on  the  side  of  Mount  Taygetus ;  for  they  considered  that  if  a  child 
did  not  start  in  possession  of  health  and  strength,  it  was  better  both 
for  itself  and  for  the  state  that  he  should  not  live  at  all.  .  .  .  Lycur- 
gus  ^  would  not  entrust  the  Spartan  boys  to  any  bought  or  hired  ser- 
vants, nor  was  each  man  allowed  to  bring  up  and  educate  his  sons  as 
he  chose,  but  as  soon  as  they  were  seven  years  of  age  he  himself^ 
received  them  from  their  parents  and  enrolled  them  in  companies. 
In  these  they  lived  and  messed  together,  and  were  associated  for  play 

the  legs  below  the  knees.  His  chief  weapons  of  offence  were  the  sword  and  pike 
or  spear.  Some  light  troops  carried  a  small  shield;  others  had  no  defensive 
armor.  Some  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  others  with  shngs,  and  others 
with  short  spears  (javelins)  for  hurling. 

^  §  46.  Plutarch,  who  writes  this  account  of  Spartan  life,  supposes  Lycurgus 
to  have  been  the  author  of  all  these  arrangements;  but  in  fact  Lycurgus  is  myth- 
ical,, and  the  education  of  the  Spartans  was  forced  upon  them  by  circum- 
stances. To  correct  Plutarch  we  should  substitute  "the  government "  or  "  the 
authorities  "  for  "  Lycurgus." 

2  "  Lycurgus,"  that  is,  the  rulers;  see  note  above. 


spartan   Training  99 

and  for  work.  .  .  .  The  elder  men  watched  them  at  their  play, 
and  by  instituting  fights  and  trials  of  strength  carefully  learned  which 
was  the  bravest  and  most  enduring. 

"They  learned  to  read,  because  that  was  necessary,  but  all  the 
rest  of  their  education  was  meant  to  teach  them  to  obey  with  cheer- 
fulness, and  to  endure  toil,  and  to  win  battles.  As  they  grew  older 
their  training  became  more  severe ;  their  hair  was  closely  cut,  and 
they  were  taught  to  go  about  without  shoes  and  to  play  unclad. 
After  their  twelfth  year  they  wore  no  tunic,  but  received  one  garment 
for  all  the  year  round.  They  could  not  help  being  dirty,  for  they 
had  no  warm  baths  nor  ointments,  except  as  a  luxury  on  certain  days. 
All  slept  together  in  troops  and  companies,  on  beds  of  rushes  which 
they  had  picked  up  on  the  banks  of  the  Eurotas.  .  .  .  Their  educa- 
tion in  poetry  and  music  was  no  less  carefully  watched  over  than 
their  cleverness  and  purity  of  speech,  but  their  songs  were  such  as 
rouse  men's  blood  and  stir  them  to  deeds  of  prowess,  composed 
in  plain,  unaffected  language,  upon  noble  and  edifying  subjects. 
Most  of  them  were  eulogies  upon  those  who  had  been  happy  enough 
to  die  for  their  country,  reproaches  of  cowards  for  living  a  miserable 
life,  and  encouragements  to  bravery  suitable  to  those  of  all  ages. 

"  During  a  campaign  the  rulers  made  the  young  men  perform  less 
severe  gymnastic  exercises,  and  allowed  them  to  live  a  freer  life  in 
other  respects,  so  that  for  them  alone  of  all  mankind,  war  was  felt  as 
a  relief  from  preparation  for  war.  When  the  array  ^  was  formed  and 
the  enemy  were  in  sight,  the  king  used  to  sacrifice  a  kid,  and  bid 
them  all  put  on  garlands,  and  the  pipers  play  the  hymn  .  .  . 
Then  he  himself  began  to  sing  the  paean  for  the  charge,  so  that  it 
was  a  magnificent  and  terrible  spectacle  to  see  the  men  marching 


1  This  is  a  description  of  the  phaHanx,  —  a  line  of  warriors  with  strong  defen- 
sive armor  and  long  spears^ — which  moved  as  a  unit  to  the  music  of  flutes.  It 
was  invented  by  the  Spartans,  probably  in  the  eighth  century  B.C.,  and  afterward 
developed  in  various  ways  by  other  Greek  states  and  by  the  early  Romans;  §§  175, 
186,  227. 


lOO 


Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 


in  time  to  the  flutes,  making  no  gap  in  their  hnes,  with  no  thought 
of  fear,  but  quietly  and  steadily  moving  to  the  sound  of  music  against 
the  enemy.     Such  men  were  not  likely  to  be  either  panic-stricken 

or  over-confident,  but  had  a  cool 
and  cheerful  courage,  believing  that 
the  gods  were  with  them.  .  .  . 

"Ample  leisure  was  one  of  the 
blessings  with  which  Lycurgus  pro- 
vided his  countrymen,  by  forbidding 
them  to  practise  any  mechanical 
art ;  at  the  same  time  money-mak- 
ing and  business  were  unnecessary, 
because  wealth  was  disregarded  and 
despised."  ^ 

This  gymnastic  and  military  train- 
ing continued  to  the  sixtieth  year. 
Neither  boys,  youths,  nor  men  had 
any  home  life,  but  ate  at  public 
tables.  "They  formed  themselves 
into  messes  of  fifteen  or  less.  Each 
member  contributed  monthly  a 
bushel  of  barley,  eight  measures  of 
wine,  five  pounds  of  cheese,  and 
half  as  much  figs ;  and  in  addition 
to  this  a  very  small  sum  of  money 
to  buy  fish  and  other  luxuries  for  a 
relish  to  the  bread.  This  was  all 
except  when  a  man  had  offered  a 
sacrifice,  or  been  hunting,  and  sent  a  portion  to  the  public  table. 
For  persons  were  allowed  to  dine  at  home  whenever  they  were  late 
for  dinner  on  account  of  a  sacrifice  or  a  hunting  expedition.  .  .  . 

1  The  Spartans  used  iron  money  only;   all  other  kinds  were  forbidden  by  law; 
Plutarch,  Lycurgus^  15-23. 


A  Winner  in  the  Girls'  Foot 

Races  in  Elis 
(Vatican   Museum,  Rome.    To  illus- 
trate the  figure  and  dress  of  a  Spar- 
tan maiden) 


Government  ..  .  ^  -    -  -       ^^^ 

"The  'black  broth'  was  the  most  esteemed  of  their  luxuries,' ihso-' 
much  that  the  elderly  men  did  not  care  for  any  meat,  but  always 
handed  it  over  to  the  young,  and  regaled  themselves  on  this  broth."  ^ 

89.  Women.  —  Maidens  passed  through  a  training  like  that  of  the 
youths,  though  less  severe.  They,  too,  practised  running,  leaping, 
and  throwing  the  spear  and  discus.  The  state  encouraged  them  tc 
such  exercise,  as  it  considered  the  gymnastic  education  of  women 
necessary  to  the  physical  perfection  of  the  race.  While  the  mature 
Spartan  continued  to  eat  in  the  barracks  and  to  pass  his  time  in 
severe  exercises,  his  wife  lived  in  comfort  and  luxury.  There  is  a 
story  that  Lycurgus,  after  subjecting  the  men  to  discipline,  tried  to 
make  the  women  orderly,  but  failed,  and  therefore  permitted  them 
to  live  as  they  pleased. 

90.  The  Government.  —  The  state  ruled  by  Sparta  was  called 
Lacedaemon ;  and  the  Spartans,  perioeci,  and  helots  were  ahke 
Lacedaemonians.  The  Spartans,  however,  were  the  only  fully 
privileged  citizens.  We  have  already  noticed  that  the  state  was 
governed  by  two  kings?'  They  were  nearly  always  quarrelling  with 
each  other,  and  hence  their  rule  was  weak.  The  assembly,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  strong,  as  it  was  composed  of  all  the  mature  Spartans 
who  served  in  the  army.  Now  while  the  kings  were  spending  their 
energy  in  wrangling,  the  assembly  was  taking  to  itself  most  of  their 
powers.  It  did  not  exercise  this  authority  directly,  however,  but 
intrusted  it  to  a  board  of  five  ephors  (overseers)  elected  annually 
in  the  assembly  by  acclamation.  In  time  the  ephors  placed 
themselves  at  the  head  of  the  state,  while  the  kings  came  to  be  no 
more  than  priests  and  generals. 

The  council  consisted  of  twenty-eight  elders  and  the  two  kings,  all 
representing  noble  families.  Both  the  council  and  the  kings  lost 
influence  so  rapidly  that  at  the  time  Solon  was  making  laws  for  the 
Athenians,  the  Lacedaemonian  government,  though  a  kingship  in 
name,  was  in  reality  an  aristocracy.  The  aristocrats  were  the 
1  Plutarch,  Lycurgus^  il.  ^  §  46. 


l62       ^  '    Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 

'  SpaYtansj  n^vefUloi^  "than  nine  thousand  in  all,  who  ruled  over  the 
many  perioeci  and  helots. 

91.  The  Messenian  Wars  (about  725  and  650  B.C.^).  — After  the 
Spartans  had  subdued  all  Laconia,  a  desire  "to  plough  and  plant 
fertile  Messenia"  led  them  to  the  conquest  of  that  country.  In  fact 
they  needed  more  land  and  helots  to  support  the  increasing  number 
of  their  warrior  citizens.  After  twenty  years  of  hard  fighting  they 
drove  the  Messenians  from  the  stronghold  of  Mount  Ithome,'-^  and 
took  possession  of  the  country.  Many  Messenians  went  into  exile ; 
those  who  remained  became  helots  and  were  compelled  to  till  their 
own  fields  for  the  Spartans.  Years  afterward  their  grandsons  rebelled, 
and  with  the  help  of  neighboring  states  they  brought  proud  Sparta  to 
the  verge  of  ruin.  At  this  crisis  Tyr-tae'us,^  through  his  poems,  encour- 
aged the  Spartans  after  defeat  to  renew  the  war  with  such  energy  as 
to  force  again  upon  the  Messenians  the  hard  yoke  of  slavery.  These 
two  struggles  are  known  as  the  Messenian  Wars. 

92.  The  Peloponnesian  League.  —  Next  the  Lacedaemonian  rulers 
asked  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  permission  to  conquer  all  Arcadia ;  but  the 
prophetess  answered  — 

"  The  land  of  Arcadia  thou  askest :  thou  askest  too  much ;   I  refuse  it : 
Many  there  are  in  Arcadian  land,  stout  men  eating  acorns; 
These  will  prevent  thee  from  this:  but  I  am  not  grudging  toward  thee; 
Te'ge-a  beaten  with  sounding  feet  I  will  give  thee  to  dance  in, 
And  a  fair  plain  will  I  give  thee  to  measure  with  line  and  divide  it." 

Tegea,  however,  made  the  oracle  true  by  defeating  the  Lacedae- 
monians and  compelling  the  prisoners  to  divide  her  plain  among 
themselves  with  a  measuring  line,  and  till  it  in  fetters.  But  some- 
what later  the  Tegeans  entered  into  a  league  with  Sparta  and  agreed 
to  follow  her  lead  in  war.  Their  example  was  imitated  by  the  other 
Arcadians,  who  proved,  a  source  of  great  military  strength  to  Sparta, 
for  they  were  strong,  brave  men,  as  mountaineers  usually  are,  and 
made  excellent  warriors,  second  only  to  the  Spartans  themselves. 

1  The  exact  dates  are  unknown.  '^  §  38-  ^  §  96. 


The  Peloponnesian  League 


103 


Lacedaemon  had  already  allied  herself  with  Elis ;  and  afterward 
Corinth  and  Sicyon  (pron.  Sish'i-on)  entered  the  league.  Under 
able  tyrants  these  cities  had  gained  greatly  in  commerce  and  in 
military  strength.  The  men  of  wealth  who  overthrew  the  tyrants  in 
both  cities  made  the  alliance  with  Sparta  on  the  assurance  that  they 
should  themselves  have  control  of  their  states.  And  in  general 
Sparta  desired  that  her  allies  should  be  governed  by  oligarchies  ^ ; 
because  she  knew  that  oligarchs  would  be  more  loyal  to  her  than 
either  tyrants  or  democrats. 


PELOPONNESIAS; 
LEAGUE 

S3  States  dependent  upon  Sparta 
^\ State)  in  alliance  uilh  Sparta 


The  Peloponnesian  League,  which  Sparta  was  thus  forming,  had 
no  common  federal  constitution,  such  as  that  of  the  United  States, 
but  each  community  had  its  own  treaty  with  Lacedaemon.  Deputies 
from  the  allied  states  met  in  congress  at  Sparta  or  Corinth  to  settle 
questions  of  war  and  peace ;  and  the  states  furnished  troops  to  serve 
in  war  under  the  Lacedaemonian  kings.  They  did  not  pay  tribute 
to  Sparta,  but  divided  among  themselves  the  expenses  of  the  league, 
which  were  always  light.  Thus  the  states  enjoyed  independence 
and  at  the  same  time  the  advantages  of  union. 

1  An  oligarchy  is  the  "  rule  of  the  few."  Where  the  "  few  "  are  of  noble  birth, 
the  oligarchy  is  an  aristocracy. 


I04  Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 

93.  Sparta  and  Argos.  —  By  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.C. 
the  league  under  the  leadership  of  Sparta  had  come  to  include  aU 
Peloponnese  excepting  Achaea  and  Argolis.  Toward  the  close  of  the 
prehistoric  age  Argos  had  taken  the  place  of  Mycenae  as  the  head  of 
Argolis,  and  under  Pheidon,  a  brilliant  king  who  reigned  about  700  B.C., 
she  aspired  to  rule  all  Peloponnese.  After  his  death,  however,  she 
declined ;  and  though  she  retained  her  old  ambition  for  leadership, 
it  became  more  and  more  difficult  for  her  to  hold  her  own  against 
Sparta.  About  550  B.C.  the  crisis  came  in  a  struggle  between  the  two 
states  for  the  possession  of  Cy-nu'ri-a,  a  strip  of  land  held  by  Argos 
along  the  coast  east  of  Mount  Parnon.  Three  hundred  champions 
for  each  state  were  to  decide  the  contest ;  but  after  a  day's  fighting, 
only  two  Argives  and  one  Spartan  remained  alive.  Then  a  dispute 
as  to  which  side  had  won  the  victory  ended  in  a  bloody  battle,  in 
which  the  Lacedaemonians  were  masters.  This  success  gave  them 
Cynuria  and  the  island  of  Cy-the'ra  and  made  them  the  foremost 
power  among  the  states  of  Greece. 

94.  Sparta  and  Athens. — The  Lacedaemonians  advanced  steadily 
in  strength.  Toward  the  end  of  the  sixth  century  Megara  joined 
their  alliance.  They  aimed  to  extend  their  influence,  especially  by 
helping  the  nobles  of  various  Greek  states  against  the  tyrants. 
Accordingly  when  the  oracle  at  Delphi  constantly  told  them  that 
Athens  must  be  set  free,^  Cleomenes,  their  king,  undertook  the 
work  of  expelling  Hippias,  doubtless  in  the  hope  that  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians would  be  able  to  control  Athens  after  she  had  been  liberated. 

Disappointed  in  this  hope,  he  gathered  the  forces  of  Peloponnese, 
and  without  stating  his  object,  led  them  into  Attica,  while  the  Thebans 
and  Chalcidians  invaded  the  country  in  concert  with  him.  Though 
inferior  in  number,  the  Athenians  marched  bravely  forth  to  meet  the 
Peloponnesians  at  Eleusis.  Fortunately  for  Athens,  the  Corinthians, 
on  learning  the  purpose  of  the  expedition,  refused  to  take  part 
in  it  on  the  ground  that  it  was  unjust,  and  the  other  allies  followed 

M83. 


Condition  of  Greece  1 05 

their  example.  As  Cleomenes  could  then  do  nothing  but  retreat 
homeward,  the  Athenians  turned  about  and  defeated  the  Thebans 
and  the  Chalcidians  separately  on  the  same  day.  They  punished 
Chalcis  for  the  invasion  by  taking  from  her  a  large  tract  of  land,  on 
which  they  settled  four  thousand  colonists.  An  Athenian  colony  was 
but  an  addition  to  Attica ;  and  though  it  had  a  local  government,  its 
members  remained  citizens  of  Athens. 

Some  time  afterward  the  Lacedaemonians  invited  Hippias  to  their 
city,  called  a  congress  of  allies,  and  proposed  to  restore  him.  But 
the  deputy  from  Corinth  interposed  in  favor  of  Athens,  and  as  the 
other  allies  agreed  with  him,  Hippias  returned  disappointed  to  Sigeium 
and  continued  to  plot  with  the  Persians  against  his  native  land  (§  107). 
Soon  afterward  the  Athenians  secured  their  peace  with  Sparta  by 
entering  the  Peloponnesian  League.  Their  place  in  it  was  excep- 
tionally favorable,  as  it  allowed  them  complete  independence. 

95.  The  Political  Condition  of  Greece  (about  500  B.C.).  —  At 
the  close  of  the  period  which  we  have  now  reviewed  (about  750-500 
B.C.),  most  of  the  Greek  peninsula  west  and  north  of  Boeotia  was 
still  occupied  by  barbarous  or  half-civihzed  tribes ;  as  yet  Thebes 
had  accomphshed  nothing  remarkable,  and  Argos  had  declined. 
The  Greek  cities  of  Italy  and  Sicily,  mostly  under  tyrants, 
were  disunited  and  weak ;  those  of  Asia  Minor,  as  the  following 
chapter  will  tell,  acknowledged  the  Persian  king  as  their  master. 
Athens  and  Sparta  had  achieved  more  for  the  political  development 
of  Greece  than  any  other  cities.  Attica  was  firmly  united  under  a 
moderate  democracy.  At  last  the  citizens  were  at  peace  with  one 
another.  They  formed  an  effective  militia,  though  as  yet  they  had 
no  fleet.  They  were  inteUigent,  vigorous,  and  enthusiastic,  ready  for 
a  life  and  death  struggle  if  need  be,  in  defence  of  Hellenic  freedom. 
Though  less  active  and  less  intelligent,  the  Spartans  were  the  best 
trained  and  the  steadiest  soldiers  in  the  world,  and  were  prepared  by 
lifelong  disciphne  for  facing  death  at  the  command  of  their  country ; 
they  and  their  aUies  formed  the  great  military  power  of  Hellas.     It 


io6  Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 

was  well  that  Athens  and  the  Peloponnesian  League  had  made  so 
much  progress  in  government  and  in  military  affairs,  for  they  were 
soon  to  be  called  on  to  match  themselves,  almost  unaided,  with  the 
vast  strength  of  the  Persian  empire. 

Literature,  Philosophy,  and  Art  ^ 

96.  Hesiod ;  Personal  Poetry  ( 700-479  B.C. ).  — While  the  Greeks 
were  improving  their  armies  and  their  governments,  they  were  mak- 
ing progress  in  literature  and  art,  and  beginning  philosophy. 

Hes'i-od,  an  epic  poet  of  Boeotia  (about  700  b.c),  composed  the 
The-og'o-ny,  which  tells  in  homely  style  of  the  birth  of  the  gods 
and  of  the  creation  of  the  world.  His  Works  and  Days,  another 
epic,  gives  the  peasant  useful  information  about  agriculture,  includ- 
ing the  lucky  and  unlucky  days  for  doing  everything.  It  encourages 
thrift  and  abounds  in  moral  maxims.  Whereas  Homer  idealizes 
everything  of  which  he  sings,  the  aim  of  Hesiod  is  to  tell  the  simple 
truth.  Homer  celebrates  heroes  of  the  remote  past ;  Hesiod  has  to 
do  with  men  in  everyday  Hfe. 

The  early  epics  have  little  to  tell  of  their  authors ;  but  in  time  it 
came  about  that  poets  expressed  freely  their  own  thoughts  and  feel- 
ings. Thus  personal  poetry  arose.  The  age  in  which  it  flourished 
extends  from  the  time  of  Hesiod  to  the  end  of  the  great  war  with 
Persia  (700-479  B.C.). 

The  elegy  is  the  earliest  form  of  personal  poetry.  It  arose  in  Ionia 
and  was  originally  martial,  sung  to  the  flute,  which  resembles  the 
modern  clarinet.  One  of  the  earliest  elegiac  poets  was  Cal-li'nus 
of  Eph'e-sus,  bom  about  690  b.c.  In  battle-songs  he  roused  his 
countrymen  against  a  horde  of  invaders — 

**  Each  must  go  quick  to  the  front, 
Grasping  his  spear  in  his  hand  and  under  his  shield  his  untrembling 
Heart  pressing,  panting  for  fight,  mingling  in  deadliest  fray." 

1  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interrup- 
tion may  omit  §§  96-98. 


Lyric  Poetry 


16? 


A  little  later,  Tyrtaeus^  of  Sparta  composed  songs  of  the  same 
nature. 

The  next  form  of  personal  poetry  was  the  iambic,  especially  adapted 
to  the  expression  of  emotions,  from  love  to  sarcasm  and  hate.  Its 
great  master  was  Ar-chil'o-chus  of  the  small  island  of  Paros,  a  poet 
whom  the  Greeks  ranked  with  Homer.  He  was  the  first  great  satirist. 
The  story  goes  that  a  certain  man  promised  his  daughter,  Ne-o-bu'le, 
to  Archilochus  in  marriage,  but  broke  his  word  ;  and  then  in  revenge 
the  poet  with  his  biting  iambics  drove  Neobule  and  her  sisters  to 
suicide. 

The  last  and  highest  form  of  personal  poetry  is  the  lyric ^ — the 
song  accompanied  by  the  lyre.  The  lyric  poet  composed  the  music 
as  well  as  the  words  of  his 
songs.  There  were  two  chief 
forms  of  this  poetry  :  the  ballad 
and  the  choral  ode.  The 
home  of  the  ballad  was  Lesbos, 
and  its  great  representatives 
were  the  Lesbic  poets,  Al-cae'us 
and  Sappho  (pron.Saffo),who 
belonged  to  the  early  part  of 
the  sixth  century  b.c.  Alcaeus 
was  "a  fiery  Aeolian  noble," 
who  composed  songs  of  war, 
adventure,  and  party  strife, 
love-songs,  drinking-songs,  and 
hymns.     He  was   a   versatile,  Sappho 

brilliant       poet.         "Violet-  (National  Museum.  Rome) 

crowned,  pure,  softly  smiHng  Sappho,"  as  her  friend  Alcaeus  calls  her, 
was  his  peer  in  genius.  To  the  ancients  she  was  "  the  poetess  "  as 
Homer  was  "the  poet  "  ;  and  sometimes  they  styled  her  the  "  tenth 
muse." 

^  §  91. 


io8  Sparta  ajid  the  Peloponnesian  League 

Ballads  were  simple  songs  sung  by  in- 

dividuals ;  but  the  choral  ode  was  public 

and  was  sung  by  a  trained  chorus,  who 
accompanied  the  music  with  dancing. 
The  most  eminent  choral  poet  —  perhaps 
the  greatest  purely  lyric  poet  of  the  world 
— was  Pindar  of  Boeotia  (522-448  B.C.). 
As  he  belonged  to  a  priestly  family,  he 
began  even  in  childhood  to  fill  his  mind 
with  myths  and  religious  lore.  His  poems 
are  made  up  of  this  material.  Those  which 
have  been  preserved  are  in  honor  of  the 
victors  in  the  great  national  games.  The 
ode  usually  narrates  some  myth  connected 
with  the  history  of  the  victor's  family  or 
city;  it  glorifies  noble  birth,  well-used 
wealth,  justice,  and  all  manner  of  virtue. 
Though  difficult  to  read  even  in  transla- 
tions, these  poems  will  repay  the  most 
careful  study.  The  style  is  bold,  rapid, 
and  vital ;  his  words  glitter  like  jewels ; 
he  is  always  sublime. 

Besides  the  poets  mentioned  there  were 
many  others  who  flourished  in  all  parts 
of  Greece.  The  works  of  some  have  ut- 
terly perished ;  of  others  we  have  mere 
shreds.  There  remain  but  fragments  of 
Archilochus  and  Alcaeus.  We  have  two 
poems  of  Sappho,  in  addition  to  fragments, 
and  nearly  a  complete  elegy  by  Callinus. 
Pindar  has  had  the  best  fortune  of  all 
the  poets  of  this  age,  for  his  best  work 
has  come  down  to  us. 


An  Ionic  Column 


Architecture 


109 


97.  The  Beginnings  of  Philosophy.  —  The  first  philosopher  was 
Tha'les,  who  lived  at  the  time  of  Solon.  He  was  a  mathematician 
and  astronomer,  the  first  of  the  Greeks  to  predict  accurately  an 
eclipse  of  the  sun.  In  his  belief  water  was  the  one  original  substance 
out  of  which  the  world  was  formed.  His  idea  was  wrong ;  but  in 
seeking  a  natural  cause  of  things  he  advanced  far  beyond  all  earlier 
thinkers,  who  had  contented  themselves  with  mythical  explanations 
of  the  world.  Those  who  accepted  his 
view  formed  the  Ionian  school  of  thought. 

After  him  came  other  philosophers  and 
schools  of  philosophy.  Py-thag'o-ras,  who 
laid  great  stress  on  mathematics,  had  many 
followers,  who  called  themselves  Py-thag- 
o-re'ans  after  their  master.  Another 
school,  arising  in  this  period,  studied  deeply 
into  the  nature  of  being.  Thus  the  Greeks 
were  making  a  beginning  of  philosophy  and 
science,  in  which  they  were  afterward  to 
become  the  teachers  of  the  world. 

98.  Art;  Architecture  and  Sculpture 
(700-479  B.C.). — To  understand  the 
structure  of  the  Greek  temple,  it  is  nec- 
essary first  to  notice  the  three  orders  of 
architecture,  —  Doric,  Ionic,  and  Corin- 
thian. They  are  distinguished  chiefly  by 
the  column.  The  Doric  column  rests  di- 
rectly upon  the  temple  floor,  and  has  a 
simple,  unadorned  capital.^  The  Ionic 
column  stands  on  an  ornamental  base  and  is  surmounted  by  a  capi- 
tal in  the  form  of  a  spiral  roll.  The  beauty  of  the  Doric  style  is 
severe  and  chaste  ;  the  Ionic  is  finer  and  more  graceful.  The  former 
prevailed  in  European  Greece  ;   the  latter  in  Asia  Minor.     The  Cor- 

1  The  capital  is  the  head  of  the  column. 


Section  of  a  Temple  at 

Segesta 
(To  illustrate  the  Doric  order) 


no 


Sparta  and  the  Peloponnesian  League 


inthian  order,  with  its  capital  of  acanthus  leaves,  is  still  more  elegant 
and  ornamental  than  the  Ionic.  It  was  invented  in  the  fifth  century 
B.C.,  but  did  not  come  into  extensive  use  till  the  Greek  genius  began 
to  decHne. 

At  first  the  Greeks  did  not  imagine  that  their  gods  needed  dwell- 
ing-houses, but  as  early  as  the  seventh  century  B.C.  they  were  build- 
ing temples  in  all  their  cities.  Some  of  the  ruins  at  Se-h'nus,^ 
Sicily,  belong  to  the  latter  part  of  this  century.  Gradually  the 
temples  grew  more  and  more  symmetrical  and  graceful  till  they 
became  models  of  beauty.  That  of  Poseidon  in  Fo-si-do'ni-a^ 
southern  Italy,  belongs  to  the   sixth  century.^     It  is  an  impressive 

building  with  simple  but 
massive  Doric  columns. 
The  stone  of  which  it  is 
made  is  called  travertine. 
As  it  is  not  so  fine  and  smooth 
as  marble,  it  was  originally 
covered  with  stucco,  which 
was  then  painted.  Most 
of  the  stucco  has  fallen  off, 
and  the  stone  has  changed 
to  a  rich,  soft  yellow  of 
varying  shade.  Standing 
on  a  slight  elevation,  the 
temple  faces  the  market- 
place on  the  east.  Be- 
tween the  market  and  the 
temple  the  way  was  paved 
with  stones,  in  which  the  myriads  of  feet  that  have  walked  to  and  fro 
for  hundreds  of  years  have  worn  deep  paths. 

There  are  two  principal  kinds  of  sculpture,  —  reliefs  and  statues. 
Reliefs   are   figures   carved   on    the   surface   of   stone.      They   are 


CoRiNTiiiAN  Capital 
(From  Epidaurus) 


§157. 


p.  65. 


Sculpture  ill 

adapted  especially  to  the  decoration  of  three  parts  of  the  temple,  — 
(i)  pediments,  or  gables,  (2)  met'o-pes,  the  flat  squares  which  run 
in  a  series  round  the  exterior  of  the  temple  above  the  columns,  and 
(3)  the  frieze,  a  flat  surface  forming  a  continuous  band  around  the 
temple  within  the  colonnade. 

Some  of  the  metopes  from  a  temple  at  Selinus,  now  in  the  Museum 
of  Pa-ler'mo,  Sicily,  were  made  about  600  B.C.  One  represents  Per- 
seus cutting  off  Medusa's  head.^  Behind  him  stands  his  protecting 
goddess  Athena.  The  work  is  very  crude.  The  heads,  arms,  and 
legs  are  much  too  large ;  the  bodies  are  distorted ;  the  eyes  stare ; 
the  faces  lack  expression.  Equally  rude  are  the  statues  carved  at 
the  time.  It  is  a  wonderful  fact  that  within  the  next  hundred  and 
fifty  years  the  Greeks  were  to  bring  sculpture  from  these  crude 
beginnings  to  a  height  of  perfection  never  afterward  reached  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  And  in  the  study  of  Grecian  history  from  this 
period  onward  it  is  well  to  keep  in  mind  the  rapidity  with  which  the 
Greeks  made  improvements  in  nearly  every  field  of  thought  and 
action. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.    Spartan   Education.  —  Plutarch,  Lycurgus,    15-21 ;     Bury,  History  of 
Greece,  pp.  130-134;   Abbott,  History  of  Greece,  i.  pp.  211-217. 

II.    The  Social  Classes.  —  Abbott,  i.  pp.  217-219;   Holm,  History  of  Greece, 
i.  pp.  178-180. 

III.  The  Peloponnesian  League.  —  Bury,  pp.  202-204;  Greenidge,  Greek 
Constitutional  History,  pp.  108-1 15 ;  Gilbert,  Constitutional  Antiquities  of  Sparta 
and  Athens,  pp.  81-91. 

^§45. 


CHAPTER  VII 

CONQUEST  OF  ASIATIC   GREECE   BY  THE   LYDIANS  AND  THE 
PERSIANS   (560-490  B.C.) 

99.  Character  of  the  lonians.  ^  Although  successful  in  developing 
government  and  the  art  of  war,  the  Athenians  as  well  as  the  Lacedae- 
monians were  thus  far  inferior  to  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor  in  the 
finer  elements  of  civilization.  Aeolis  and  Ionia  were  the  home  of 
the  first  great  poets  of  Greece.  The  earliest  geographers,  histori- 
ans, and  philosophers  were  lonians.  The  same  people  took  the  lead 
in  useful  inventions :  the  lonians  were  the  first  of  the  Greeks  to  coin 
money ;  their  ships  plied  the  Mediterranean  Sea  from  Egypt  to 
Massaha,  and  from  Gyrene  to  their  colonies  on  the  Black  Sea. 
For  five  hundred  years  (about  1000-494  b.c.)  they  were  the  standard- 
bearers  of  Hellenic  civilization. 

But  though  admirable  for  their  many  excellent  qualities,  the 
lonians  were  lacking  in  political  ability.  There  was  civil  strife 
within  the  cities,  and  almost  continual  war  between  one  state  and 
another.  Cities  and  men  had  their  own  ideals  and  pursued  their  own 
plans,  regardless  of  the  interests  of  the  country  as  a  whole.  The 
communities  rarely  acted  together,  and  could  not  think  of  joining 
in  one  strong  state.  They  loved  complete  independence  for  their 
towns  and  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  making  war  on  their  neighbors  as 
the  diversion  of  a  summer ;  yet  they  were  a  commercial  people,  not 
fond  of  long-continued  military  service.  Their  character  was  their 
political  ruin.  It  is  no  wonder  that  they  proved  inferior  to  the 
empires  of  Asia,  based  as  these  were  on  unthinking  submission  to 
one  all-controlling  will. 

112 


Croesus  1 1 3 

100.  Croesus,  King  of  Lydia  (560-546  B.C.)  and  Cyrus,  King  of 
Persia  (558-529  B.C.).  —  As  long  as  there  was  no  great  foreign  power 
in  their  neighborhood,  these  Asiatic  Greeks  remained  free.  But 
gradually  Lydia,  in  the  interior,  became  a  strong  state.  Croe'sus, 
who  ascended  the  throne  of  this  country  in  560  B.C.,  admired  the 
Greeks  and  wished  to  have  them  as  willing  subjects ;  but  when  they 
resisted,  he  waged  war  upon  them  and  conquered  them  with  no  great 
difficulty.  He  ruled  them  well,  however,  as  he  sought  to  gain  their 
favor  and  support  against  the  rising  power  of  Persia.  He  stole  his 
way  into  their  affections  by  making  costly  presents  to  their  gods, 
especially  to  Apollo  at  Delphi.  He  courted  the  friendship  of  Lace- 
daemon,  the  strongest  state  in  Greece,  and  gave  the  Spartans  gold 
with  which  to  make  a  statue  of  Apollo.  Under  Croesus,  Lydia 
reached  its  height  in  wealth  and  power.  His  treasury  was  full  of 
gold  dust  from  the  sands  of  the  Lydian  rivers  and  of  tributes  from 
the  cities  he  had  conquered ;  and  as  he  was  the  wealthiest  he  sup- 
posed himself  to  be  the  happiest  man  on  earth.  His  empire  had 
come  to  include  all  Asia  Minor  west  of  the  Halys  River ;  but  it  was 
destined  soon  to  become  a  part  of  the  far  vaster  Persian  empire,  and 
the  happy  monarch  was  doomed  to  end  his  life  in  captivity. 

Croesus  had  ruled  Lydia  but  two  years  when  Cyrus  ^  became  King 
of  Persia,  then  a  province  of  the  Median  empire.  He  was  a  great 
general  and  statesman,  and  his  Persian  subjects  were  brave,  strong 
mountaineers.^  Cyrus  threw  off  the  Median  yoke,  conquered  the 
Median  empire,  and  made  Persia  the  leading  state  in  Asia.  Baby- 
lonia, Egypt,  Lacedaemon,  and  Lydia  united  against  him  ;  but  Cyrus 
was  too  quick  to  allow  his  enemies  to  bring  their  forces  together. 
Marching  rapidly  against  Croesus,  the  Persian  king  conquered  him, 
took  him  captive  for  Hfe,  and  added  the  Lydian  empire  to  his  own. 

Cyrus  then  returned  to  the  East,  leaving  his  lieutenant  Har'pa-gus 
to  conquer  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor.     As  the  cities  would  not  unite 
in  defence  of  freedom,  they  fell  one  by  one  into  his  hands.     Some  of 
I  1  §  26.  2  §  29. 


114  Conquest  of  Asiatic  Gi'eece 

the  inhabitants  sailed  away  to  found  colonies  where  they  could  be 
free,  but  most  of  them  surrendered  when  attacked  by  Harpagus. 

101.  Cambyses  and  Darius,  Kings  of  Persia  (529-522, 522-485  B.C.). 
—  The  Persian  yoke  was  far  more  oppressive  than  the  Lydian 
had  been.  For  the  king  of  Persia  insisted  that  the  Greek  cities 
should  be  ruled  by  tyrants,  through  whom  he  expected  to  keep  his 
new  subjects  obedient ;  and  in  addition  to  the  payment  of  tribute 
they  now  had  to  serve  in  the  Persian  armies.  Cambyses,  son  and 
successor  of  Cyrus,  required  them  accordingly  to  help  him  conquer 
Egypt.  And  when  Darius,  the  following  king,  was  preparing  to  invade 
Europe  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,^  he  ordered  the  tyrants  of 
the  Greek  cities  to  furnish  six  hundred  ships  and  their  crews  for  his 
use.  He  crossed  the  Bosporus  on  a  bridge  of  boats  arranged  for 
him  by  a  Greek  engineer.  Meanwhile  the  tyrants  with  their  fleet 
sailed  up  the  Danube  and  bridged  the  river  with  their  boats  that 
Darius  might  be  able  to  cross ;  for  he  was  marching  against  the 
Scyth'i-ans,  a  people  without  settled  homes,  who  roamed  about  in  the 
country  north  of  the  Danube  and  the  Black  Sea.  It  was  galling  to 
the  Greeks  to  perform  such  compulsory  service,  as  they  felt  it  a 
shame  to  be  slaves  of  the  Persians  while  their  kinsmen  in  Europe 
were  free.  Even  some  of  the  tyrants,  voicing  the  spirit  of  their 
subjects,  proposed  to  cut  off  the  return  of  Darius  by  breaking  up  tlie 
bridge  he  had  left  in  their  keeping.  Mil-ti'a-des,  an  Athenian,  who 
was  then  tyrant  of  Cher-so-nese',  a  dependency  of  Athens,  f^ivored  the 
plan;  but  His-ti-ae'us,  despot  of  Miletus,  persuaded  the  tyrants  that 
the  people  would  depose  them  if  they  should  lose  the  support  of  the 
Persian  king,  and  in  this  manner  he  led  them  to  vote  against  the 
proposal. 

102.  The  Ionic  Revolt  (499-494  B.C.).  —  The  king  rewarded  His- 
tiaeus  for  his  loyalty  with  a  grant  of  land  on  the  Stry'mon  River  in 
Thrace,  and  afterward  required  him  to  come  to  Susa,  to  pass  the 

1  The  estimate  of  Herodotus  iv.  87,  is  seven  hundred  thousand  men — doubt- 
less a  great  exaggeration. 


Aristagorai  115 

remainder  of  his  life  as  a  courtier  in  the  palace.  To  the  ambitious 
Greek  the  life  at  court  was  no  better  than  exile.  Desiring  therefore 
to  return  to  his  native  land,  he  sent  a  secret  message  to  his  son-in- 
law,  Ar-is-tag'o-ras,  then  tyrant  of  Miletus,  urging  him  to  revolt. 
The  latter  needed  little  pressure  from  his  father-in-law,  for  he  was 
already  thinking  of  taking  this  step.  He  had  promised  the  Persians 
to  conquer  Naxos,  and  had  received  help  from  them  on  this  assur- 
ance ;  but  failing  in  his  attempt,  he  now  felt  that  he  should  be  punished 
for  not  keeping  his  word.  He  decided  accordingly  to  take  the  lead 
in  a  revolt  which  he  knew  was  threatening.  His  first  step  was  to 
resign  his  tyranny  and  give  Miletus  a  democratic  government.  He 
then  helped  depose  the  tyrants  of  the  neighboring  cities,  and  in  a 
few  weeks  all  Ionia  followed  him  in  a  rebellion  against  Darius. 

Aristagoras  spent  the  next  winter  in  looking  about  for  allies.  First 
he  went  to  Sparta  and  addressed  King  Cleomenes  as  follows  :  "  That 
the  sons  of  the  lonians  should  be  slaves  instead  of  free  is  a  reproach 
and  grief  most  of  all  indeed  for  ourselves,  but  of  all  others  most  to 
you,  inasmuch  as  ye  are  the  leaders  of  Hellas.  Now,  therefore,  I  en- 
treat you  by  the  gods  of  Hellas  to  rescue  from  slavery  the  lonians, 
who  are  your  own  kinsmen :  and  ye  may  easily  achieve  this,  for  the 
foreigners  are  not  valiant  in  fight,  whereas  ye  have  attained  to  the 
highest  point  of  valor  in  war :  and  their  fighting  is  of  this  fashion, 
namely,  with  bows  and  arrows  and  a  short  spear,  and  they  go  into 
battle  wearing  trousers  and  with  caps  on  their  heads.  Thus  they 
may  easily  be  conquered.  Then,  again,  they  who  occupy  that  conti- 
nent have  good  things  in  such  quantities  as  not  all  the  other  nations 
in  the  world  possess ;  first  gold,  then  silver  and  bronze  and  embroi- 
dered garments  and  beasts  of  burden  and  slaves  ;  all  which  ye  might 
have  for  yourselves  if  ye  so  desired."^ 

Aristagoras  then  proceeded  to  indicate  the  location  of  the  various 
Asiatic  nations  on  a  map  traced  on  a  plate  of  bronze,  the  first  the 

^  Herodotus  v.  49.  This  speech  gives  a  truthful  summary  of  the  facts  except 
in  one  particular, — the  Persians  were  not  cowardly;   §  29. 


Ii6  Conquest  of  Asiatic  Greece 

Spartans  had  ever  seen.  He  tried  to  show  how  easily  the  Lacedae- 
monians could  conquer  the  whole  Persian  empire.  "  How  long  a 
journey  is  it  from  the  Ionian  coast  to  the  Persian  capital  ?  "  Cleom- 
enes  asked.  *'A  three  months'  journey,''  Aristagofas  atlsWefed 
incautiously.  "  Guest- Friend  from  Miletus,"  the  Spartan  king  inter- 
rupted, "get  thee  away  from  Sparta  before  the  sun  has  set;  for  thou 
speakest  a  word  which  sounds  not  well  in  the  ears  of  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, desiring  to  take  them  on  a  journey  of  three  months  from  the 
sea."  The  smooth  Ionian  then  tried  to  win  him  with  a  bribe,  but 
was  frustrated  by  the  king's  daughter,  Gorgo,  a  child  of  eight  or  nine 
years  of  age,  who  exclaimed,  "  Father,  the  stranger  will  harm  thee,  if 
thou  do  not  leave  him  and  go  ! " 

Aristagoras  then  went  to  Athens,  where  he  found  his  task  easier. 
The  Athenians  were  near  kinsmen  of  the  lonians  and  in  close  com- 
mercial relations  with  them.  And  recently  the  governor  of  Sardis 
had  ordered  the  Athenians  to  take  back  Hippias  as  their  tyrant,  if 
they  wished  to  escape  destruction.  They  had  refused,  and  felt  in 
consequence  that  a  state  of  war  now  existed  between  them  and 
Persia.  They  therefore  sent  twenty  ships  to  help  the  lonians,  and 
their  neighbor,  Eretria,  sent  five. 

103.  The  War  of  the  Revolt  (498-494  B.C.).— The  allies  cap- 
tured and  burned  Sardis,  the  most  important  city  under  Persian  con- 
trol in  Asia  Minor.  Then  as  they  were  on  their  way  back  to  Ionia, 
the  Persians  attacked  and  defeated  them  near  Ephesus.  This  so 
thoroughly  discouraged  the  Athenians  that  they  returned  home  and 
would  give  no  more  help. 

The  burning  of  Sardis  encouraged  the  rest  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  to 
join  in  the  revolt,  but  at  the  same  time  stirred  Darius  to  greater  exer- 
tions for  putting  it  down,  and  angered  him  especially  against  Athens 
and  Eretria.  The  decisive  battle  of  the  war  was  fought  at  La'de^  off 
Miletus  (497  B.C.).  The  Greeks  had  three  hundred  and  fifty-three 
ships ;  the  Phoenicians  in  the  service  of  Persia  had  six  hundred.  Yet 
the  Greeks  would  certainly  have  won  the  day,  if  they  had  shown  the 


Effect  of  the    War  117 

right  spirit ;  but  they  were  disunited,  and  allowed  themselves  to  be 
influenced  by  secret  agents  from  the  enemy.  At  the  very  opening 
of  the  battle,  many  ships  treacherously  sailed  away,  and  though  a  few 
remained  and  fought  bravely,  the  battle  was  lost.  United  resistance 
was  now  at  an  end,  and  the  separate  states  were  subdued  one  by  one 
or  surrendered  to  avoid  attack.  The  Persians  brought  the  war  to  a 
close  by  the  capture  of  Miletus  (494  b.c.)  after  a  siege  of  four  years. 
They  plundered  and  burned  the  city,  together  with  its  temples, 
and  carried  the  people  into  captivity.  Thus  they  blotted  out  of 
existence  the  fairest  city  of  Hellas,  the  city  which  up  to  this 
time  had  done  most  in  building  up  European  civilization.  Though 
it  was  again  inhabited  by  Greeks,  it  never  regained  its  former 
splendor. 

104.  Effect  of  the  War  on  Athens.  — The  expedition  of  Darius 
into  Europe  had  resulted  in  the  conquest  of  Thrace,  which  how- 
ever rebelled  in  imitation  of  the  lonians.  After  suppressing 
the  Ionic  revolt  the  Persians  immediately  proceeded  against  Thrace. 
As  the  Phoenician  fleet  approached  Chersonese,  Miltiades,  the  ruler, 
fled  in  his  triremes  loaded  with  wealth.  Though  the  Phoenicians  hotly 
pursued  him,  he  came  safe  to  Athens.  He  found  his  native  city  greatly 
disturbed  by  the  recent  events  in  Ionia.  A  strong  party  led  by  Hip- 
parchus,  a  near  kinsman  of  Hippias,  wished  to  secure  peace  with 
Darius  by  recalling' the  exiled  tyrant,  and  if  need  be,  by  sending  the 
king  "  earth  and  water,"  the  tokens  of  submission.  Opposed  to  the 
tyrant's  party  were  the  republicans,  who  upheld  the  form  of  govern- 
ment established  by  Cleisthenes,  and  were  ready  to  fight  for  their 
country  against  Persia.  As  Archon  for  493  B.C.  they  elected  Them- 
is^to-cles,  their  leader,  a  man  of  wonderful  energy  and  intelligence. 
Heretofore  the  Athenians  had  moored  their  ships  in  the  open  bay  of 
Phal-e'rum,  but  Themistocles  occupied  his  term  of  office  in  making 
the  triple  harbor  of  Pei-rae'us  ready  for  a  navy.  He  believed  that 
war  with  Persia  could  not  be  avoided,  and  intended  that  Athens 
should  have  a  navy-yard  and  a  powerful  fleet ;  for  it  would  be  neces- 


iia 


Conquest  of  Asiatic  Greece 


sary  to  meet  not  only  the  Persian  army  on  land,  but  also  the  com- 
bined fleets  of  the  Phoenicians  and  the  Asiatic  Greeks  on  the  sea. 

105.  Darius  plans  to  conquer  Greece;  the  Condition  of  Greece 
(493-490  B.C.). — While  Themistocles  was  busy  with  his  harbor, 
Mar-do'ni-us,  son-in-law  of  Darius,  was  marching  through  Thrace  at 
the  head  of  a  large  army,  accompanied  by  a  fleet  along  the  shore. 

In  rounding  Mount  A'thos  the 
ships  were  wrecked,  and  at  the 
same  time  his  troops  were 
slaughtered  by  the  natives. 
Mardonius  expected  to  conquer 
the  whole  Greek  peninsula,  but 
only  retook  Thrace  and  re- 
ceived the  submission  of  Mace- 
don.  The  failure  of  his  enter- 
prise brought  him  into  disgrace 
at  the  Persian  court. 

Darius  now  made  ready 
another  expedition,  meanwhile 
sending  heralds  among  those 
Greek  communities  which  were 
still  free,  to  demand  "earth  and 
water."  There  was  no  need, 
Darius  thought,  of  attacking 
those  who  would  willingly  sub- 
mit. The  Athenians,  however, 
threw  the  king's  herald  into  a 
pit,  and  the  Spartans  dropped  the  one  who  came  to  them  into  a 
well,  bidding  them  take  earth  and  water  thence  to  their  lord. 
Those  who  advised  this  act  must  have  wished  to  remove  even  the 
possibility  of  reconciliation  with  Persia;  for  the  Athenians  and 
Spartans,  by  mistreating  the  heralds,  violated  the  law  of  nations  and 
placed  themselves  beyond  the  pale  of  the  great  king's  grace. 


"Themistocles" 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


-(EGINA 
(Temple  of  Athena  io  the  distance.) 


Condition  of  Greece  119 

Greece  was  to  be  at  a  great  disadvantage  in  the  coming  war  with 
Persia,  because  her  states  could  not  bring  themselves  to  act  together. 
In  most  of  them  were  strong  factions  which  favored  the  Persians. 
Many  of  them  immediately  yielded  through  fear.  Commercial  jeal- 
ousy of  Athens  prompted  Ae-gi'na  to  send  earth  and  water  to  the 
king ;  through  jealousy  of  Sparta,  Argos  favored  the  Persian  cause. 
Within  the  Peloponnesian  League  alone  was  unity.  In  the  face  of 
common  danger  men  began  for  the  first  time  to  talk  of  obligations  of 
loyalty  to  Greece,  and  to  recognize  Sparta  as  an  authority  with  legal 
power  to  enforce  loyal  conduct.  In  this  manner  the  patriots  created 
in  imagination  an  ideal  Hellas,  united  and  free,  looking  to  Sparta  as 
leader.  She,  alone  of  all  the  Greek  cities,  thus  far  had  shown  a 
genius  for  organization  and  command ;  and  it  was  with  perfect  jus- 
tice therefore  that  all  looked  to  her  in  this  crisis  as  the  head  of 
Greece. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.   The  Story  of  Croesus  and  Solon.  —  Herodotus  i.  29-33;  Plutarch,  Solon, 
27,  28. 

II.  Character  of  the  Persians.  —  Rawlinson,  Seven  Great  Monarchies, 
Fifth  Monarchy,  chs.  iii,  vi,  vii;  Ragozin,  Story  of  Media,  Babylon,  and  Persia, 
pp.  275-277. 

III.  The  Battle  of  Lade.  —  Herodotus  vi.  6-18. 

IV.  Themistocles.  —  Plutarch,  Themistocles  ;  Thucydides  i.  138. 


Marathon 


CHAPTER   VIII 


WAR   WITH   PERSIA  AND  CARTHAGE    (490-479  b-c) 


106.  Invasion  of  Datis  and  Artaphernes.  —  In  the  summer  of  490  B.C. 
the  Persian  armament,  which  had  long  been  preparing,  moved  west- 
ward across  the  Aegean  Sea,  receiving  the  submission  of  the  islanders 
on  the  way.  It  consisted  of  six  hundred  ships  carrying  an  army  of 
perhaps  sixty  thousand  men.  Da'tis,  a  Mede,  and  Ar-ta-pher'nes,  a 
kinsman  of  Darius,  were  in  command.  Their  object  was  to  punish 
Athens  and  Eretria  for  helping  the  Ionian  revolt,  and  to  conquer 
whatever  territory  they  could  for  their  lord. 

As  the  Persians  came  near,  the  Eretrians  were  in  doubt  as  to  what 
they  should  do.  Some  proposed  to  surrender,  and  others  to  flee  to 
the  mountains ;  but  finally  they  decided  to  await  an  attack  on  their 
walls.  After  a  brave  defence  of  six  days,  they  were  betrayed  by  two 
of  their  fellow-citizens. 

120 


Marathon 


121 


Eretrian  fugitives  who  brought  the  sad  news  to  Athens  found  the 
city  full  of  the  spirit  of  resistance.  Her  heavy  infantry,  composed 
of  landowners,  was  well  trained  in  the  use  of  arms.^  It  was  a  happy 
omen,  too,  for  Athens  that  among  her  generals 
for  the  year  was  Miltiades,  who  had  proved  his 
ability  as  ruler  of  Chersonese,  and  was  well 
acquainted  with  Persian  warfare.  As  soon  as 
he  and  the  other  generals  heard  that  the  enemy 
were  moving  against  Attica,  they  gathered  their 
entire  force,  and  despatched  Phi-dip 'pi-des,  a 
swift,  long-distance  runner,  to  Sparta  to  ask 
help.  He  reached  Sparta,  a  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  distant,  the  day  after  starting.  "  Men  of 
Lacedaemon,"  he  said  to  the  authorities,  "  the 
Athenians  beseech  you  to  hasten  to  their  aid, 
and  not  allow  that  state  which  is  the  most 
ancient  in  all  Greece  to  be  enslaved  by  the 
barbarians.  Eretria,  look  you,  is  already 
carried  away  captive,  and  Greece  weakened 
by  the  loss  of  no  mean  city."  ^  The  Lacedae- 
monians, though  they  wished  to  help  the  Athe- 
nians, had  to  wait  several  days  before  setting 
out,  as  a  law  forbade  them  to  go  to  war  in  any 
month  before  the  full  moon. 

107.  The  Battle  of  Marathon  (490  B.C.).  — 
After  sacking  Eretria,  the  Persians,  under  the 
guidance  of  the  aged  Hippias,^  landed  at 
Marathon.  The  Athenian  army,  led  by  the 
polemarch  and  the  ten  generals,  went  to  meet  them.  The  polemarch 
had  the  nominal  command,  but  the  real  leader  was  Miltiades.  He  at- 
tacked the  Persians  in  the  plain  not  far  from  the  landing.  When  the 
Athenians  had  come  within  bow-shot  of  the  enemy,  they  charged  at  a 


The  Warrior  of 
Marathon" 


95- 


2  Herodotus  vi.  106. 


§94. 


122  War  with  Persia  and  Carthage 

double-quick  march,  so  anxious  were  they  to  reach  the  Persians  with 
their  spears  and  avoid  the  showers  of  arrows.  The  Persians,  who  were 
unprepared  for  fighting  hand  to  hand,  were  compelled  to  retire  to  their 
ships  with  great  loss.  The  Athenians  "were  the  first  of  the  Hel- 
lenes, so  far  as  we  know,  who  attacked  the  enemy  at  a  run,  and  they 
were  the  first  to  face  the  Median  garme?its  and  the  men  who  wore 
them,  whereas  up  to  this  time  the  very  name  of  the  Medes  was  to 
the  Hellenes  a  terror  to  hear."^  They  gained  this  great  victory 
practically  by  themselves ;  for  the  Plataeans  alone  of  their  neigh- 
bors had  come  to  their  aid.  The  Lacedaemonians,  starting  after  the 
full  moon,  reached  Athens  by  a  forced  march,  yet  too  late  to  be 
of  service. 

This  was  perhaps  the  most  important  battle  yet  fought  in  the  history 
of  the  world.  In  the  wars  among  the  great  powers  of  the  Orient,  it 
made  little  difference  to  the  world  which  gained  the  victory,  they 
were  so  nearly  alike  in  character  and  civihzation.  The  same  may  be 
said  of  the  petty  strife  always  going  on  among  the  Greek  states.  But 
at  Marathon,  Europe  and  Asia,  represented  by  Greece  and  Persia 
respectively,  came  into  conflict ;  and  the  question  at  issue  was 
whether  Europe  should  be  brought  under  the  control  of  Asiatic 
government  and  Asiatic  ideas.^  The  civihzations  of  the  opposing 
forces  were  totally  different.  The  whole  life  of  the  Greek  rested 
upon  the  political,  social,  and  religious  freedom  of  man,  whereas  that 
of  the  Asiatics  depended  upon  slavish  obedience  to  authority,  —  the 
authority  of  priests  and  king.  It  was  well  for  the  future  of  the 
world,  therefore,  that  the  Greeks  triumphed  at  Marathon.  They 
were  no  braver  than  the  Persians;  but  their  freedom  gave  them 
spirit,  and  their  intelligence  provided  them  with  superior  arms, 
organization,  and  training.     The  victory  encouraged  Greece  to  hope 

1  Herodotus  vi.  112. 

2  Had  the  Persians  become  the  dominant  power  in  Europe,  they  would  proba- 
bly not  have  crushed  Greek  civilization,  but  would  have  hindered  its  extension, — 
Europe  would  have  become  Oriental. 


Miltiadcs  123 

for  success  in  the  greater  conflict  with  Persia,  which  was  soon  to 
come,  and  inspired  the  Athenians  ever  afterward  to  brave  danger  in 
the  forefront  of  Hellas. 

108.  The  End  of  Miltiades.  —  Miltiades  now  stood  at  the  summit 
of  fame.  He  thought  the  present  moment  favorable  for  building  up 
the  Athenian  power  and  wealth  at  the  expense  of  the  islanders  who 
had  sided  with  the  king.  So  he  planned  an  expedition  against  Paros, 
and  asked  the  Athenians  for  ships  and  men,  promising  to  make  them 
rich  but  not  telling  them  just  what  he  intended  to  do.  He  sailed 
with  his  fleet  to  Paros  and  demanded  a  contribution  of  a  hundred 
talents.  As  the  Parians  refused  to  pay  anything,  he  besieged  them 
without  efl'ect  for  nearly  a  month,  and  then  returned  wounded 
to  Athens,  to  disappoint  the  hopes  of  all.  His  enemies  found 
in  his  failure  an  opportunity  to  assail  him.  Xan-thip'pus,  leader 
of  the  republican  party,^  prosecuted  him  for  having  deceived 
the  people.  The  penalty  would  have  been  death ;  but  because  of 
Miltiades'  great  services  to  the  state,  it  was  lightened  to  a  fine  of 
fifty  talents.  He  died  of  his  wound,  and  the  fine  was  paid  by  his 
son  Cimon. 

In  attempting  to  divide  fairly  the  blame  of  this  unhappy  event 
between  Militiades  and  the  Athenians,  we  are  to  bear  in  mind  that 
it  was  the  failure  of  the  enterprise  rather  than  its  unworthy  object 
which  angered  the  Athenians ;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  from 
his  whole  life  and  training  as  well  as  from  his  self-will  and  his  per- 
sonal ambition,  Miltiades  was  dangerous  to  the  state.  Had  he 
succeeded  in  his  plan,  he  might  have  made  himself  tyrant  of 
Athens. 

109.  Aristeides  and  Themistocles.  —  The  republicans  gathered 
strength  from  the  victory  at  Marathon  and  even  from  the  overthrow 
of  Miltiades.  By  ostracizing  Hipparchus  and  other  prominent 
friends  of  Hippias,^  they  utterly  disorganized  the  tyrant's  faction. 
Meanwhile   they  dealt   the   nobles  a  heavy  blow  by   changing   the 

1  §  104.  2  §§  94^  104. 


124  '  War  witJi  Persia  and  Carthage 

mode  of  appointment  to  the  nine  archonships.  Before  487  B.C.  the 
archons  had  been  elected ;  henceforth  they  were  to  be  appointed 
by  lot.  The  change  degraded  these  old  aristocratic  offices  by  open- 
ing them  to  men  of  inferior  ability.  From  this  time  the  polemarch 
ceased  to  have  even  nominal  command  of  the  army,  and  the  ten 
generals  took  the  place  of  the  nine  archons  as  the  chief  magistrates 
of  Athens.  Who  the  author  of  this  measure  was  we  do  not  know; 
it  may  have  been  Ar-is-tei'des,  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  after- 
ward he  devoted  his  whole  energy  to  the  task  of  making  the  Athen- 
ian government  a  pure  democracy.  In  opposition  to  the  measure 
the  nobles  and  their  friends  formed  a  new  conservative  party,  whereas 
the  men  who  brought  about  the  change  composed  the  new  demo- 
cratic party. 

The  democratic  leaders,  Aristeides  and  Themistocles,  soon  disa- 
greed as  to  the  best  way  of  using  the  revenues  from  the  silver  mines 
of  Laurium  in  southeastern  Attica.  Aristeides,  satisfied  with  the  army 
which  had  won  the  battle  of  Marathon,  was  evidently  willing  that 
the  old  custom  of  dividing  the  revenues  among  the  citizens  should 
continue.  Themistocles,  on  the  other  hand,  was  determined  that 
Athens  should  have  a  navy  to  protect  her  from  the  Persian  attacks 
by  sea  and  to  make  her  a  great  power  in  Greece.^  Aristeides  was 
ostracised  (483  B.C.)  ;  and  with  the  support  of  the  merchants 
Themistocles  carried  his  plan  through  the  assembly.  The  state 
built  two  hundred  triremes,-  which  proved  to  be  the  chief  means  of 
winning  a  great  naval  victory  over  the  Persians  and  of  making 
Athens  the  head  of  a  maritime  empire.  To  bring  about  this  result 
Themistocles  had  to  teach  the  Athenians  that  they  should  support 
the  state  rather  than  be  supported  by  it,  and  should  sacrifice .  their 
own  selfish  interests  to  the  glory  of  their  country,  —  in  brief,  he  had 
to  remake  his  fellow-citizens  after  the  pattern  of  his  own  grand 
ideal.  Measured  by  its  far-reaching  effects  upon  Greece  and  the 
worid,  the  creation  of  an  Athenian  navy  by  Themistocles  was  one 
^  §  104.  2  Vessels  with  three  banks  of  oars;   p.  139. 


\  I  ',1 


II    \  \  w 


Xerxes  125 

of  the  most  magnificent  achievements  of  statesmanship  known  to 
ancient  history. 

110.  Preparations  for  another  Invasion  of  Greece.  —  '•' Now  when 
the  report  came  to  Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  of  the  battle  which 
was  fought  at  Marathon,  the  king  who  even  before  this  had  been 
greatly  exasperated  with  the  Athenians  on  account  of  the  attack 
made  upon  Sardis,  then  far  more  than  before  displayed  indignation, 
and  was  far  more  desirous  of  making  a  march  against  Hellas.  Im- 
mediately he  sent  messengers,  therefore,  to  the  various  cities  of  his 
empire  and  ordered  that  they  should  get  ready  a  force,  appointing 
to  each  people  to  supply  much. more  than  at  the  former  time,  and 
not  only  ships  of  war,  but  also  horses  and  provisions  and  transport 
vessels ;  and  when  these  commands  were  carried  round,  all  Asia 
was  moved  for  three  years,  for  all  the  best  men  were  being  enhsted 
for  the  expedition  against  Hellas,  and  were  making  preparations. 
In  the  fourth  year,  however,  the  Egyptians,  who  had  been  conquered 
by  Cambyses,  revolted  against  the  Persians ;  and  then  Darius  was 
even  more  desirous  of  marching  against  both  these  nations."  ^ 

About  this  time  (485  B.C.)  Darius  died,  and  Xerxes,  his  son  and 
successor,  after  reconquering  Egypt,  continued  his  preparation  for 
the  invasion  of  Greece.  In  the  spring  of  481  B.C.  the  nations  of  his 
empire  were  pouring  their  armed  forces  into  Asia  Minor,  and  the 
autumn  of  the  year  found  Xerxes  with  his  vast  host  encamped  for 
the  winter  at  Sardis.  Provisions  were  being  stored  along  the  way, 
and  his  engineers  were  bridging  the  Hellespont  with  boats.  We  do 
not  know  how  large  his  army  was,  but  it  certainly  did  not  exceed 
three  hundred  thousand  serviceable  troops.  On  the  sea  was  a  fleet 
of  about  twelve  hundred  ships  manned  by  Greeks,  Phoenicians,  and 
Egyptians.  The  invasion  was  to  bring  Greece  into  great  peril ;  for 
Xerxes  hoped  to  win  by  sheer  force  of  numbers. 

HI.  Union  of  the  Loyal  Greeks.  —  While  Xerxes  was  in  camp 
at  Sardis,  his  messengers  came  to  the  Greek  states  demanding  earth 

1  Herodotus  vii.  i. 


126  War  with  Persia  and  Carthage 

and  water,  and  received  these  tokens  of  submission  from  many  of 
them.  But  none  came  to  Athens  and  Sparta,  as  they  were  to  be 
punished  for  their  treatment  of  the  heralds  sent  by  Darius.  A 
council  of  the  loyal  states  met  on  the  Isthmus  to  plan  for  the  defence 
of  Greece.  This  union  was  practically  an  enlargement  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  League  under  the  leadership  of  Sparta.  The  States  repre- 
sented in  the  council  agreed  under  oath  to  wage  war  in  common  for 
the  protection  of  their  liberties.  They  also  reconciled  their  enmities 
with  one  another,  and  sent  spies  to  Sardis  and  envoys  to  the  other 
Greek  states  to  invite  them  to  join  the  League.  Xerxes,  capturing 
the  spies,  showed  them  round  his  camp  and  sent  them  home  un- 
harmed. The  envoys  to  the  Greek  states  were  less  successful.  Argos, 
through  hostility  to  Sparta,  held  aloof  from  the  union  and  doubtless 
prayed  for  the  success  of  the  Persians.  The  Cor-cy-rae'ans  promised 
their  navy,  but  lingered  selfishly  on  the  way  till  the  war  was  decided. 
'Ge'lon,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  was  requested  to  give  help;  but  he  was 
busy  preparing  to  meet  a  Carthaginian  invasion  (§  ii6). 

The  plan  of  the  allies  was  to  build  a  wall  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Corinth  and  to  make  their  main  defence  there.  It  was  a  narrow 
policy,  directed  by  the  Lacedaemonian  ephors.  As  Xerxes  approached 
the  Hellespont  in  the  spring  of  480  B.C.,  the  allies  made  a  feeble 
attempt  to  defend  Thessaly  against  him  by  posting  an  army  in  the 
vale  of  Tempe.  On  the  withdrawal  of  this  army,  the  Thessalians 
went  over  to  the  enemy. 

112.  The  Battles  of  Thermopylae  and  Artemisium  (480  B.C.).  — 
To  prevent  central  Greece  from  following  the  example  of  the  Thessa- 
lians, the  ephors  sent  King  Le-on'i-das  with  three  hundred  heavy- 
armed  Spartans  and  a  few  thousand  allies  to  hold  the  pass  of 
Ther-mop'y-lae,  and  thus  shut  Xerxes  out  from  central  Greece. 
They  professed  to  believe  that  he  could  hold  the  pass  till  the  Olym- 
pic games  were  over.  Then,  they  said,  they  would  take  the  field  in 
full  force.  The  fleet,  comprising  the  squadrons  of  the  various  cities 
of  the  League,  sailed  to  Artemisium  to  cooperate  with  the  army  at 


Thermopylae 


127 


M  A  L  I  A  N 
GULF 


Thermopylae.      Each  squadron  was  under  its  own  admiral,  and  the 
whole  fleet  was  commanded  by  the  Spartan  Eu-ry-bi'a-des. 

The  Persians  failed  to  carry  Leonidas'  position  by  assault,  for 
their  numbers  did  not  count  in  the  narrow  pass.  The  discipHne  of 
the  Greeks,  their  strong  defensive  armor,  and  their  long  spears  might 
have  held  the  hordes  of  Xerxes  in  check  for  an  indefinite  time,  had 
not  the  Persians  gained  the  rear  of  the  pass  through  the  treachery  of 
a  Greek.  Most  of  the  aUies  then  withdrew ;  but  Leonidas  with  his 
three  hundred  Spartans  and  a  few  allies  remained  and  prepared  for  a 
death  struggle.  The 
contrast  between  the 
Greeks  and  the 
Orientals  was  at  its 
height  at  Ther- 
mopylae :  on  one 
side,  the  Persian 
officers  scourged 
their  men  to  battle  ; 
on  the  other,  the 
Spartans  voluntarily 
met  their  death  in 
obedience  to  law. 
"  The  Lacedaemonians  are  the  best  of  all  men  when  fighting  in  a 
body ;  for  though  free,  yet  they  are  not  free  in  all  things,  since  over 
them  is  set  law  as  a  master.  They  certainly  do  whatever  that  master 
commands ;  and  he  always  bids  them  not  flee  in  battle  from  any 
multitude  of  men,  but  stay  at  their  post,  and  win  the  victory  or  lose 
their  lives."  ^  The  dead  were  buried  where  they  fell,  and  above  the 
three  hundred  was  placed  this  epitaph  :  "  Stranger,  tell  the  Lacedae- 
monians that  we  lie  here  in  obedience  to  their  laws." 

Meanwhile  a  storm  off"  the  Magnesian  coast  had  destroyed  a  third 
of  the  Persian  navy.     This  enormous  loss  to  the  enemy  encouraged 
1  Herodotus  vii.  104. 


PLAN  OF  THERM0PYL7e  *■ 

A Hot  Springs  where  fonnerljf 

flowed  the  brooK  Phoenix.   PBsm 
Plain  of  Anthela  where  space  broatt 

C  —  Hot  Springs  and  Phocian  Wall 

A-C.-Space  between  A  and  C  called  Thermopylae 


norma,  i  Co., N.r. 


128 


IVar  witJi  Persia  and  Carthage 


the  wavering  admirals  of  Greece  to  maintain  their  station  at  Ar-te- 
mis'i-um ;  and  though  they  learned  that  the  Persians  had  sent  two 
hundred  ships  round  Euboea  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  they  were  now 
ready  for  battle.  After  the  Greeks  had  destroyed  or  captured  several 
Persian  vessels,  night  closed  the  engagement.  Fortunately  for  the 
Greeks,  another  storm  wrecked  the  hostile  squadron  in  their  rear, 
and  thus  enabled  them  to  concentrate  their  whole  fleet  of  over  three 


Bay  of  Salamis 


hundred  ships  against  the  enemy.  On  the  following  day,  accord- 
ingly, the  two  navies  in  full  force  put  to  sea  against  each  other.  The 
battle  was  indecisive ;  but  the  Greeks  lost  so  heavily  that  their 
admirals  had  already  resolved  to  retreat  when  a  messenger  came 
with  news  of  the  defeat  at  Thermopylae.  It  was  now  clear  that  the 
fleet  could  no  longer  maintain  its  position. 

113.  The  March  of  Xerxes  to  Athens.  —  Xerxes  was  now  moving 
through  central  Greece  toward  Athens.  Nearly  all  the  states  west 
of  Attica  submitted  and  sent  their  troops  to  reenforce  his  army.     The 


Salamis  129 

men  of  Delphi,  according  to  their  own  account,  hid  the  treasures  of 
Apollo  in  a  cave  and  prepared  to  resist  the  Persian  corps  which  had 
come  to  pillage  their  temple ;  then  some  god  aided  them  by  bringing 
a  thunder-storm  and  hurling  great  crags  down  Mount  Parnassus  upon 
the  advancing  enemy.  In  this  way,  they  said,  Apollo  defended  his 
holy  shrine. 

The  Greek  fleet  paused  at  Sal'a-mis  to  help  the  Athenians  remove 
their  families  and  property  to  places  of  safety.  This  was  their  last 
resource,  as  the  Peloponnesians  were  bent  on  defending  only  Pelo- 
ponnese.  Indeed,  the  other  admirals  wished  to  hurry  on  to  the 
Isthmus;  but  Themistocles  would  not  go  with  his  fleet,  and  the 
others  felt  they  could  not  aflbrd  to  lose  it.  On  entering  his  city 
Themistocles  found  it  in  despair.  Some  time  before  this  the 
Athenians  had  sent  to  consult  the  Delphic  oracle  with  respect  to  the 
approaching  war,  and  a  dreadful  answer  had  come  foretelling  utter 
ruin.  The  Athenian  messengers  besought  a  more  favorable  reply, 
saying  they  would  remain  in  the  shrine  till  their  death  if  it  were  not 
granted.     Then  the  god  grew  merciful  and  gave  a  little  hope  :  — 

"  Pallas  has  not  been  able  to  soften  the  lord  of  Olympus, 
Though  she  has  often  prayed  him,  and  urged  him  with  excellent  counsel. 
Yet  once  more  I  address  thee  in  words  than  adamant  firmer  : 
When  the  foe  shall  have  taken  whatever  the  limit  of  Cecrops 
Holds  within  it,  and  all  which  divine  Ci-thae'ron  shelters. 
Then  far-seeing  Jove  grants  this  to  the  prayers  of  Athena; 
Safe  shall  the  wooden  wall  continue  for  thee  and  thy  children. 
Wait  not  the  tramp  of  the  horse,  nor  the  footman  mightily  moving 
Over  the  land,  but  turn  your  back  to  the  foe,  and  retire  ye. 
Yet  shall  a  day  arrive  when  ye  shall  meet  him  in  battle. 
Holy  Salamis,  thou  shalt  destroy  the  offspring  of  women. 
When  men  scatter  the  seed,  or  when  they  gather  the  harvest." 

114.  The  Battle  of  Salamis  (480  B.C.).  —  Some  thought  that  the 
"  wooden  wall "  was  the  fence  about  the  Acropolis ;  but  Themis- 
tocles said  no,  it  meant  the  ships,  and  thus  he  induced  the  Athenians 
to  quit  their  homes  and  place  all  their  hopes  in  the  fleet.     Themis- 

K 


I30 


War  zvith  Persia  and  Carthage 


tocles  was  the  soul  of  resistance  to  Persia.  His  resourceful  mind 
supplied  courage,  unity,  and  religious  faith.  He  was  now  determined 
that  the  battle  between  Asia  and  Europe  should  be  fought  in  the  bay 
of  Salamis.  First,  he  exhausted  the  resources  of  eloquence  and 
argument  to  persuade  the  admirals  that  here  was  the  most  favorable 
place  for  the  fight ;  but  when  arguments  and  even  threats  failed,  he 
secretly  advised  the  enemy  to  block  the  Greeks  up  in  the  bay.  By  fol- 
lowing his  advice,  Xerxes  compelled  the  Greeks  to  fight.     The  three 


MAP    OF 

SAL.AMIS 


hundred  and  seventy-eight  Greek  triremes,  nearly  half  of  which 
were  manned  by  Athenians,  had  to  face  a  fleet  twice  as  large.  But 
in  the  narrow  strait  superiority  in  number  was  a  disadvantage, — 
closely  crowded  together,  the  enemy's  ships  were  unable  to  manoeu- 
vre, and  even  wrecked  one  another  by  collision.  While  on  the  left 
wing  the  Athenians  were  putting  the  Phoenician  ships  to  flight,  the 
Aeginetans  on  the  right  forced  their  way  along  the  shore  of  Salamis 
to  assail  the  enemy  in  the  flank  and  rear.  Aft^r  lasting  all  day  the 
battle  ended  in  a  glorious  victory  for  the  Greeks.  The  Asiatic  fleet 
was  so  thoroughly  crippled  that  it  could  no  longer  endanger  Greece. 
Xerxes  quickly  withdrew  from  Europe,  leaving  Mardonius  in  com- 


Plataea  131 

mand  of  three  hundred  thousand  troops.  The  contest  on  land 
was  deferred  to  the  following  summer;  but  the  Persian  cause  was 
strengthened  by  the  departure  of  Xerxes,  and  the  real  crisis  was 
yet  to  come. 

115.  The  Battles  of  Plataea  and  Mycale  (479  B.C.).  — The  in- 
vaders had  destroyed  Athens ;  so  that  when  the  Athenians  returned 
to  their  city  they  found  it  in  ruins.  Though  they  might  during 
the  winter  have  made  good  terms  with  the  enemy,  they  remained 
loyal  to  Hellas,  only  urging  that  the  Peloponnesian  army  should 
be  displayed  as  soon  as  possible  in  Boeotia.  In  the  spring  of  479 
B.C.  Mardonius  moved  from  his  winter  quarters  in  Thessaly  into 
central  Greece,  and  the  Athenians  again  abandoned  their  city. 
Some  of  the  Peloponnesians  were  at  home ;  others  were  busy  work- 
ing on  the  Isthmian  wall,  behind  which  they  still  planned  to  make 
their  defence.  With  urging  and  threats  the  Athenians  finally  in- 
duced the  ephors  of  Sparta  to  put  forth  their  whole  military 
strength  in  defence  of  central  Greece.  Pau-sa'ni-as,  regent  for  the 
young  son  of  Leonidas,  brought  to  the  Isthmus  five  thousand 
heavy-armed  Spartans,  as  many  heavy-armed  perioeci,  and  forty 
thousand  light-armed  helots.  There  the  allied  troops  from  Pelo- 
ponnese  joined  him,  and  at  Eleusis  he  was  further  reenforced  by 
eight  thousand  Athenians  under  Aristeides.  Herodotus  estimates 
the  Persian  army  at  three  hundred  thousand,  the  Greek  at  a  little 
more  than  one  hundred  thousand.^  Mardonius  retired  to  Boeotia, 
and  Pausanias  followed  him.  The  Persians  encamped  northeast  of 
Pla-tae'a  on  a  level  spot  which  would  give  room  for  the  movements 
of  their  cavalry.  The  Greek  commander  took  a  position  on  a 
height  above  them  ;  but  encouraged  by  a  successful  skirmish  with 
the  Persian  horsemen,  he  came  down  to  the  plain  and  placed  him- 
self between  the  enemy  and  Plataea.  There  the  armies  faced  each 
other  twelve  days,  neither  daring  to  open  battle.  But  after  the 
Persian  cavalry  had  damaged  a  spring  on  which  the  Greeks  de- 
^  Probably  the  forces  were  considerably  smaller  than  he  states. 


132 


War  with  Persia  and  Cartilage 


pended  for  water,  Pausanias  decided  to  retire  in  the  night  to  a 
more  favorable  position  near  Plataea.  Mardonius,  who  thought  this 
movement  a  retreat,  made  haste  to  attack.  When  the  Persians 
overtook  the  Greeks  and  saw  them  face  about,  they  made  a  barri- 
cade of  their  long  shields  by  fastening  the  lower  ends  in  the 
ground,  and  from  behind  this  defence  they  poured  their  de- 
structive arrows  upon  the  Greeks.  The  critical  moment  had 
come ;  Pausanias  gave  the  word,  and  his  men 
rushed  at  full  speed  upon  the  foe.  In  the 
hand-to-hand  fight  here,  as  at  Marathon, 
the  athletic  soldiers  of  Greece  easily 
overcame  the  ill-armed,  unskilful  men 
of  Asia. 

In  the  summer  of  the  same  year,  the 
Greek    fleet    was    tempted    across    the 
Aegean  by  the  Samians,  who  wished  to 
revolt  against  Persia.     About  the  time 
of  the  battle  at  Plataea,  —  Herodotus 
says  on  the  same  day,  —  the  crews  of 
the  Greek  vessels  landed  at  Myc'a-le 
and  gained  a  victory  over  a  greatly 
superior  force  of  the  Persians.     The 
battle  of  Plataea  freed   continental 
Greece   from  fear  of  Persian   con- 
quest ;  that  at  Mycale  pointed  unmis- 
takably    to     the     liberation     from 
Persian    influence    of    the     whole 
Aegean  region  east  and  north. 
116.    The  War  with  Carthage;    Battle  of  Himera   (480  B.C.).— 
Meanwhile    the   Sicilian    Greeks  were  at  war  with    Carthage.     The 
Phoenicians,   who    had    founded    this    city,   were   originally   an   in- 
dustrial and  trading  people  with  litde  taste  for  war.^     But  to  defend 

M22. 


A  Persian  Archer 


Results  133 

their  commercial  position  in  the  western  Mediterranean  they  had 
recently  begun  on  a  large  scale  to  hire  troops  from  foreign  coun- 
tries. With  her  great  army  of  mercenaries  Carthage  now  aimed  to 
win  back  the  lands  she  had  been  compelled  to  yield  to  the  Greeks. 
About  the  time  that  Xerxes  was  crossing  the  Hellespont,  Ham-il'- 
car,  king  of  Carthage,  landing  at  Pan-or'mus,  advanced  toward 
Him'e-ra  with  an  army  of  perhaps  three  hundred  thousand  men. 
He  was  met  and  defeated  near  Himera  by  Gelon,^  tyrant  of  Syra- 
cuse, with  the  help  of  allies  from  the  cities  of  southern  Sicily.  The 
story  is  told  that  all  day  long  as  the  battle  raged,  the  prophet-king 
of  Carthage  stood  apart  from  his  host,  offering  victims  to  the  gods, 
and  that  at  last  to  appease  the  angry  powers  who  seemed  to  be 
siding  with  the  foe,  he  threw  himself  a  living  sacrifice  into  the 
flames. 

117.  Results  of  the  War  with  Persia  and  Carthage. — The  vic- 
tory at  Himera  led  to  a  treaty,  according  to  which  the  western 
Greeks  and  the  Carthaginians  were  to  retain  their  former  posses- 
sions. In  eastern  Greece  the  war  with  Persia  continued  for  some 
years  after  the  battles  of  Plataea  and  Mycale  for  the  liberation  of 
those  Greeks  who  had  been  subject  to  Xerxes.  The  victory  in 
the  east  was  won  by  the  enthusiasm  of  free  citizens ;  that  in  the 
west  by  mercenaries  in  the  service  of  tyrants.  Yet  the  conflict 
in  both  parts  created  a  democratic  spirit,  which  in  the  east  made 
the  existing  constitutions  still  more  popular,  and  in  the  west  over- 
turned tyranny  and  set  up  republican  governments.  The  war  with 
Persia  and  Carthage  did  much  to  unite  the  states  of  Hellas :  Sparta 
remained  for  a  time  the  political  centre  of  the  east"  and  Syracuse 
of  the  west.  Finally,  the  victorious  Greeks,  filled  with  energy  and 
confidence  by  their  unexpected  success,  now  entered  upon  their 
great  age  in  literature,  art,  and  politics. 

i§iii. 

2  Till  461  B.C.,  when  the  leadership  came  to  be  divided  between  Athens  and 
Sparta. 


134 


War  with  Persia  and  Carthage 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.    Marathon.  —  Herodotus  vi.  107-117;   Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  247- 
254;   Grundy,  Great  Persian  War,  pp.  180-191. 

II.    Thermopylae.  —  Herodotus  vii.  201-232;  Cox,  Greeks  and  Persians,  pp. 
161-168;   Abbott,  History  of  Greece,  ii.  pp.  151-161. 

III.    Salamis.  —  Herodotus  viii.  40-97 :   Cox,  pp.  173- 1 83;    Holm,  History  of 
Greece,  ii.  pp.  55-59;   Abbott,  ii.  pp.  1 77-191. 


A  Greek  Athlete 
(After  Lysippus,  a  contemporary  of  Alexander  the  Great;  Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


CHAPTER   IX 

THE  AGE  OF  CIMON  (479-461  B.C.) 

118.  Fortification  of  Athens  and  of  Peiraeus  (479,  476  B.C.).  —  As 
soon  as  all  danger  from  the  Persians  was  over,  the  Athenians  returned 
home  and  began  to  rebuild  their  city  and  its  walls.  They  had  sacri- 
ficed more  than  all  the  other  Greeks  together  in  the  cause  of  Hellenic 
freedom.  But  instead  of  sympathizing  with  them  in  their  misfortune, 
some  of  the  Greek  states,  doubtless  through  jealousy,  complained  of 
Athens  to  Sparta,  and  asked  that  the  building  of  the  defences  be 
stopped.  It  was  urged  that  the  Athenian  walls  would  be  merely  a 
protection  to  the  Persians  on  another  invasion,  and  that  Peloponnese 
would  afford  a  sufficient  refuge  for  all.  The  Spartan  ephors  acted 
readily  on  the  suggestion.  They  sent  envoys  who  advised  the 
Athenians  to  stop  fortifying  their  city  and  to  join  the  Lacedaemonians 
rather  in  tearing  down  the  walls  of  all  the  communities  north  of  the 
Isthmus  of  Corinth.  The  policy  of  Lacedaemon  was  evidently  to 
rule  Greece  if  convenient,  and  to  protect  only  Peloponnese ;  but  the 
Athenians  would  not  submit  to  an  arrangement  so  unjust.  As  they 
were  in  no  condition  to  face  a  Peloponnesian  army,  the  resourceful 
Themistocles  provided  a  way  out  of  the  difficulty. 

Following  his  advice,  the  Athenians  appointed  him,  Aristeides,  and 

a  third  person  ambassadors  to  Sparta  to  discuss  the  question  at  issue. 

"  Themistocles  proposed  that  he  should  start  at  once  for  Sparta,  and  that  his  col- 
leagues should  wait  until  the  wall  reached  the  lowest  height  which  could  possibly  be 
defended.  The  whole  people,  men,  women,  and  children,  should  join  in  the  work, 
and  they  must  spare  no  building,  private  or  public,  which  could  be  of  use,  but 
demolish  them  all.  Having  given  these  instructions  and  intimated  that  he  would 
manage  affairs  at  Sparta,  he  departed.  On  his  arrival  he  did  not  at  once  present 
himself  officially  to  the  magistrates,  but  delayed  and  made  excuses  ;   and  when  any 


136 


The  Age  of  Cimon 


of  them  asked  him  why  he  did  not  appear  before  the  assembly,  he  said  that  he  was 
waiting  for  his  colleagues,  who  had  been  detained  by  some  engagement;  he 
was  daily  expecting  them,  and  wondered  that  they  had  not  appeared. 

"  The  friendship  of  the  Lacedaemonian  magistrates  for  Themistocles  induced 
them  to  believe  him  ;  but  when  everybody  who  came  from  Athens  declared  posi- 
tively that  the  wall  was  building  and  had  already  reached  a  considerable  height, 
they  knew  not  what  to  think.  He,  aware  of  their  suspicions,  desired  them  not 
to  be  misled  by  reports,  but  to  send  to  Athens  men  whom  they  could  trust  out  of 
their  own  number,  who  would  see  for  themselves  and  bring  back  word.  They 
agreed  ;  and  he  at  the  same  time  privately  instructed  the  Athenians  to  detain  the 
envoys  as  quietly  as  they  could,  and  not  let  them  go  till  he  and  his  colleagues  had 


A  Remnant  of  the  Wall  of  Athens 
(Built  by  Themistocles) 

got  safely  home.  For  by  this  time  .  .  .  [the  two  other  Athenian  ambassadors] 
had  arrived,  bringing  the  news  that  the  wall  was  of  sufficient  height  ;  and  he  was 
afraid  that  the  Lacedaemonians,  when  they  heard  the  truth,  might  not  allow  them 
to  return.  So  the  Athenians  detained  the  envoys,  and  Themistocles,  coming 
before  the  Lacedaemonians,  at  length  declared  in  so  many  words  that  Athens  was 
now  provided  with  walls  and  could  protect  her  citizens  ;  "  ^  and  that  henceforth 
Sparta  must  treat  her  as  an  equal. 

It  was  a  bold  game  well  played.     The  ephors  replied   that  their 
proposal  to  Athens  had  been  intended  merely  as  friendly  advice. 
1  Thucydides  i.  90  f. 


Delian  Confederacy  _  137 

The  outcome  of  the  matter  was  that  although  the  Spartans  were 
thoroughly  indignant  with  Themistocles,  the  alliance  between  the  two 
states  remained  intact  (§§  94,  126). 

As  soon  as  the  Athenians  had  finished  rebuilding  their  city,  The- 
mistocles began  to  fortify  Peiraeus.  Pie  surrounded  it  with  a  massive 
wall  seven  miles  in  circuit,  for  he  wished  it  to  be  so  strong  that  no 
enemy  could  take  it  by  storm,  and  to  contain  at  the  same  time  ample 
space  for  trade  and  manufacturing.  Peiraeus  soon  took  a  place 
among  the  most  flourishing  commercial  cities  of  the  Mediterranean 
world. 

119.  The  Confederacy  of  Delos.  —  While  the  Athenians  were 
rebuilding  and  fortifying  their  city  and  port,  interesting  events  were 
happening  elsewhere.  The  year  after  the  battles  of  Plataea  and 
Mycale  the  Lacedaemonians  sent  out  Pausanias  to  command  the  fleet 
of  the  allies  in  their  war  for  the  liberation  of  the  colonies.  He 
laid  siege  to  Byzantium,  which  was  still  occupied  by  the  enemy 
(478  B.C.)  ;  but  while  engaged  in  this  work  he  offered  to  betray 
Greece  into  Persian  hands  on  condition  that  he  might  become  tyrant 
of  his  country  and  son-in-law  of  the  king.  Meantime  he  was  cruel 
and  arrogant  to  those  under  his  authority.  The  Asiatic  Greeks  who 
had  joined  the  expedition,  resenting  such  treatment,  begged  the 
Athenian  generals,  Aristeides  and  Cimon,^  to  take  charge  of  the  fleet. 
The  gentleness  and  courtesy  of  the  commanders  from  Athens  con- 
trasted strikingly  with  the  brutality  of  Pausanias.  Naturally,  too,  the 
Athenians  and  the  Asiatic  Greeks  sympathized  with  each  other  because 
of  their  close  kinship.  Aristeides  and  Cimon  accepted  the  invitation. 
The  Lacedaemonians  recalled  Pausanias  to  answer  the  charges  against 
him,^  and  soon  afterward  yielded  the  leadership  at  sea  to  Athens. 
They  saw  no  advantage  to  themselves  in  continuing  the  war  with 
Persia  and  could  not  trust  their  commanders  abroad.  They  believed, 
too,  that  they  should  lose  none  of  their  prestige  by  this  arrangement, 
for  Athens  was  still  their  ally  and  pledged  by  treaty  to  follow  their 
1  §§  108,  109.  2  §  122. 


138  The  Age  of  Cimo7i 

lead  in  war.  The  Athenians,  on  the  other  hand,  gladly  accepted  the 
burden  of  the  war  with  Persia,  for  they  hoped  by  means  of  their  great 
navy  to  gain  both  wealth  and  poHtical  power. 

In  477  B.C.,  accordingly,  the  Athenians  organized  their  new  alliance. 
It  centred  at  the  shrine  of  Apollo  on  the  island  of  De'los,  and  was 
named  therefore  the  Delian  Confederacy.  Its  organization  was  pat- 
terned after  that  of  the  Peloponnesian  League,^  The  allies  were  to 
furnish  ships  and  crews  led  by  Athenian  generals,  and  a  congress  of 
deputies  from  all  the  aUied  states  was  to  meet  at  Delos  under  the  presi- 
dency of  representatives  from  Athens.  But  in  important  respects 
the  Confederacy  of  Delos  differed  from  the  Peloponnesian  League. 
It  was  necessary  to  maintain  a  large  fleet  in  the  Aegean  Sea  as  a 
defence  against  the  Persians,  whereas  no  standing  force  was  needed 
for  the  protection  of  Peloponnese.  Money  is  absolutely  necessary 
for  the  support  of  a  fleet ;  hence  the  Delian  Confederacy,  unlike  the 
Peloponnesian  League,  levied  annual  taxes.  Aristeides,  who  was 
commissioned  to  make  the  first  assessment,  decided  which  states 
should  furnish  ships  with  their  crews  and  which  should  contribute 
money.  The  larger  communities  generally  provided  naval  forces, 
while  the  sriialler  paid  taxes.  The  total  annual  cost  of  maintaining 
the  Confederacy  amounted,  by  the  assessment  of  Aristeides,  to 
four  hundred  and  sixty  talents.^  The  treasury,  in  the  temple  of  the 
Delian  Apollo,  was  managed  by  treasurers  who  were  exclusively 
Athenians. 

120.  Growth  of  the  Confederacy ;  Revolts  of  the  Allies.  —  With 
Cimon  as  leader,  the  Delian  Confederacy  rapidly  expanded  till  it 
came  within  a  few  years  to  include  the  eastern  and  northern  coasts 
and  most  of  the  islands  of  the  Aegean.  In  468  B.C.,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Eu-rym'e-don  on  the  coast  of  Pam-phyl'i-a,  Cimon  gained  a 
double  victory  over  a  Phoenician  fleet  and  a  land  force  of  Persians. 
As  a  result  of  this  battle,  the  Carian  and  Lycian  coasts  came  into  the 
Confederacy  of  Delos,  bringing  the  number  of  cities  up  to  about  two 
^  §  92.  2  The  value  of  a  silver  talent  is  about  $1180. 


Revolts 


139 


hundred.  The  Persians  were  dislodged  from  the  whole  Aegean 
region,  and  there  was  little  apparent  danger  from  them  for  the  pres- 
ent. But  this  very  feehng  of  security  proved  to  be  extremely  mis- 
chievous. Many  of  the  allies,  finding  military  service  irksome,  offered 
to  pay  taxes  instead.  Cimon  advised  the  Athenians  to  accept  these 
payments,  as  they  could  build  and  equip  triremes  at  less  expense 
than  the  separate  allied  towns,  and  hence  could  fulfil  their  agreement 
to  protect  the  Aegean  Sea,  give  work  to  the  laboring  class  among 
themselves,  and  have  money  left  for  their  own  pubHc  use.  But  some 
grew  tired  even  of  pay- 
ing the  tribute.  Indeed, 
they  could  no  longer  see 
the  need  of  a  confeder- 
acy since  the  Persians 
had  ceased  to  trouble 
them. 

Even  before  the  battle 
of  Eurymedon  Nax'os 
took  the  lead  in  revolt- 
ing. It  had  a  strong 
navy  and  expected  aid 
from  Persia ;  but  Cimon 
besieged  the  island  and  ^  Trireme 

reduced  it  before  help  could  arrive.  The  Naxians  were  compelled 
to  tear  down  their  walls,  surrender  their  fleet,  and  pay  henceforth  an 
annual  tribute.  Thus  Naxos  lost  its  freedom  and  became  dependent 
on  Athens  (469  B.C.). 

Next  came  the  revolt  of  Tha'sos,  the  cause  of  which  was  a  quarrel 
between  the  Athenians  and  the  Thasians  over  certain  gold  mines  of 
Thrace,  in  which  both  had  an  interest.  Thasos  was  one  of  the  strong- 
est of  the  allies  ;  it  had  a  fleet  of  thirty-three  ships  and  valuable  pos- 
sessions in  Thrace.  After  a  siege  of  two  years  Cimon  reduced  the 
island,  and  punished  it  just  as  he  had  Naxos  (463  B.C.). 


140  The  Age  of  Chnon 

121.  Sparta  and  Athens.  —  To  understand  the  trouble  which  soon 
afterward  arose  between  Athens  and  Sparta,  it  is  necessary  to  trace 
the  relations  of  these  cities  to  each  other  from  the  time  when  The- 
mistocles  built  the  wall  around  Athens.^  This  measure  offended  the 
Lacedaemonians,  who,  while  keeping  peace  with  Athens,  vented  their 
rage  upon  Themistocles.  It  was  their  custom  to  control  allies  by 
interfering  in  their  poHtics.  Accordingly  they  urged  Cimon  forward 
as  leader  of  the  conservatives  at  Athens,  and  consequently  as  an 
opponent  of  Themistocles,  a  democrat.  In  this  position  Cimon  had 
the  good  will  of  Aristeides.  Though  Aristeides,  as  well  as  Themisto- 
cles, was  a  democrat,  the  two  men  held  quite  different  views.  The- 
mistocles represented  the  commercial  interests  of  the  party ;  Aristeides 
was  a  patron  of  the  poor,  —  he  insisted  that  all  public  service  should 
be  paid,  and  that  the  state  should  support  the  masses  in  return  for 
their  labor.  Both  men  were  praised  by  their  friends  as  strictly  up- 
right; both  were  denounced  by  their  enemies  as  unscrupulous  and 
corrupt  in  public  life.  Themistocles  had  a  brilliant  mind,  and  was  a 
friend  of  education  and  of  art ;  Aristeides,  a  man  of  average  intelli- 
gence, would  have  nothing  to  do  with  such  refinements,  but  thought 
it  enough  that  people  should  have  a  living  and  be  honest.  Men  so 
unlike  could  not  work  together.  Aristeides  joined  Cimon  against 
Themistocles,  and  so  did  other  prominent  men.  Representing  their 
great  oppoTient  as  dangerous  to  the  state,  they  had  him  ostracised 
(about  472  B.C.).  He  retired  to  Argos,  and  from  there  travelled 
about  Peloponnese.  Wherever  he  went,  he  encouraged  the  members 
of  the  league  to  set  up  democratic  governments  and  to  revolt  against 
Sparta. 

122.  The  Fate  of  Pausanias  and  of  Themistocles.  —  While  Themis- 
tocles was  thus  engaged,  it  seems  probable  that  he  received  letters 
from  Pausanias  urging  him  to  take  part  in  some  treasonable  design. 
After  his  recall  from  Byzantium  Pausanias  had  not  only  continued 
his  traitorous  correspondence  with  Persia,^  but  was  even  intriguing 

i§ii8.  2  §119. 


The  Revolt  of  the  Helots  14 1 

with  the  helots,^  promising  them  citizenship  if  they  would  support 
him  in  his  plans.  No  sooner  had  the  ephors  got  evidence  of  all  his 
doings  and  resolved  to  arrest  him,  than  he  fled  for  refuge  to  a  shrine 
of  Athena.  Fearing  to  drag  him  away,  they  walled  him  in,  so  that 
he  died  of  starvation ;  and  thus  the  Lacedaemonians  brought  upon 
themselves  the  curse  of  impiety. 

The  ephors  now  alleged  that  they  had  found  among  the  letters 
of  Pausanias  some  evidence  that  Themistocles  also  had  been  plot- 
ting with  the  Persians  against  Greece.  They  demanded  that  he 
should  be  tried  for  treason.  As  the  Lacedaemonians  were  already 
angry  with  Themistocles,  we  should  be  slow  to  believe  the  accusa- 
tion. Athenian  officers,  however,  went  to  Peloponnese  to  bring 
him  to  Athens  for  trial.  Hearing  of  their  approach,  Themistocles 
escaped  to  Cor-cy'ra,  and  after  various  wanderings  made  his  way  to 
the  court  of  the  Persian  king.  Here  he  found  safety  from  his  pur- 
suers ;  he  was  kindly  received  and  given  the  revenues  of  some  cities 
in  western  Asia  Minor.  He  may  have  made  the  king  some  promise 
of  subduing  Greece,  but  he  certainly  did  nothing  to  carry  it  into 
effect.  Finally  he  died  of  sickness,  though  some  of  the  Greeks 
believed  that  he  took  poison  to  avoid  fulfilling  his  promise  to  the 
king.  Thus  the  man  who  had  done  more  than  any  other  to  main- 
tain the  freedom  of  Hellas  and  to  make  his  own  city  great  ended 
his  life  in  obscurity  and  dishonor ;  but  years  afterward  he  became 
next  to  Solon  the  idol  of  the  Athenians. 

123.  The  Revolt  of  the  Helots  (464  B.C.).  —After  driving  Themis- 
tocles from  Greece,  the  Lacedaemonians  remained  friendly  to  Athens 
for  several  years.  But  when  the  battle  of  Eurymedon  had  been  won, 
and  they  saw  the  victorious  city  continually  adding  to  her  posses- 
sions and  power,  fear  and  jealously  turned  them  against  her.  By 
promising  to  invade  Attica  they  secretly  encouraged  the  Thasians  to 
hold  out  against  Athens.  This  agreement,  however,  they  were  pre- 
vented  from  fulfiUing  by  a   terrible  earthquake,  which    nearly  de- 

^  §  87. 


142  The  Age  of  Cimon 

stroyed  Sparta.  Only  a  few  houses  were  left  standing,  and  thousands 
of  lives  were  lost.  Many  of  the  helots  had  recently  been  slain  on 
suspicion  of  having  intrigued  with  Pausanias.  The  authorities  at 
Sparta  had  even  dragged  some  away  from  sanctuaries  and  put  them 
to  death.  Hence  the  earthquake  was  regarded  by  the  lower  classes 
in  Laconia  as  a  divine  punishment  visited  upon  Lacedaemon  for 
her  sin.  The  helots  revolted,  and  in  the  general  confusion  caused 
by  earthquake  and  superstition  they  nearly  captured  Sparta  by  sur- 
prise. But  most  of  the  perioeci  remained  loyal,  and  the  shattered 
city  was  saved  by  the  promptness  of  King  Ar-chi-da'mus.  The 
insurgents,  who  were  mostly  Messenians,  seized  and  fortified,  in 
their  own  country.  Mount  Ithome,^  one  of  the  strongest  military 
positions  in  Peloponnese.  As  the  Lacedaemonians  could  accom- 
plish nothing  against  them  single-handed,  they  asked  help  of  their 
allies,  including  the  Athenians.  When  the  envoys  reached  Athens, 
a  hot  debate  ensued  as  to  whether  aid  should  be  sent.  After  the 
banishment  of  Themistocles,  the  democratic  party,  believing  that 
Sparta  was  a  dead  weight  attached  to  Athens,  continued  to  uphold 
his  policy  of  cutting  loose  from  Peloponnese.  Its  leader  was  now 
Themistocles'  friend,  Eph-i-al'tes,  a  good  citizen  and  an  upright 
statesman.  He  vehemently  opposed  the  resolution  to  send  assist- 
ance to  the  Lacedaemonians  and  advised  that  "  the  pride  and 
arrogance  of  Sparta  be  trodden  under."  Cimon,  who  was  present, 
was  of  the  opposite  opinion.  In  the  debate  with  Ephialtes,  he 
urged  the  Athenians  "  not  to  suffer  Greece  to  be  lamed  or  Athens  to 
be  deprived  of  her  yoke-mate,"  meaning  that  the  alliance  between 
these  two  states  should  be  preserved  at  every  cost.  It  was  his 
conviction  that  the  strength  of  Hellas  should  be  united  in  continual 
war  against  Persia.  The  assembly  adopted  his  proposal,  and  sent 
him  with  an  army  against  Ithome. 

124.   The  Fall  of  the  Council  of  the  Areopagus  (462  B.C.).  —  Cimon 
left  his  party  without  a  leader  at  a  very   critical   time.     Since  the 

M38. 


Ephialtes  and  Pericles  143 

war  with  Persia  democratic  ideas  had  been  gaining  ground  at 
iVthens.  Influenced  by  Aristeides,  the  government  had  begun  to 
pay  for  public  service,  in  order  that  the  poor  might  stand  on  an 
equaHty  with  the  rich  in  their  relations  with  the  state.  Thus  Aris- 
teides introduced  a  radical  democratic  principle  into  the  constitution. 
The  only  important  conservative  force  remaining  in  it  was  the 
Council  of  the  Areopagus.  As  the  members  of  this  body  held  their 
places  for  Ufe,  they  were  usually  a  generation  behind  time  in  the 
questions  of  the  day.  In  Ciraon's  absence  Ephialtes  attacked  this 
council,  and  carried  a  measure  which  deprived  it  of  all  political 
authority.  It  remained  little  more  than  a  court  with  jurisdiction  in 
cases  of  murder. 

Ephialtes  was  supported  in  this  measure  by  Pericles,  son  of  Xan- 
thippus.  Though  a  young  man,  Pericles  was  already  recognized  as 
a  prominent  leader  of  the  democrats  against  the  conservative  Cimon. 
After  acquiring  enormous  wealth  through  his  victories,  Cimon  spent 
it  liberally  on  the  state  and  the  citizens.  He  engaged  architects, 
painters,  and  sculptors  to  adorn  the  city  with  beautiful  works.  Espe- 
cially generous  toward  the  people  of  his  township,  he  had  the  fences 
pulled  down  from  about  his  orchards  that  his  neighbors  might  freely 
enjoy  the  fruit ;  his  table  was  plain,  but  all  his  townsmen  were  wel- 
come to  eat  with  him.  Those  who  were  thus  maintained  at  his 
expense  supported  him  in  political  life.  The  idea  of  Pericles,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  to  enHst  the  citizens  in  the  service  of  the  state,  that 
they  might  be  attached  to  it  rather  than  to  individuals  like  Cimon. 
His  chief  means  to  this  end  was  the  passage  of  an  act  to  pay  jurors 
a  small  fee,  probably  two  obols  (six  cents)  a  day,  for  their  service. 
Thus  he  and  Ephialtes  finished  the  work  which  Aristeides  had  begun, 
and  Athens  became  a  pure  democracy.  Ephialtes  was  soon  after- 
ward assassinated,  probably  by  poHtical  enemies. 

125.  Rupture  between  Athens  and  Sparta  (462  B.C.)  ;  Ostracism  of 
Cimon  (461  B.C.).  —  Meanwhile  the  Athenian  troops  at  Ithome  were 
unsuccessful ;   and  the  Lacedaemonian  authorities,  suspecting  them 


144 


The  Age  of  Cimon 


of  treachery,  insolently  dismissed  them.     Cimon  returned  to  Athens 
an  unpopular  man.     In  trying  to  check  the  rising  tide  of  democracy, 

he  was  met  with  taunts  of 
over-fondness  for  Sparta  and 
of  immorality  in  his  private 
Hfe.  Athens  abandoned  his 
policy,  broke  loose  from 
Sparta,  and  began  to  form 
an  alliance  of  her  own,  wholly 
independent  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesian  League.  Cimon's 
resistance  to  these  new 
movements  caused  his  ostra- 
cism in  461  B.C. 

For  fifteen  years  (476-461 
B.C.)  he  had  been  leading  the 
Athenian  fleets  to  victory  or 
upholding  the  principles  of 
old  Athens  against  what  he 
believed  to  be  the  dangerous 
tendencies  of  demagogues, 
such  as  Themistocles  and 
Ephialtes ;  during  this  time  his  influence  maintained  friendship  be- 
tween his  city  and  Sparta  and  harmony  among  the  states  of  Greece. 
Under  his  patronage  Athens  advanced  beyond  all  other  Hellenic 
cities  in  civilization.  Recalled  from  exile  some  time  afterward,  he 
was  again  to  show  himself  a  patriot  and  a  friend  of  art,  but  with  his 
ostracism  the  political  leadership  of  Athens  passed  into  other  hands. 


Discobolus 
(After  Myron;  Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.    Aristeides.  —  kn^to^^,  Athenian  Constitution,  7.\;   VXvXzxc^,  Aristeides ; 
Cox,  Greek  Statesmen,  i :  "  Aristeides." 

II.    Cimon.  —  Plutarch,   Cimon;    Holm,  History  of  Greece,   ii.   ch.  viii,  ix; 
Botsford,  Greece^  ch.  viii. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE  AGE   OF   PERICLES  (461-431  B.C.) 

126.  Athens  and  her  Neighbors  (461-457  B.C.).  —  After  Ephialtes 
was  assassinated  and  Cimon  ostracised,  Pericles  became  the  leading 
statesman  of  his  city.  Under  his  guidance  Athens  deserted  the 
Peloponnesian  League  and  allied  herself  with  Argos  and  Thessaly, 
and  soon  afterward  with  Megaris.     But  the   rapid   growth   of  her 


A.THE]Srs  AND  PEIRAEU 

SHOWING  LONG  WALLS         -^^ 


B'trmat  *  Co. .  A",  r. 


power  stirred  up  enemies.  The  Ae-gi-ne'tans,  the  Corinthians,  and 
some  others  combined  to  resist  her.  In  the  war  which  followed,  the 
Athenians  were  victorious  over  their  enemies  by  land  and  sea — in 
Megaris  and  off  Aegina.  They  then  landed  on  that  island  and  laid 
siege  to  the  city.  At  the  same  time  they  began  to  build  two  long 
walls,  —  four,  and  four  and  a  half,  miles  in  length, — one  connecting 

L  145 


146 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Athens  with  Phalerum,  the  other  with  Peiraeus.  Several  years  later 
they  made  a  third  wall  parallel  with  the  second  mentioned,  in  order 
to  have  a  fortified  road  to  the  sea.  Their  purpose  was  not  only  to 
secure  communication  between  the  city  and  the  harbors  in  case  of 
siege,  but  also  to  provide  a  place  of  safety  for  the  country  people 
with  their  movable  property.  They  were  right  in  thinking  that  as 
long  as  Athens  maintained  these  walls  and  her  naval  supremacy,  she 
was  absolutely  safe  from  every  external  enemy.  The  conservatives 
opposed  the  undertaking ;  a  few  of  their  party  intrigued  with  the 
Lacedaemonians,  inviting  them  to  interfere  and  stop  the  building  of 
the  walls.  Because  of  their  traitorous  attachment  to  Sparta,  the 
stronghold  of  oligarchy,^  these  Athenian  conservatives  were  hence- 
forth called  "  oligarchs,"  a  name  odious  to  the  patriots  through  its 
association  with  treason  and  conspiracy. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  Lacedaemonians  accepted  the  invita- 
tion of  these  oligarchs,  for    they  immediately  introduced   a   strong 

army  into  Boeotia,  near  the  Attic 
border.  Disgraced  by  her  sub- 
mission to  Xerxes,  Thebes  had 
lost  control  of  Boeotia.  The 
Lacedaemonians  now  restored 
the  Boeotian  League,  with  Thebes 
at  its  head,  as  a  counterpoise  to 
Athens.  Thereupon  the  Athe- 
nians with  their  allies  marched 
forth  and  engaged  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  at  Tan'a-gra  (457  b.c). 
It  was  a  bloody  struggle,  but 
the  Athenians  were  worsted,  partly  because  the  Thessalian  cavalry  in 
their  alliance  deserted  to  the  enemy. 

127.    Athens  and  her  Neighbors  (456-447  B.C.).  —  The  Lacedae- 
monians   now  returned   home,  leaving  the  Boeotians  in   the  lurch. 

1  §  92,  n.  I. 


Athenian  Knights 
(From  the  Parthenon  Frieze) 


Continental  Federation  1 47 

Two  months  later  the  Athenians  under  My-ro'ni-des,  an  able  general, 
again  took  the  field  and  defeated  the  Boeotians  at  Oe-noph'y-ta. 
Through  this  victory  Athens  brought  into  her  alliance  all  the  towns 
of  Boeotia  except  Thebes ;  also  Phocis,  already  friendly,  and  Locris. 
The  Athenians  expelled  the  ohgarchs  from  the  Boeotian  towns  and 
set  up  democratic  governments  favorable  to  themselves.  For  a  time 
everything  went  well.  Aegina  surrendered,  dismantled  her  walls, 
and  entered  the  Delian  Confederacy  as  a  tributary  state.  About  the 
same  time  Troe'zen  and  Achaea  made  an  alliance  with  Athens.  The 
Athenians  were  now  at  the  height  of  their  power.  Their  Continental 
Federation  extended  from  the  Isthmus  to  Thermopylae,  and  further- 
more included  not  only  Argos,  Troezen,  and  Achaea  in  Peloponnese, 
but  also  Nau-pac'tus,  an  important  station  controlling  the  entrance  to 
the  Corinthian  Gulf.  The  Aegean  Sea  had  become  an  Athenian  lake. 
The  maritime  empif-e  whose  resources  Pericles  commanded  extended 
from  the  Attic  shores  eastward  to  Caria  and  northward  to  the  Black 
Sea.  Although  under  Pericles  Athens  had  been  uniformly  success- 
ful, she  was  soon  to  experience  a  dreadful  misfortune.  Two  hundred 
and  fifty  triremes  recently  sent  to  aid  Egypt  in  her  revolt  were  taken 
by  the  Persians.  This  great  reverse  compelled  Athens  to  adopt  a 
more  friendly  policy  in  relation  to  her  neighbors. 

Cimon,  recalled  from  exile,  brought  about  a  Five  Years''  Truce 
between  his  city  and  Lacedaemon  in  450  B.C.  Next  year  he  sailed 
with  two  hundred  triremes  to  free  Cyprus  from  Persia.  But  he  died 
on  the  expedition  ;  and  though  his  fleet  destroyed  a  strong  Phoeni- 
cian armament,  the  project  came  to  naught.  Cimon's  death  was  a 
great  loss  to  the  Athenians  ;  he  was  their  Nelson,  the  winner  of  more 
naval  victories  than  any  other  Greek. 

Soon  afterward  the  Continental  Federation  came  to  an  end  (447 
B.C.).  The  oligarchs  whom  x^thens  had  driven  from  the  towns  of 
Boeotia  returned  in  force,  defeated  the  Athenians,  and  compelled 
them  to  leave  the  country.  About  the  same  time  Athens  lost  control 
of  Locris,  Phocis,  and  Megara,  and  came  near  losing  Euboea.     Only 


48 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


the  energy  and  diplomacy  of  Pericles  saved  the  empire  at  this  crisis. 
But  his  city  was  exhausted  and  needed  a  breathing  time. 

In  445  ^-C-  a  Truce  for  Thirty  Years  was  made  between  the  two 
hostile  powers.  Athens  gave  up  all  her  continental  alHes  except 
Plataea  and  Naupactus.  Neither  party  was  to  interfere  with  the 
allies  of  the  other,  but  alliances  with  strangers  could  be  made  at 
pleasure.  Athens  suffered  most  by  the  treaty,  as  she  was  not  only 
excluded  from  Peloponnese  but  also  lost  control  of  the  Corinthian 

Gulf  and  the  Isthmus. 
She  gained,  on  the  other 
hand,  an  acknowledgment 
of  her  maritime  suprem- 
acy. 

About  the  same  time 
friendly  relations  were  es- 
tablished between  Athens 
and  Persia,  and  thereafter 
they  remained  at  peace 
with  each  other  for  many 
years. 

128.  The  Change  from 
the  Confederacy  of  Delos 
to  the  Athenian  Empire 
(454  B.C.).  — In  the  pre- 
ceding chapter  we  have 
seen  how  the  allies  of 
Athens  were  gradually  re- 
duced to  the  condition  of  subjects.^  The  change  from  confederacy 
to  empire  was  completed  by  the  transfer  of  the  treasury  from  Delos 
to  Athens,  probably  in  454  b.c.  Only  the  Lesbians,  Chians,  and 
Samians,  as  free  and  equal  alHes,  retained  whatever  forms  of  govern- 
ment they  desired.     The  other  states  were  required  to  make  new 

1  §  120. 


Pericles 

(Copied  after  Cresilas,  a  Cretan  artist  of  the  Fifth 
Century,  B.C.,  British  Museum) 


Imperialism  149 

treaties  with  Athens  by  which  they  agreed  to  adopt  democratic  con- 
stitutions, and  to  send  their  important  law  cases  to  the  imperial  city 
for  trial.  The  tribute  from  the  empire  enabled  Athens  to  beautify 
herself  with  public  works,  to  encourage  literature  and  art,  to  provide 
the  citizens  with  magnificent  festivals,  to  give  paid  employment  to 
most  of  her  people,  and  to  build  and  maintain  powerful  fleets  and 
strong  defences.  Among  the  allied  states  Pericles  established  many 
colonies,  which  besides  serving  as  garrisons  for  the  protection  of  the 
empire,  furnished  the  poorer  Athenians  with  lands.  Thus  both  city 
and  citizens  were  benefited  by  the  empire. 

The  allies,  too,  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  peace.  Never  before  or 
afterward  did  they  have  equal  opportunity  for  commerce  or  for  quiet 
country  life.  The  annual  tribute  was  more  than  balanced  by  an  in- 
crease in  wealth  and  prosperity.  The  commons,  everywhere  pro- 
tected by  Athens  from  the  insolence  of  their  own  oligarchs,  remained 
faithful.  Only  the  famihes  which  had  once  ruled  their  communities 
and  the  market-place  politicians  were  actively  engaged  in  fomenting 
opposition  to  the  Athenians.  Though  by  no  means  perfect,  the 
empire  was  the  highest  political  development  which  the  Greeks  had 
yet  reached ;  undoubtedly  the  great  majority  in  all  the  states  of  the 
empire  were  satisfied  with  it  to  the  end. 

129.  Opposition  to  Imperialism. — The  chief  opponent  of  imperi- 
alism at  Athens  was  Thu-cyd'i-des,  son  of  Mel-e'si-as.  He  was  a 
near  kinsman  of  Cimon,  but  a  far  more  skilful  politician,  and  an 
effective  orator.  Gathering  up  the  remnants  of  the  conservative 
party,  he  led  it  in  a  desperate  attack  upon  the  policy  of  Pericles. 
He  charged  against  the  democratic  statesman  the  transfer  of  the 
confederate  treasury  to  Athens  and  the  use  of  the  funds  for  the 
decoration  of  the  city.  Finally  his  party,  alleging  that  Pericles  was 
aiming  to  make  himself  tyrant,  risked  everything  on  a  vote  of  ostra- 
cism. By  banishing  Thucydides  the  Athenians  gave  Pericles  free 
scope  for  his  policy  at  home  and  abroad  (442  B.C.). 

Soon  afterward  Samos  revolted.     This  was  an  evil  omen  to  the 


150  The  Age  of  Pericles 

empire,  for  the  Samians  had  always  been  the  most  faithful  allies  and 
the  most  zealous  supporters  of  Athens.  They  expected  help  from 
both  Persia  and  Lacedaemon,  but  none  came.  The  Persians  were 
not  ready,  and  Corinth  again  prevailed  upon  Lacedaemon  not  to 
interfere  with  Athens.  The  Samians  hoped,  too,  that  many  subject 
states  of  Athens  would  join  them,  but  this  great  danger  to  the  empire 
was  averted  by  the  energy  of  Pericles.  In  a  nine  months'  siege  he 
compelled  Samos  to  surrender.  He  then  deprived  the  state  of  its 
freedom  and  required  it  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war.  This 
success  strengthened  the  empire  (440  B.C.). 

130.  The  Periclean  Democracy  (461-431  B.C.) ;  the  Law  Courts. — 
While  Pericles  was  thus  engaged  in  attaching  to  Athens  the  com- 
mon people  of  the  empire  by  giving  them  the  control  of  their 
states,  and  by  suppressing  the  oligarchs,  he  was  no  less  busy  with 
establishing  equal  rights  for  his  fellow-citizens.  In  earlier  times  the 
Council  of  the  Areopagus  had  exercised  a  parental  watch  over  the 
government ;  but  in  462  B.C.  Pericles  had  helped  overthrow  that 
body,^  because  he  believed  the  Athenians  were  no  longer  children 
in  politics,  and  could  now  govern  themselves.  He  intended  that  the 
people  themselves  should  protect  their  constitution  by  means  of  the 
supreme  court  which  Solon  liad  established.^  It  was  to  contain  six 
thousand  jurors,  who  were  divided  normally  into  panels,  or  smaller 
courts,'^  of  five  hundred  and  one  each.  As  cases  were  decided  by  a 
majority  vote,  the  odd  number  was  to  prevent  a  tie.  Originally  the 
archons  were  judges  and  the  courts  simply  received  appeals  from 
their  decisions ;  but  in  the  time  of  Pericles  the  archons  had  come 
to  be  mere  clerks,  who  prepared  cases  for  presentation  to  the  courts 
and  presided  over  them  through  the  trial,  with  no  power  to  influence 
the  decision.  As  the  archons  declined,  the  jurors  gained  in  im- 
portance.    Their  large  number  made  bribery  and  intimidation  diffi- 

M§  71.124.  2  §77. 

3  Di-cas-te' ri-a,  plural  oi  dicasterium.  Some  panels  were  larger,  others  smaller, 
but  the  number  was  alwavs  odd. 


rir.f,        s^ 


The  Jury  System  1 5 1 

cult.  This  was  especially  salutary,  as  there  was  a  tendency  among 
Greek  nobles  to  override  the  laws  and  trample  upon  the  rights  of 
common  people.  The  system,  on  the  other  hand,  was  defective 
from  the  fact  that  it  is  easier  to  excite  the  feehngs  of  a  multitude 
than  of  a  few  persons.  Then,  too,  these  large  bodies  of  men,  taken 
for  the  most  part  from  the  less  wealthy  class  and  absolutely  free  from 
the  control  of  a  judge,  often  acted  from  poUtical  motives ;  as  they 
were  intensely  democratic,  an  oligarch  was  not  sure  of  fair  treatment 
at  their  hands. 

The  legislative  power  resided  chiefly  in  these  courts.  Once  a  year 
the  no-moth' e-tae,  a  special  body  of  sworn  jurors,  met  and  received 
from  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  and  the  assembly  proposals  for 
new  laws,  and  after  hearing  them  discussed,  decided  upon  them  by  a 
majority  vote.  Laws  thus  made  were  distinguished  from  the  decrees 
passed  by  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  and  the  assembly  in  their 
management  of  the  current  business  of  government.^ 

The  introduction  of  a  fee  enabled  the  poorest  citizen  to  attend  to 
jury  service.  The  pay  was  that  of  an  unskilled  day  laborer.  If 
frugally  managed,  it  would  buy  food  for  a  small  family.  There  was 
no  class  of  paupers  in  Athens  at  this  time ;  nor  did  men  wish  to 
become  jurors  to  avoid  working  with  their  hands.  They  had  been 
oarsmen  or  soldiers  in  their  younger  days,  and  now,  for  the  most 
part  too  old  to  work,  they  were  drawing  their  juror's  fee  as  a  kind 
of  pension,  for  which,  however,  they  were  required  to  sit  on  the 
benches  judging  from  early  morning  till  late  at  night.  Payment 
for  public  duties,  whether  religious  or  pohtical,  tended  to  equalize 
the  poor  and  the  rich  ;  it  tended  to  the  religious,  intellectual,  and 
political  education  of  all  the  citizens,  and  was  thus  a  necessary  factor 
in  the  growth  of  Attic  civilization. 

131.  The  Periclean  Democracy;  the  Assembly  and  the  Generals. 
—  The  assembly  was  composed  of  all  citizens  above  eighteen  years 

1  Laws  were  nom'oi,  plural  of  nomos,  and  nomoihetae  signifies  lawmakers;  de 
crees  vfQxe  pse-phis' ma-ta,  plural  oi psephisma. 


152  •         The  Age  of  Pericles 

of  age  who  had  the  leisure  and  inclination  to  attend.  There  were 
four  regular  meetings  in  every  prytany,  or  tenth  of  a  year,  with  as 
many  extraordinary  sessions  as  were  thought  necessary.  One  meet- 
ing of  each  prytany  was  occupied  with  examining  the  conduct  of 
magistrates ;  and  any  one  of  them  who  was  thought  guilty  of  mis- 
management could  be  deposed  and  brought  to  trial  before  a  popular 
court.  All  measures  brought  before  the  assembly  had  to  be  pre- 
viously considered  by  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  but  the  citizens 
could  offer  amendments  at  pleasure.  They  had  no  master;  they 
acknowledged  no  authority  but  the  laws  which  they  and  their  fathers 
had  made.  There  was  no  higher  or  more  dignified  office  than  that 
of  the  citizen  who  attended  the  assembly  and  law  courts;  he  was  at 
once  a  legislator,  a  judge,  and  an  executive  officer.  This  position  of 
honor  and  trust  made  him  public-spirited.  The  Athenian  citizen  was 
called  upon  as  was  no  other  in  the  ancient  world,  to  find  his  larger 
interests  in  those  of  the  state.  In  the  assembly  and  in  the  courts  he 
received  an  education  in  law  and  in  statesmanship  such  as  has  been 
granted  to  but  a  select  few  in  other  states,  whether  ancient  or 
modern. 

By  far  the  most  important  magistrates  in  this  century  were  the 
generals.  They  commanded  the  army,  and  were  ministers  of  war, 
of  the  navy,  of  finance,  and  of  foreign  affairs.  They  had  to  be  in 
constant  communication  with  the  assembly.  For  this  purpose  the 
gift  of  speaking  was  necessary,  and  that  general  who  was  at  the  same 
time  an  orator  was  naturally  leader  of  the  board.  Through  this 
office  Pericles  ruled  Athens  and  her  empire  with  an  authority  which 
surpassed  that  of  kings  and  tyrants.  His  power  was  founded  on 
ability  and  integrity.  "  He  was  able  to  control  the  multitude  in  a 
free  spirit ;  he  led  them  rather  than  was  led  by  them  ;  for,  not  seek- 
ing power  by  dishonest  arts,  he  had  no  need  to  say  pleasant  things, 
but  on  the  strength  of  his  own  high  character  could  venture  to 
oppose  and  even  to  anger  them.  When  he  saw  them  unseasonably 
elated  and  arrogant,  his  words  humbled  and  awed  them ;  and  when 


The  Periclean  Democracy  153 

they  were  depressed  by  groundless  fears,  he  sought  to  reanimate 
their  confidence.  Thus  Athens,  though  still  in  name  a  democracy, 
was  in  fact  ruled  by  her  greatest  citizen."  ^ 

132.  Narrowness  of  the  Periclean  Democracy.  —  The  chief  de- 
fect in  the  Periclean  system  was  its  narrowness.  There  were  perhaps 
thirty  thousand  voters  in  Attica  at  this  time.  The  total  number  of 
Athenians,  including  women  and  children,  was  about  a  hundred  thou- 
sand. Under  these  in  rank  were  thirty  thousand  alien  residents,  and 
at  the  lowest  estimate,  a  hundred  thousand  slaves.  From  this  it  is 
evident  that  all  men  in  Attica  were  by  no  means  free  and  equal. 
Slavery  was  necessary  to  the  Athenian  democracy,  as  it  gave  the  citi- 
zens leisure  for  attending  to  public  affairs ;  yet  it  was  a  monstrous 
evil.  However,  it  may  be  said  that,  so  far  as  our  knowledge  goes, 
the  slave  at  Athens  was  treated  better  even  than  the  common  citizen 
in  oligarchic  states. 

An  evil  second  only  to  slavery  was  the  permanent  exclusion  of  alien 
residents  from  the  citizenship.  Many  of  their  families  had  lived  in  Attica 
for  generations ;  and  had  they  been  admitted  to  all  the  privileges  of 
citizenship,  they  would  undoubtedly  have  given  the  state  a  breadth 
of  base  sufficient  for  its  preservation  and  success  in  the  long  war 
which  was  soon  to  come.  The  narrowness  of  the  Athenian  system  is 
seen  further  in  the  relation  between  Athens  and  her  allies,  who  were 
now  in  reality  subjects.  However  loyal  an  allied  state  might  be,  its 
citizens  were  given  no  hope  of  ever  securing  the  Athenian  franchise. 
Thus  the  whole  body  of  Athenian  citizens  had  become  aristocrats, 
were  now  living  at  the  expense  of  the  many  over  whom  they  ruled, 
and  were  taking  pride  in  their  exclusive  privileges  of  birth.  Finally, 
by  refusing  to  intermarry  with  any  other  Greeks,  the  Athenians  made 
of  themselves  a  closed  caste.  Pericles  brought  this  about  by  his  law 
of  451  B.C.,  which  restricted  the  citizenship  to  those  whose  parents 
were  both  Athenians.  This  narrowness  was  more  pernicious  to  Athens 
than  all  the  calamities  of  war  which  ever  befell  her. 
1  Thucydides  ii.  65. 


154 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Improvements  of  the  City^ 

133.  Art.  —  In  the  improvement  of  the  city  the  years  of  peace 
from  445  to  431  B.C.  form  the  most  briUiant  period  of  Athenian  his- 
tory. Pericles  wished  his  city  to 
become  the  "  School  of  Hellas  "  ; 
he  aimed,  by  adding  a  broad,  well- 
rounded  education  to  the  natural 
genius  of  the  Athenians,  to  make 
of  them  a  race  of  men  whom  other 
Greeks  would  regard  as  distinctly 
superior  in  mind  and  in  soul. 
Thus  he  hoped  to  estabHsh  for 
his  countrymen  a  natural  claim  to 
sovereignty  over  Hellas.  One  of 
the  means  of  effecting  this  end  was 
a  beautiful  environment. 

On  the  Acropolis,  accordingly, 
skilful  architects  built  a  temple  to 
Athena,  which  came  to  be  known 
as  the  Pat^ the-7i07i?  It  included 
two  principal  apartments :  the 
smaller  served  as  a  treasure  room, 
and  the  larger  contained  the  statue 
of  the  goddess.  The  material  of 
the  temple  is  marble  from  Mount 
Pentelicus ;  when  taken  from  the 
quarries  it  is  brilliantly  white,  but 
exposure  to  the  weather   changes 


^F^'-^^^H 

^■k^^^^^H 

^■rw^^^B 

^^^^B^WT^^^^^^^H; '  ^^^^^^H 

l^S 

^^^^HT'^f 

^^BRi'^^i 

^^K»' 

BliiifSfl 

H|^4 

Athena  Parthenos 


^  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interruption 
may  omit  §§  133,  134. 

2  "  Maidens'  chamber,"  first  applied  simply  to  the  treasure  room,  which  was 
dedicated  to  Athena's  maiden  attendants. 


Temples 


155 


it  to  a  rich  yellow.  Though  the  Parthenon  is  Doric,  its  beauty  is 
softened  by  Ionic  influence.  It  is  perhaps  the  most  nearly  perfect 
piece  of  architecture  ever  created  by  human  hands. 

Near  the  Parthenon,  on  the  northern  rim  of  the  Acropolis,  is  the 
E-rech-thehim,  the  house  of  Erechtheus  and  Athena.  The  Athena 
of  the  Parthenon  was  guardian  of  the  empire  ;  the  goddess  of  the 
Erechtheium  protected  the  city.     This  temple,  finished  in  409  B.C., 


V  ? 


"Theseium" 
(From  the  northeast) 

was  the  centre  of  the  religious  life  of  Athens.  It  is  in  the  Ionic 
style,  and  is  noted  for  its  beautiful  floral  ornamentation  of  the  honey- 
suckle pattern.  Modern  artists  are  attracted  by  the  statues  of  maid- 
ens, substituted  for  columns  in  the  south  porch  (p.  186). 

Northwest  of  the  Acropolis,  on  a  rocky  terrace,  is  the  so-called 
The-seVimi,  a  temple  of  the  Doric  order,  the  best  preserved  piece 
of  ancient  Greek  architecture.  It  is  unknown  whether  this  is  really 
a  temple  to  Theseus  or  to  one  of  the  great  gods,  perhaps  Hephaestus, 


156 


TJic  Age  of  Pericles 


or  whether  Cimon  or  Pericles  built  it.  Scholars  are  inclined  to  re- 
gard it  as  the  work  of  Pericles,  and  think  it  too  large  to  be  the  shrine 
of  a  mere  hero  (§48). 

All  the  temples  at  Athens  are  of  the  same  fine  material ;  all  testify 
to  the  love  of  beauty  born  in  the  people  who  built  them. 

The  private  dwellings  of  the  Greeks  and  even  their  official  build- 
ings were  small  and  inexpensive.  Religion  alone  inspired  them  to 
build  beautifully  and  grandly.  But  some  architectural  works  were 
less  directly  connected  with  the  worship  of  the  gods  than  were 
the  temples.  Such  was  the  Pro-py-lae'a,  the  magnificent  portal  of  the 
Acropolis,  built  under  the  administration  of  Pericles.     Beneath  the 

Acropolis,  on  the  southeast, 
Pericles  built  also  the 
0-dei'um.  It  was  semi- 
circular in  form,  with  a 
pointed,  tent-like  roof, 
whose  rafters  were  masts 
of  Persian  vessels  taken  at 
Salamis.  In  it  were  held 
the  musical  contests  of  the 
Great  Pan-ath-e-nae'a,  or 
harvest  festival  in  honor  of 
the  goddess. 

The  sculpture  of  the  age 
was  as  beautiful  as  the 
architecture.  The  reliefs 
of  the  Parthenon  were 
made  under  the  direction  of  Phei'di-as,  the  most  eminent  sculptor 
of  all  time.  By  comparing  one  of  its  metopes  with  that  from  Selinus 
described  above,^  we  may  see  how  wonderful  an  advance  the  Greeks 
had  made  in  this  branch  of  art  within  the  short  period  of  a  hundred 
and  fifty  years.     The  figures  of  the  Parthenon  metope  are  lifelike, 

i§98. 


Lapith  and  Centaur 
(Parthenon  Metope) 


Literature  1 57 

and  are  wrought  with  great  skill.  The  earlier  sculpture  shows  a 
mechanical  succession  of  figures  little  related  to  one  another,  whereas 
those  of  the  later  piece  form  a  natural  group  which  fills  the  slab  with 
a  variety  of  graceful  lines. 

The  earliest  material  for  statues  was  wood ;  and  throughout 
ancient  history  some  of  the  most  revered  images  of  the  gods  were 
but  carved  logs.  For  instance,  in  the  Erechtheium  the  Athenians 
kept  an  archaic  wooden  statue  of  Athena,  which  they  venerated  more 
highly  than  all  the  artistic  work  of  more  recent  times.  Bronze  and 
stone,  however,  gradually  took  the  place  of  wood.  Rarely  ivory  and 
gold  were  used.  The  great  statue  of  Athena  by  Pheidias  in  the 
Parthenon  was  of  this  kind.  It  was  made  on  a  wooden  frame  ;  the 
garments  were  of  gold  and  the  bare  parts  of  ivory. 

134.  Literature,  Philosophy,  and  Education.  —  Aes'chy-lus  (525- 
456  B.C.),  the  first  great  composer  of  dramas,  saw  the  beginning  of 
the  age  of  Pericles.  He  had  lived  through  the  war  with  Persia  and 
had  fought  in  the  battles  of  Marathon  and  Salamis.  From  this  con- 
flict he  drew  his  inspiration.  Of  his  ninety  tragedies  we  have  only 
seven,  but  all  of  them  masterpieces  of  literature.  To  the  student  of 
history  the  Persians  is  the  most  valuable.  In  representing  the  inva- 
sion of  Xerxes,  it  gives  a  glorious  description  of  the  battle  of  Salamis. 
The  moral  aim  of  the  play  is  to  show  how  Zeus  punished  Xerxes 
for  his  insolence.  In  fact  overweening  pride  and  its  fatal  effects 
are  the  theme  of  all  his  writings. 

Soph'o-cles  was  the  great  dramatic  writer  of  the  age  of  Pericles. 
Though  not  so  strong  or  so  original  as  Aeschylus,  he  was  a  more 
careful  artist.  His  plot  is  more  intricate  and  his  language  more  fin- 
ished. We  have  but  seven  of  his  hundred  plays.  Though  the  OedH-pus 
Tyr-an^nus  won  but  a  second  prize,  modern  scholars  usually  consider 
it  his  best.  It  tells  how  Oedipus,  king  of  Thebes,  a  just  and  pious 
man,  brought  utter  ruin  upon  himself  and  his  household  by  uninten- 
tional sin.^     In  the  An-tig^o-ne  the  heroine  faces  a  conflict  between 

M47- 


158  The  Age  of  Pericles 

divine  and  human  law.  She  chooses  to  obey  the  command  of  God  in 
preference  to  that  of  the  king  ;  and  she  dies  a  martyr  to  the  nobler 
cause.  It  has  always  been  popular  from  its  first  exhibition  to  the 
present  day. 

In  the  age  of  Pericles  He-rod' o-tus  was  at  work  on  his  history, 
the  first  masterpiece  of  Greek  prose.  An  exile  from  his  native  city 
of  Hal-i-car-nas'sus  in  Asia  Minor,  the  "  father  of  history "  spent 
much  of  his  life  in  travel.  He  visited  nearly  all  of  the  known  world 
and  everywhere  collected  from  the  natives  interesting  stories  of  per- 
sons and  events.  These  he  wove  into  a  history  of  the  war  between 
Greece  and  Persia.  In  tracing  the  causes  of  the  conflict  by  way  of 
introduction,  he  gives  the  history  of  the  world  from  mythical  times 
down  to  the  war  itself.  He  wrote  his  work  to  be  read  aloud,  as  the 
poems  of  Homer  had  been,  at  public  gatherings.  This  helps  us  to 
understand  why  his  style  is  so  simple  and  so  interesting.  Many  of  his 
tales  are  myths  or  fiptitious  anecdotes ;  but  they  are  all  valuable,  as 
they  illustrate  the  character  of  nations  and  of  individuals.  Herodo- 
tus was  one  of  the  fairest  and  most  large-minded  of  historians. 
Though  uncritical,  though  he  takes  little  interest  in  politics,  or  in  the 
deeper  causes  of  events,  yet  his  picture  of  the  world  of  his  time  and  of 
mankind  in  the  many  countries  which  he  visited  makes  his  work  per- 
haps the  truest,  as  it  certainly  is  the  most  interesting,  of  all  histories. 

Pericles  was  a  patron  of  literature  and  art  and  friend  of  philoso- 
phers. Among  his  teachers  was  An-ax-ag'o-ras,  the  first  philosopher 
who  taught  that  Mind  rules  the  universe.  The  class  of  philosophers 
called  sophists  ^  was  now  becoming  numerous.  They  travelled  through 
Greece  teaching  practical  knowledge  of  every  kind  for  pay.  Espe- 
cially they  aimed  to  prepare  young  men  for  statesmanship  by  training 
them  in  mere  cleverness  of  thought.  As  a  rule  they  were  sceptical ; 
with  their  false  logic  they  tried  to  undermine  belief  in  everything. 
They  destroyed  respect  for  religion  by  pointing  out  its  inconsistencies 
and  the  immoralities  of  the  gods. 

1  From  (ro<b6$,  wise. 


Aspasia  159 

The  influence  of  the  sophists  affected  but  a  few  men  of  wealth  and 
leisure.  In  general  life  was  wholesome  and  the  people  were  moral. 
The  artistic  surroundings,  the  grand  dramatic  entertainments,  en- 
joyed by  all  the  citizens,  the  splendid  religious  festivals,  and  the 
public  life  in  the  assembly  and  law  courts  educated  the  poor  as 
well  as  the  rich.  There  is  no  wonder  that  the  Athenians  of  the 
age  of  Pericles  were  the  foremost  people  of  all  time  in  intelligence 
and  in  taste. 

135.  The  Troubles  of  Pericles.  —  But  the  era  of  peace  was  rapidly 
drawing  to  an  end.  The  moderate  policy  of  Pericles  pleased  neither 
the  oligarchs  nor  the  extreme  democrats.  His  enemies,  not  daring 
to  attack  him  directly,  assailed  his  friends  one  after  another.  First 
they  prosecuted  Pheidias,  the  sculptor,  on  the  charge  of  embezzling 
some  of  the  gold  entrusted  to  him  to  be  used  in  gilding  the  statue  of 
Athena  for  the  Parthenon.  Although  he  was  ready  to  prove  his 
innocence  by  having  the  metal  taken  off  and  weighed,  they  threw 
him  into  prison,  where  he  died  of  sickness.  Then  to  punish  Anax- 
agoras,  the  philosopher,  for  his  attachment  to  Pericles,  they  drove  him 
from  Athens  by  threatening  to  prosecute  him  for  impiety.  About  the 
same  time  As-pa'si-a  was  indicted  for  impiety  and  immorality.  She 
was  a  Milesian  by  birth,  a  woman  of  remarkable  intelligence.  Pericles 
had  divorced  his  wife,  the  mother  of  his  two  sons,  and  had  taken 
Aspasia  to  his  house,  though  his  own  law  of  45 1  B.C.  forbade  him  to 
marry  an  alien.  She  became  the  teacher  of  artists,  philosophers,  and 
orators,  —  the  inspiring  genius  of  the  Periclean  social  circle.  But  the 
Athenians,  who  in  this  age  had  come  to  believe  that  a  woman  must 
be  restricted  to  the  house  and  must  talk  with  no  one  outside  of  her 
own  family,  regarded  Aspasia's  conduct  as  immoral.  They  com- 
plained especially  because  their  own  wives  went  to  the  house 
of  Pericles  and  learned  the  ideas  and  manners  of  this  foreign  woman. 
Happily  Pericles  by  personal  entreaty  induced  the  judges  to  acquit 
her.  While  he  was  thus  beset  by  private  difficulties,  war  with  Pelo- 
ponnese  began  to  threaten. 


i6o 


The  Age  of  Pericles 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.   The  Athenian  Maritime  Empire.  —  Botsford,  Greece^  pp.  169-1 71 ;  Holm, 

History  of  Greece,  ii.  ch.  xvii;  Abbott,  History  of  Greece,  ii.  pp.  367-374,  iii.  pp. 
10-15;  Whibley,  Political  Parties  in  Athens,  pp.  14-25;  Greenidge,  Greek  Con- 
stitutional History,  pp.  189-204. 

II.  Government  of  Athens  under  Pericles.  —  Botsford,  Greece,  pp.  172- 
179;  Development  of  the  Athenian  Constitution,  pp.  221-223;  Holm  ii.  ch.  xvi; 
Whibley,  pp.  25-34;'  Greenidge,  pp.  166-189. 

III.  Art  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.  —  Tarbell,  History  of  Greek  Art,  chs.  iii,  viii; 
Gardner,  Handbook  of  Greek  Sculpture,  ch.  iii;  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  iii.  ch. 
xx;  Curtius,  History  of  Greece,  Bk.  HI.  ch.  iii. 

IV.  Herodotus.  —  Jebb,  Greek  Literature,  pp.  103-106;  Murray,  Ancient 
Greek  Literature,  ch.  vi;  Curtius,  History  of  Greece  (see  Inilex)  ;  Ilolm,  History 
of  Greece,  ii.  ch.  xx. 


Plan  of  Athens 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE    PELOPONNESIAN    WAR    TO     THE    END    OF    THE     SICILIAN 
EXPEDITION  (431-413  B.C.) 

136.  Causes  of  the  War.  —  Before  the  year  431  b.c.  a  great  majority 
of  the  states  of  Greece  had  been  brought  under  the  leadership  of 
Athens  or  of  Sparta.  The  peace  of  445  B.C.  was  to  last  thirty  years  ; 
but  scarcely  half  that  period  had  elapsed  when  war  broke  out  between 
the  two  powers.  Sparta  and  her  Peloponnesian  allies,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  Athenians  with  their  allies,  on  the  other,  were  so  un- 
like in  character  and  in  occupation  that  they  could  not  understand 
or  appreciate  each  other.  Most  of  the  Peloponnesians  were  Dorians. 
They  made  their  living  chiefly  by  agriculture,  and  preferred  oligar- 
chic governments.  The  lonians,  who  formed  the  nucleus  of  the 
Athenian  empire, .were  a  commercial  and  manufacturing  people,  for 
the  most  part  democratic.  In  addition  to  these  differences  the  two 
great  cities  were  rivals  for  the  leadership  of  Greece ;  and  the  growing 
power  of  Athens  filled  Sparta  with  jealousy  and  fear. 

The  Athenians  had  trouble  also  with  particular  states  of  the  League. 
The  usual  relations  between  Athens  and  Corinth  had  been  extremely 
friendly ;  but  since  the  war  with  Persia,  Peiraeus  was  monopolizing 
the  commerce  of  the  seas,  and  Corinth  found  herself  painfully  cramped 
in  her  trade.  Furthermore,  Athens  was  interfering  between  her  and 
her  colony,  Corcyra.  Corinth  and  Corcyra  had  fought  for  the  posses- 
sion of  Ep-i-dam'nus,  a  joint  colony  on  the  mainland.  After  suffering 
a  severe  defeat  in  battle,  Corinth  persuaded  several  of  her  neighbors 
to  aid  in  preparing  a  great  armament  with  which  to  overwhelm  Cor- 
cyra. Thereupon  the  latter  sent  envoys  to  Athens  to  ask  an  alliance. 
M  i6i 


62 


The  Peloponnesia7t    War 


Corinthian  ambassadors  also  came,  and  the  two  parties  pleaded  their 
causes  before  the  Athenian  assembly.  Believing  war  with  Lacedae- 
mon  inevitable,  Pericles  felt  that  the  navy  of  the  Corcyraeans  should 
by  all  means  be  secured  for  Athens.     Upon  his  advice,  therefore,  it 

was  resolved  to  make  a  defen- 
sive alliance  with  them  ;  and  a 
small  Athenian  fleet  was  sent 
to  aid  them  in  defending  their 
island  against  the  great  Corin- 
thian armament.^  The  Corin- 
thians were  justly  angry  with 
this  interference  between 
themselves  and  their  colonies, 
especially  as  they  had  several 
times  prevented  Lacedaemon 
from  interfering  in  Athenian 
affairs.  They  asserted  that 
Athens  broke  the  treaty,  and 
now  exerted  all  their  energy  to 
stir  up  Peloponnese  against  the 
offender. 

At  the  same  time  they  were 


urgmg 


Potidaea'^    to    revolt. 


VICIORV 

(By  Paeonius,  about  420  B.C. 


This  Corinthian  settlement  in 
Chalcidice  had  grown  into  a 
prosperous  city,  now  tributary 
Olympia)  ^^  Athens.  Garrisoned  by  a 
force  from  the  mother  state,  it  revolted,  whereupon  the  Athenians  laid 
siege  to  the  place. 

The    Corinthians    alleged    that   this    was    another    violation    of 
the    treaty    of  445    B.C.       They   persuaded    the    Lacedaemonians 
to  call    a  congress   of  the  League    to    consider   the    various   griev- 
1  In  the  battle  off  Syb'o-ta,  432  B.C.  2  §  61. 


\  I  \ii:]  0  "1  I.I   \ 


Resources  163 

ances  against  Athens  (432  b.c).  When  the  deputies  gathered,  the 
Lacedaemonians  invited  them  to  bring  their  complaints  before  the 
Spartan  assembly.  Among  those  who  had  grievances  were  the  Mega- 
rians.  Athens  had  recently  passed  an  act  which  excluded  them  from 
the  ports  and  markets  of  Attica  and  of  the  empire.  This,  also,  the 
Megarians  averred,  was  a  violation  of  the  treaty.  King  Archidamus 
advised  caution ;  it  would  be  wise,  he  said,  to  obtain  a  redress  of 
wrongs  by  negotiation.  But  one  of  the  ephors  overrode  his  judgment, 
and  persuaded  the  assembly  to  vote  that  the  Athenians  had  broken 
the  treaty.  The  Peloponnesian  congress  ratified  the  decision  of  the 
Spartan  assembly,  and  declared  war  against  Athens. 

137.  The  Resources  of  Athens  and  Sparta. — The  empire  of 
Athens,  composed  of  subject  states,  was  stronger  than  it  had  ever 
been  before.  Among  her  independent  allies  were  Chios,  Lesbos, 
Thessaly,  and  Plataea,  besides  a  few  cities  in  Italy  and  Sicily.  She 
had  thirteen  thousand  heavy-armed  troops,  and  a  larger  force  for 
garrison  service.  There  were  three  hundred  triremes  of  her  own  be- 
sides those  of  the  allies,  and  her  sailors  were  the  best  in  the  world. 
She  commanded  the  sea  and  its  resources.  The  tributes  from  her  sub- 
ject cities,  together  with  other  revenues,  amounting  in  all  to  about  a 
thousand  talents  a  year,  would  be  nearly  enough,  in  case  of  siege,  to 
support  the  whole  Attic  population  on  imported  food. 

All  the  Peloponnesian  states,  except  Argos  and  a  part  of  Achaea, 
were  in  alliance  with  Lacedaemon ;  and  outside  of  Peloponnese,  the 
Megarians,  Boeotians,  Locrians,  and  some  others  ;  in  Sicily  and  in 
Italy  most  of  the  Dorian  cities  sympathized  with  Sparta.  The  few 
commercial  states  of  the  League  provided  ships  ;  the  others,  land 
forces  only.  The  League  could  muster  an  army  of  twenty-five  thou- 
sand heavy-armed  men.  Though  by  no  means  a  numerous  force,  it 
was  the  strongest  in  the  world  at  that  time. 

138.  The  First  Three  Years  of  the  War  (431-429  B.C.).  — In 
the  summer  of  the  first  year  King  Archidamus,  at  the  head  of  a 
Peloponnesian  army,  invaded  Attica.     The  plan  of  Pericles  was  to 


164  The  Peloponnesian    War 

venture  no  battle  on  land,  but  to  bring  the  entire  population  into 
the  city  or  behind  the  Long  Walls,  and  to  damage  Peloponnese  as 
much  as  he  could  with  his  fleet.  While  the  invaders  were  devas- 
tating Attica,  the  Athenians  were  sailing  round  Peloponnese  and 
ravaging  the  coasts.  These  operations  were  repeated  nearly  every 
year  through  the  early  part  of  the  war.  The  removal  of  the  country 
people  to  Athens  was  very  painful.  They  were  distressed  at  ex- 
changing the  homes  and  shrines  which  they  loved  for  the  crowded 
city,  where  most  of  them  could  find  no  comfortable  shelter.  And 
when  they  saw  their  houses  and  orchards  ruined  by  the  enemy, 
they  could  not  help  being  angry  with  Pericles.  Nevertheless  he 
considered  his  policy  on  the  whole  successful,  as  we  may  infer  from 
the  Funeral  Oration  ^  which  he  delivered  in  the  autumn  over  those 
who  had  fallen  in  the  campaigns  of  the  year.  This  oration  sets 
forth  his  high  ideal  of  the  Athenian  state ;  it  praises  those  who 
gave  their  lives  in  defence  of  their  country,  and  inspires  the  sur- 
vivors with  noble  sentiments. 

Next  year  Athens  and  Peiraeus  were  visited  by  a  plague,  which 
inflicted  more  terrible  damage  than  the  severest  defeat  in  battle 
would  have  done.  The  people  suffered  because  they  were  crowded 
together  and  lacked  the  comforts  of  life.  Although  many  nobly 
risked  their  lives  to  attend  their  friends,  the  total  eff'ect  was  de- 
moralizing. The  Athenians  blamed  Pericles  for  both  war  and 
plague,  and  gave  vent  to  their  grief  and  anger  by  fining  him  heavily. 
But  soon  they  repented,  and  again  elected  him  general  with  abso- 
lute power. 

Pericles  died  of  the  plague,  and  the  leadership  of  the  state  passed 
into  the  hands  of  C/<?W,  a  tanner  (429  B.C.).  Though  no  general, 
he  had  a  remarkable  talent  for  finance  and  was  an  orator  of  great 
force.  In  the  main  he  followed  the  policy  of  Pericles.  As  the 
surplus  in  the  treasury  was  soon  exhausted  by  the  war,  the  state 
levied  a  direct  tax,  and  Cleon  made  himself  very  unpopular  with 
1  Thucydides  ii.  35-46. 


Lesbos  165 

the  wealthy  by  his  ruthlessness  in  collecting  it.  The  more  energetic 
he  was  in  providing  ways  and  means,  the  more  the  nobles  hated 
him.  They  could  not  endure  to  see  this  upstart  from  the  industrial 
class  at  the  head  of  the  government,  compelling  them  to  pay  in 
taxes  the  expenses  of  a  war  they  did  not  favor. 

139.  The  Revolt  of  Lesbos  (428-427  B.C.).  —  In  the  year  after 
Cleon  had  come  to  the  front,  the  oligarchs  of  Lesbos  induced  Myt- 
i-le'ne  and  the  other  cities  of  the  island,  except  Me-thym'na,  to 
revolt.  There  was  danger  that  all  the  maritime  cities  would  follow 
this  example.  But  the  Peloponnesians  were  too  slow  in  sending  the 
promised  aid,  and  the  Athenians  made  desperate  efforts  to  conquer 
the  island.  As  a  last  resort  (427  B.C.)  the  oligarchs  of  Mytilene 
armed  the  commons ;  but  the  latter  promptly  surrendered  the  city 
to  Paches,  the  Athenian  commander.  Thereupon  he  sent  the 
oligarchs,  who  alone  were  guilty  of  revolt,  to  Athens,  and  kept 
guard  over  the  other  Myt-i-le-nae'ans,  awaiting  the  judgment  of 
the  assembly.  The  Athenians  were  angry  because  the  Lesbians 
had  revolted  without  cause ;  they  feared,  too,  for  the  safety  of  their 
empire  and,  indeed,  for  their  own  lives.  Under  the  excitement 
of  the  moment,  they  decreed  to  kill  all  the  men  of  Mytilene 
and  to  enslave  the  women  and  children.  A  trireme  was  de- 
spatched to  Lesbos  with  the  message  of  death.  Cleon,  the  author 
of  this  policy  of  terrorism  toward  the  cities  of  the  empire,  wished 
to  make  an  example  of  the  Lesbians  so  that  the  other  communities 
would  fear  to  revolt.  But  on  the  next  day  the  decree  was  recon- 
sidered in  the  assembly.  One  of  the  speakers,  in  opposing  Cleon's 
policy,  declared  that  it  was  unwise  to  destroy  the  innocent  com- 
moners along  with  the  guilty  oligarchs.  His  opinion  prevailed,  and 
a  second  trireme  reached  Lesbos  in  time  to  countermand  the  bloody 
decree  of  the  day  before.  But  the  thousand  Lesbian  oligarchs  at 
Athens  were  massacred.  The  Athenians  were  severe  enough  in 
their  punishment  for  rebellion  without  going  the  whole  length  of 
Cleon's  desires.      In  putting  down  this  revolt,  Athens   passed   the 


i66 


The  Peloponnesian  War 


dangerous  crisis  and  was  again  undisputed  mistress  of  the  Aegean 
Sea. 

Somewhat  later  in  the  summer  (427  B.C.),  Plataea,  after  a  two 
years'  blockade,  surrendered  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  Two  hun- 
dred Plataeans  with  a  few  Athenians  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  who  put  them  to  death  on  the  ground  that  they  had  done 
no  service  to  the  Peloponnesians  in  the  present  war. 

140.  Demosthenes  (426-425  B.C.).  —  The  war  now  began  to  turn 
decidedly  in  favor  of  Athens.  De-mos'the-nes,  the  ablest  com- 
mander since  the  days  of  Themistocles 
and  Cimon,  defeated  with  great  slaughter 
the  Am-bra'ci-ots,  who  were  helped  by 
the  Lacedaemonians  (426  b.c).  His 
victory  gave  Athens  a  brilliant  reputation 
and  the  military  superiority  in  the  western 
part  of  central  Greece.  Next  year  he 
seized  Py'los,  on  the  west  coast  of 
Peloponnese,  and  fortified  it.  This 
became  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  Sparta,  — 
a  refuge  for  helots  and  a  good  basis  for 
ravaging  Laconia.  It  was  a  promon- 
tory with  an  excellent  harbor  protected  by  the  island  of  Sphac-te'ri-a. 
Demosthenes  held  the  place  against  repeated  attacks  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians. A  select  corps  of  the  enemy  landed  on  Sphacteria,  and 
tried  to  carry  his  position  by  storm.  The  attempt  failed ;  the 
besiegers  found  themselves  blockaded  by  an  Athenian  fleet;  and 
then,  to  save  the  troops  on  the  island,  they  made  a  truce  with 
Demosthenes  with  a  view  to  negotiating  for  peace. 

Spartan  envoys  came  to  Athens  to  discuss  the  terms ;  but  as  the 
demands  of  Cleon  were  too  great  for  them  to  accept,  the  war  con- 
tinued. 

Cleon's  chief  opponent  at  Athens  was  Nic'i-as,  leader  of  the 
conservatives,  who  composed  the  peace  party.     Nicias  was  a  good 


A.  Approaofc 

B.  Point  of  attack  by  Bris 

C.  Land  alnce  fortncl      [     j 


Brasidas  167 

officer,  but  too  slow  and  stupid  to  lead  an  army  or  a  political  party. 
His  chief  recommendations  were  his  respectable  birth,  his  great 
wealth,  his  honesty,  and  his  religion.  Instead  of  conducting  reen- 
forcements  to  Demosthenes,  which  was  his  duty  as  general,  he 
surrendered  his  office  to  Cleon  in  the  hope  that  the  latter  might 
meet  with  defeat  at  Pylos,  and  thus  come  to  the  end  of  his  pohtical 
career.  But  on  arriving  at  Pylos  with  reenforcements,  Cleon  wisely 
placed  himself  under  the  command  of  Demosthenes.  The  latter 
captured  the  troops  of  Sphacteria  and  brought  them  home,  two 
hundred  and  ninety- two  in  number  (425  B.C.).  Though  this  success 
was  due  to  Demosthenes,  Cleon  reaped  the  fruit  of  the  victory.  He 
was  given  the  highest  honors  of  the  state,  and  his  opinion  prevailed 
on  all  questions  in  the  assembly.  The  victory  strengthened  the 
hold  of  Athens  on  the  empire,  and  enabled  her  to  raise  the  tribute 
to  a  thousand  talents,  nearly  double  the  former  amount.  This 
measure  increased  the  Athenian  resources  for  war. 

141.  Brasidas;  the  Battle  of  Delium  (424  B.C.).  —  In  the  year 
following  the  capture  of  Sphacteria,  Nicias  seized  Cythera.  From 
it  the  Athenians  cut  off  the  commerce  of  Lacedaemon  and  ravaged 
her  coasts.  This  year  saw  the  height  of  their  success  in  the  war  and 
the  beginning  of  their  decline.  Though  their  lands  had  often  been 
ravaged,  they  had  nearly  made  good  the  loss  by  plundering  the  coasts 
of  Peloponnese ;  and  they  now  held  two  strong  posts  in  the  enemy's 
country,  —  Pylos  and  Cythera.  But  a  certain  Spartan  officer  named 
Bras'i-das  discovered  the  one  exposed  point  of  the  Athenian  empire, — 
Chalcidice.  It  was  the  only  part  of  the  empire  outside  of  Attica 
which  the  Peloponnesians  could  reach  by  land.  Brasidas  invaded 
this  country  with  a  small  force  of  allies  and  emancipated  hdots. 
An  exceptionally  able  commander  and  diplomal;ist,  he  induced  several 
states  of  the  empire  to  revolt,  among  them  Am-phip'o-lis,  the  most 
important  city  in  that  region.  The  states  which  revolted  became 
independent  members  of  the  Peloponnesian  League. 

In  this  year   the   Athenians  attempted  to  gain  possession  of  all 


1 68  The  P eloponnesian  War 

Boeotia.  Their  plan  failed,  however,  through  mismanagement,  and 
they  suffered  a  severe  defeat  at  Delium. 

142.  The  Peace  of  Nicias  (421  B.C.).  —  In  422  b.c.  Cleon,  who 
had  been  elected  general,  tried  to  regain  Amphipolis,  but  was 
defeated  and  slain.  Brasidas  was  killed  in  the  same  battle.  The 
death  of  these  two  men  removed  the  chief  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
peace. 

Both  Athenians  and  Lacedaemonians  desired  peace.  The  con- 
servatives at  Athens,  who  from  the  beginning  had  opposed  the  war, 
were  brought  into  office  by  the  defeat  at  Delium  and  by  Cleon's 
recent  failure  before  Amphipolis.  Nicias,  now  the  most  eminent 
man  at  Athens,  was  their  leader.  The  Lacedaemonians,  for  their 
part,  were  bitterly  disappointed  in  the  results  of  the  war.  They  had 
hoped  to  crush  the  power  of  Athens  in  a  i^\s  years  at  the  most,  but 
had  suffered  at  Pylos  the  greatest  reverse  in  their  history.  They 
were  anxious  also  to  recover  the  prisoners  taken  at  Sphacteria,  for 
many  of  them  were  no  ordinary  troops,  but  pure  Spartans.  Nicias 
carried  on  the  negotiations  as  representative  of  his  city,  and  the 
peace  accordingly  bears  his  name.  It  was  concluded  in  421  b.c. 
The  essence  of  the  treaty  was  the  restoration  of  the  relations  which 
had  existed  before  the  war.  This  seemed  at  the  time  to  be  just,  as 
the  strong  positions  which  Athens  held  in  the  enemy's  country  were 
offset  by  her  recent  defeats  —  at  Delium  and  Amphipolis.  Later 
events,    however,  proved    that   Athens   lost    greatly    by   the    treaty. 

Peace  was  to  last  fifty  years  and  was  to  extend  to  the  allies  on  both 
sides.  But  those  of  Sparta,  not  having  been  consulted  in  the  matter, 
now  refused  their  assent ;  for  they  desired  some  concessions  from 
Athens  in  return  for  the  ten  years'  war.  Sparta  did  her  best  to 
carry  the  treaty  into  effect ;  but  her  allies  so  hindered  her  that  she 
was  compelled  to  give  up  the  attempt.  Though  the  treaty  was 
therefore  imperfectly  carried  out,  the  two  cities  did  not  directly 
attack  each  other  for  seven  years,  and  the  Athenians  enjoyed  the 
peace   while   it   lasted.     They   returned  to   the  country  and  began 


Alcibiades  169 

again  the  cultivation  of  their  Httle  farms,  pleased  to  be  free  from  their 
long  confinement  behind  the  walls. 

When  it  became  known  in  Athens  that  the  treaty  with  Sparta  was 
a  mere  farce,  the  war  party  again  came  into  power.  The  principal 
leader  of  this  party  was  Al-ci-bi'a-des.  He  belonged  to  one  of  the 
noblest  families  of  Athens  and  was  a  near  kinsman  of  Pericles-. 
Though  still  young,  he  was  influential  because  of  his  high  birth  and 
his  fascinating  personality.  His  talents  were  brilliant  in  all  direc- 
tions ;  but  he  was  lawless  and  violent,  and  followed  no  motive  but 
self-interest  and  self-indulgence.  Through  his  influence  Athens  allied 
herself  with  Argos,  Elis,  and  Man-ti-nei'a  against  the  Lacedaemonians 
and  their  allies.  The  armies  of  these  two  unions  met  in  battle  at 
Mantineia  in  418  B.C.  The  Lacedaemonians,  who  still  had  the  best 
organization  and  discipline  in  Greece,  were  victorious.  This  success 
wiped  out  the  disgrace  which  had  lately  come  upon  them  and 
enabled  them  to  regain  much  of  their  former  influence  in  Pelopon- 
nese.  Argos  and  Mantineia  now  made  peace  with  Lacedaemon 
apart  from  Athens. 

In  416  B.C.  Alcibiades  persuaded  Athens  to  send  a  fleet  against 
Me'los,  now  the  only  Aegean  island  outside  of  her  empire.  It  was 
a  colony  of  Lacedaemon,  but  remained  neutral  till  the  Athenians 
began  to  attack  it.  They  were  acting  on  the  principle  that  the 
Aegean  Sea  was  theirs  and  all  the  islands  in  it.  Insisting  that  the 
strongest  had  a  right  to  rule,  they  tried  to  justify  their  own  conquests 
by  their  mild  treatment  of  subjects.  Thus  if  the  Melians  should 
surrender,  they  would  be  required  merely  to  pay  an  annual  tribute. 
But  as  Melos  resisted,  the  Athenians  blockaded  the  island  and 
starved  the  inhabitants  into  surrender.  They  then  killed  all  the  men 
of  military  age  and  enslaved  the  women  and  children.  Greek  usage 
made  it  just  for  them  to  annex  the  island,  but  the  slaughter  of  the 
conquered,  though  common  in  that  age,  has  proved  an  indelible 
stain  on  the  good  name  of  Athens. 

143.    Athens  and  the  Western  Greeks  (479-416  B.C.).  —  In  the 


I/O 


The  Peloponnesian  War 


winter  following  the  conquest  of  Melos,  envoys  came  from  Se-ges'ta 
in  Sicily,  asking  Athens  to  protect  their  city  from  Se-li'nus,  a  stronger 
state  near  by.  To  understand  the  feelings  which  this  request  awakened 
in  the  Athenians,  it  is  necessary  to  run  rapidly  over  the  history  of 
the  western  Greeks  from  the  time  of  their  war  with  Carthage. 
•  After  the  battle  of  Himera  (480  b.c.),^  the  Greeks  of  Sicily  and 
Italy  entered  upon  an  era  of  great  prosperity.  The  tyrants  beautified 
their  cities  with  temples  and  statues.     Literature  flourished,  wealth 


Temple  of  Concordia  at  Acragas 
(Doric  order;  present  appearance) 

abounded,  and  life  was  easy.  Then  tyranny  was  abolished,  and 
before  the  middle  of  the  century  most  of  the  cities  of  western 
Greece  had  introduced  democratic  governments.  Syracuse,  the 
greatest  power  in  Sicily,  led  the  Hellenic  cities  of  the  island  in  time 
of  war,  in  some  such  way  as  Sparta  had  led  the  eastern  Greeks  dur- 
ing the  Persian  invasions.  In  this  position  Syracuse  followed  two 
nearly  related  lines  of  policy:   (i)   she  maintained  close  friendship 

i§ii6. 


Western   Greece  I/I 

with  Sparta  and  with  her  mother  city,  Corinth;  and  (2)  she  aimed 
to  bring  all  the  Sicilian  cities  as  thoroughly  under  her  control  as 
those  of  Peloponnese  were  under  Sparta.  In  consequence  of  this 
policy,  (1)  Syracuse  was  hostile  to  Athens,  the  enemy  of  Corinth  and 
Sparta,  and  (2)  the  Sicilian  cities  which  disliked  the  rule  of  Syracuse 
looked  to  Athens  for  protection. 


Zeus  and  Hera 
(A  Metope  from  Selinus ;  about  450  B.C.) 

From  the  time  of  Themistocles  the  Athenians  took  a  more  and  more 
lively  commercial  interest  in  the  West.  They  exported  vases  and 
other  manufactured  articles  to  Italy,  Sicily,  and  Carthage.  Com- 
merce gradually  led  to  political  influence ;  Segesta,  a  foreign  city, 
and  the  Ionian  Rhe'gi-um  and  Le-on-ti'ni  became  their  allies.  When 
the  Peloponnesian  War  began,  the  Dorians  of  the  West  gave  their 


1/2  The  Peloponnesian  War 

sympathy  to  Sparta,^  and  at  the  same  time  Syracuse  found  in  the 
war  an  opportunity  to  encroach  upon  the  Ionian  cities,  especially 
upon  Leontini.  Athens  sent  little  aid,  and  Leontini  was  destroyed. 
144.  Preparations  for  an  Expedition  to  Sicily.  (415  B.C.).  —  Natu- 
rally the  Athenians  looked  upon  this  event  as  a  great  misfortune  to 
themselves ;  they  feared  lest  the  Dorians,  if  they  should  gain  con- 
trol of  Sicily,  might  furnish  Sparta  with  troops  and  supplies  in  her 
war  with  Athens.  Many  Athenians  even  dreamed  of  adding  Sicily 
to  their  empire.  All  were  therefore  deeply  interested  in  the  request 
of  the  Segestaeans  for  aid.  The  latter  promised  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  an  expedition  and  grossly  exaggerated  the  wealth  of  their  city. 
Alci blades  urged  the  Athenians  to  conquer  Sicily.  His  motive  was 
doubtless  selfish  —  to  open  a  field  in  which  he  might  display  his 
talents  and  win  fame.  The  project  was  unwise,  for  the  Athenians 
could  do  little  more  than  hold  their  empire  together  and  defend  it 
against  the  Peloponnesians.  Nicias  advised  the  citizens  in  their 
assembly  to  drop  all  thought  of  the  scheme,  but  his  warnings  were 
unheeded.  The  Athenians  made  ready  in  the  spring  of  415  B.C.  to  send 
a  magnificent  land  and  naval  armament  to  Sicily.  Ar-is-toph'a-nes, 
the  comic  poet,  tells  us  how  in  Peiraeus  the  preparations  for  such 
an  expedition  — 

"  Filled  the  city  with  a  noise  of  troops : 
And  crews  of  ships,  crowding  and  clamoring 
About  the  muster-masters  and  paymasters; 
With  measuring  corn  out  at  the  magazine, 
And  all  the  porch  choked  with  the  multitude; 
With  figures  of  Athena  newly  furbished, 
Painted  and  gilt,  parading  in  the  streets; 
And  wineskins,  kegs,  and  firkins,  leeks,  and  onions; 
With  garlic  crammed  in  pouches,  nets,  and  pokes; 
With  garlands,  singing  girls,  and  bloody  noses. 
Our  arsenal  would  have  sounded  and  resounded, 
With  bangs  and  thwacks  of  driving  bolts  and  nails, 
With  shaping  oars,  and  holes  to  put  the  oars  in; 


The  Eleusinian  Mysteries  1 73 

With  hacking,  hammering,  clattering,  and  boring, 
Words  of  command,  whistles,  and  pipes,  and  hfes." 

Alcibiades,  Nicias,  and  Lam'a-chus  — an  able  officer  of  the  school 
of  Pericles  —  were  to  conduct  the  expedition.  To  say  nothing  of 
the  evils  of  a  divided  command,  the  characters  of  Nicias  and  Alci- 
biades were  so  utterly  unUke  as  to  give  no  prospect  of  harmony  in 
the  councils  of  war. 

One  morning,  when  the  armament  was  nearly  ready  to  sail,  the 
Athenians  were  horrified  to  find  that  the  stone  pillars  of  Hermes, 
which  stood  everywhere  throughout  the  city  at  the  doorways  of 
temples  and  private  houses,  and  which  they  held  in  great  reverence 
as  the  guardians  of  peace  and  public  order,  had  been  nearly  all  muti- 
lated in  the  night.  The  citizens  were  overwhelmed  with  terror.  They 
feared  that  a  band  of  conspirators  had  attempted  to  deprive  Athens 
of  divine  protection  and  would  next  try  to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment. Some,  without  good  cause,  suspected  Alcibiades.  A  court  of 
inquiry  was  appointed  to  investigate  the  matter.  It  failed  to  dis- 
cover the  perpetrators  of  this  sacrilege,  but  learned  that  certain  men, 
among  them  Alcibiades,  had  been  profaning  the  Eleusinian  mysteries 
by  imitating  them  for  amusement  in  private  houses.  These  mys- 
teries were  secret  rites  in  the  worship  of  De-me'ter  and  her  daughter 
Per-seph'o-ne,  the  two  goddesses  of  Eleusis,  and  were  performed  in 
the  temple  at  that  city  in  the  presence  of  the  initiated  only.  The 
Athenians  found  in  the  mystic  ceremonies  hope  of  happiness  after 
death ;  and  believing  further  that  the  welfare  of  the  state  depended 
upon  keeping  them  secret,  the  citizens  were  greatly  alarmed  at  hear- 
ing that  they  had  been  profaned  and  divulged.  Alcibiades  in  vain 
demanded  a  trial.  His  enemies  feared  that  he  would  be  acquitted 
through  the  support  of  the  soldiers,  with  whom  he  was  very  popular. 
It  would  be  safer,  his  opponents  thought,  to  wait  till  the  armament 
had  departed  and  then  recall  him  for  trial. 

145.  The  Voyage;  the  Plans  of  the  Admirals  (415  B.C.).  —  The 
armament  was  to  gather  at  Corcyra.     The  whole  Athenian  popula- 


174 


The  Peloponnesian  War 


tion  thronged  the  wharves  of  Peiraeus  to  watch  the  departure  of  the 
imperial  city's  force  of  a  hundred  galleys.  The  moment  was  full  of 
tears  and  prayers,  of  anxiety  and  hope.  The  flower  of  Athenian 
strength  was  going  forth  to  war,  and  some  surmised  that  it  would 
return  no  more. 

One  hundred  and  thirty-four  triremes  and  a  great  number  of  trans- 
ports and  merchant  ships  assembled  at  Corcyra  with  five  thousand 
heavy-armed  men  on  board,  besides  light  auxiUaries  and  the  crews. 
Hellas  had  seen  larger  fleets  than  this  but  none  so  splendid  or  so  for- 


PLAN  OF 

SYRACUSE 


a.  Athenian  naval  camp. 

b.  Athenian  fort. 

c.  Height   in   the   rear  of  the 

Athenian  line. 

d.  d.    Athenian  waU. 

k,  I.  Unfinished  part  of  Athe- 
nian wall. 

«,  n.  Ancient  walls  of  Syra- 
cuse. 

VI,  ;«.    New  wall    of    Syracuse 

(415  B.C.). 

/r,  h.  Third  Syracusan  cross- 
wall. 


midable.     About   the   middle  of  the  summer   it   began    its  voyage 
across  the  Ionian  Sea  toward  Italy. 

But  the  western  Greeks  now  gave  Athens  a  cold  reception.  Even 
Rhegium,  which  had  always  been  friendly,  would  not  admit  the  Athe- 
nians within  its  walls.  The  great  armament  seemed  a  menace  to  the 
liberties  of  all  alike.  It  soon  appeared,  too,  that  Segesta  could  fur- 
nish little  support.  Disappointed  by  such  news,  the  admirals  were  in 
doubt  as  to  what  they  should  do.  Lamachus  wished  to  attack  Syra- 
cuse immediately;  Nicias  preferred  to  display  the  fleet  along  the 
Sicilian  coasts   and   then   return    home.     Either    plan    would    have 


The  Siege  of  Syracuse  175 

been  good ;  but  Alcibiades  proposed  instead  to  win  over  as 
many  Sicilian  cities  as  possible  by  negotiation.  With  all  his  genius 
for  diplomacy,  in  this  instance  he  miscalculated ;  the  Greeks  of  the 
West  could  not  be  won  over  by  mere  discussion.  His  unwise  plan, 
however,  was  adopted.  Yet  before  it  had  been  followed  far,  Alcibi- 
ades was  recalled  to  Athens  for  trial.  He  was  to  return  in  his  own 
ship,  and  the  official  galley  which  had  brought  the  summons  was  to 
accompany  him.  But  on  arriving  at  Thu'ri-i,  he  made  his  escape  to 
Peloponnese,  whereupon  the  Athenians  sentenced  him  to  death. 
The  trick  of  his  opponents  had  succeeded  —  probably  to  their  satis- 
faction ;  but  it  made  of  Alcibiades  as  dangerous  an  enemy  as  Athens 
ever  had. 

146.  The  Siege  of  Syracuse  (414-413  B.C.).  —  Nicias,  who  now 
held  the  superior  command,  trifled  away  the  autumn  in  half-hearted 
undertakings  and  then  wasted  the  winter  at  Cat'a-na.  Meantime  the 
Syracusans  were  enclosing  their  city  with  strong  walls.  In  the  spring 
of  414  B.C.  the  Athenians  entered  the  Great  Harbor  and  laid  siege  to 
Syracuse ;  they  began  to  build  a  wall  which,  if  completed,  would  cut 
the  city  off  from  communication  by  land  with  the  rest  of  the  island. 
They  were  successful  in  several  minor  engagements ;  but  Lamachus 
was  killed,  and  with  his  death  the  command  lost  all  energy.  Still,  the 
Syracusans  were  hard  pressed  and  some  of  them  were  talking  of  sur- 
render, when  the  face  of  affairs  was  suddenly  changed  by  the  arrival 
of  the  Spartan  Gy-lip'pus.  He  came  with  a  small  force  and  with  the 
promise  of  a  larger  one  then  preparing  in  Peloponnese.  The  Lace- 
daemonians had  sent  him  at  the  suggestion  of  Alcibiades,  who  was 
now  in  their  city.  GyHppus  was  a  man  of  remarkable  prudence  and 
activity,  and  well  acquainted  with  western  Greece.  The  Syracusans 
immediately  took  the  offensive ;  they  built  and  maintained  against 
the  besiegers  a  cross-wall  extending  from  their  outer  line  of  defence 
on  the  north  to  the  height  in  the  rear  of  the  Athenian  position.  This 
prevented  the  besiegers  from  finishing  the  northern  part  of  their  wall 
and  secured  a  free  communication  with  the  country.     At  the  same 


iy6  The  Peloponnesian  War 

time  the  Syracusans  were  acquiring  a  navy  sufficiently  strong  to  ven- 
ture battle  with  the  Athenian  fleet.  There  was  no  longer  any  reason- 
able hope  of  taking  Syracuse ;  and  Nicias  would  gladly  have  raised 
the  siege,  but  dared  not  face  the  Athenian  assembly  after  so  great  a 
failure.  In  the  winter  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Athens,  giving  a  detailed 
account  of  the  situation  and  asking  that  either  the  armament  be  with- 
drawn or  strong  reenforcements  sent.     The  Athenians  would  take  no 


Stone  Quarries  at  Syracuse 
(Interior  view;  the  stakes  and  lines  are  modern  rope-makers'  works) 

thought  of  abandoning  the  enterprise,  and  prepared  to  send  nearly 
as  large  a  land  and  naval  force  as  the  original  one,  and  this,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  war  with  Lacedaemon  was  now  openly 
resumed. 

147.  Agis  in  Attica;  Ruin  of  the  Athenian  Armament  (413  B.C.).  — 
In  the  spring  of  413  B.C.  A'gis,  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  ravaged 
Attica,  which  for  twelve  years  had  seen  no  enemy.  At  the  sugges- 
tion of  Alcibiades,  he  seized  and  fortified  Dec-e-lei'a,  a  strong  position 


Ruin  177 

in  the  north  of  Attica.  The  Lacedaemonians  continued  to  hold  it 
winter  and  summer  to  the  end  of  the  war.  The  Athenians  could  now 
do  no  farming  except  under  their  very  walls.  They  were  obliged  to 
keep  perpetual  watch  about  the  city  to  prevent  surprise,  and  their 
slaves  deserted  to  the  enemy  in  great  numbers.  But  though  they 
were  themselves  thus  practically  besieged  by  land,  they  sent  to  Syra- 
cuse a  new  fleet  of  seventy-three  triremes  and  five  thousand  hopUtes 
commanded  by  Demosthenes,  their  ablest  general.  On  his  arrival 
at  Syracuse  he  found  the  army  in  a  sorry  plight  and  the  fleet  already 
defeated  in  the  Great  Harbor  by  the  Syracusans.  He  saw  that  the 
Athenians  must  either  resume  active  operations  at  once  or  abandon 
the  siege.  In  the  following  night,  accordingly,  he  attempted  to  take 
the  Syracusan  cross-wall  by  surprise,  but  was  repulsed  with  great  loss. 
In  spite  of  his  advice  to  put  the  army  on  board  the  fleet  and  sail 
away,  his  slow  colleague,  Nicias,  delayed  for  some  days.  When 
finally  Nicias  consented  and  everything  was  ready  for  embarking, 
there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  which  filled  him  as  well  as  the 
soldiers  with  superstitious  fears.  He  would  remain  twenty-seven 
days  longer,  to  avoid  the  effect  of  the  evil  omen.  A  man  of  sense 
would  have  explained  to  the  soldiers  that  the  omen  was  intended  for 
the  enemy,  but  so  much  could  not  be  expected  of  Nicias.  Before 
that  time  had  elapsed  the  Athenians  lost  another  naval  battle,  and 
the  disheartened  crews  would  fight  no  more.  The  Athenians  then 
burned  their  ships  and  began  to  retreat  by  land,  Nicias  in  advance 
and  Demosthenes  bringing  up  the  rear.  The  two  divisions  were 
separated  on  the  march,  and  both  were  compelled  to  surrender  after 
severe  losses.  Probably  forty  thousand  men  had  taken  part  in  the 
Sicilian  expedition,  and  twenty-five  thousand  were  left  to  begin  the 
retreat.  Demosthenes  and  Nicias  were  both  put  to  death.  Many 
of  the  captives  were  sold  into  slavery ;  many  were  thrown  into  the 
stone  quarries  near  Syracuse,  where  most  of  them  perished  of  expos- 
ure and  starvation.  The  failure  of  the  expedition  was  due  to  several 
causes,  but  chiefly  to  the  stupidity  and  the  superstition  of  Nicias.     It 


1/8 


The  Peloponnesiaii  War 


compelled  the  Athenians  at  once  to  abandon  all  hope  of  conquering 
other  peoples,  and  to  consider  instead  how  they  could  save  them- 
selves and  their  empire  from  ruin. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.    Cleon.  —  Cox,  Greek  Statesman,  'w   "Cleon;"   Holm,  History  of  Greece, 
(see  Index);   Abbott,  History  of  Greece  (see  Index). 

II.  Sicily  before  the  Athenian  Invasion.  —  Botsford,  Greece,  pp.  140-143, 
163  f.;  Holm  ii.  pp.  82-87,  411-413;  AUcroft  z.ViAVi2,'=>o\\\,  History  of  Sicily, 
chs.  iv,  V. 

III.    The   Sicilian  Expedition.  —  Bury,  History   of  Greece,   pp.   466-484; 
Holm  ii.  ch.  xxvii;    Plutarch,  Alcibiades ;  Nicias. 


% 


t. 


rOSEIDON,    DioNNsrs?    AM)    DKMETER? 

(From  the  Parthenon  Frieze.) 


CHAPTER   XII 

THE  CLOSING  YEARS   OF  THE   WAR    (413-404  B.C.) 

148.  Eifects  of  the  Sicilian  Disaster  (413  B.C.).  —  At  first  the 
Athenians  could  not  believe  the  news  of  the  disaster  in  Sicily,  even 
when  they  heard  it  from  the  survivors  themselves.  As  they  came  to 
reahze  the  truth,  they  vented  their  rage  upon  the  orators  and  the 
soothsayers  who  had  persuaded  them  to  engage  in  the  enterprise. 
For  a  time  they  seemed  overwhelmed  with  despair:  while  mourning 
their  losses  they  feared  that  they  should  now  have  to  contend  against 
the  whole  Greek  world,  and  they  had  no  ships,  no  men,  no  money. 
But  the  spirit  of  Athens  was  elastic ;  her  hopes  revived,  and  her 
citizens  determined  in  some  way  to  build  a  new  fleet.  At  the  same 
time  they  resolved  to  cut  down  expenses  and  to  hold  fast  to  their 
empire.  Fortunately  they  had  the  winter  for  preparation  before  the 
enemy  could  attack. 

The  Lacedaemonians  and  their  allies,  elated  by  the  news,  began 
to  hope  once  more  for  success.  As  Athens  could  no  longer  protect 
her  allies,  the  Persian  king  now  ordered  his  satraps,  Tis-sa-pher'nes 
of  Sardis  and  Phar-na-ba'zus  of  the  country  about  the  Hellespont,  to 
collect  from  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  Minor  the  tributes  which  had 
been  unpaid  for  seventy  years.  Each  satrap  requested  of  Sparta  a 
fleet  to  operate  in  his  own  locality,  promising  to  support  it  with  Per^ 
sian  gold.  As  the  Chians  had  revolted  against  Athens  and  were  like- 
wise asking  help,  the  Lacedaemonians  resolved  to  send  a  fleet  to  aid 
them  and  Tissaphernes  at  once.  The  example  of  Chios  was  soon 
followed  by  other  communities  in  the  same  region.  Alcibiades  him- 
self went  thither  from  Sparta  to  encourage  rebeUion  against  his  native 

179 


i8o  The  Closing  Years  of  the    War 

city.  The  Lacedaemonians  then  concluded  an  offensive  and  defen- 
sive aUiance  with  Persia.  The  treaty,  though  afterward  modified  in 
important  respects,  still  surrendered  to  Persia  those  cities  of  Asia 
Minor  which  Athens  had  protected  against  every  enemy  for  nearly 
seventy  years. 

149.  Rebellion  checked;  Alcibiades  (412  B.C.).  —  The  Athenians 
put  forth  every  energy  to  prevent  the  revolt  from  spreading.  To 
Samos,  their  most  faithful  ally,  they  granted  independence  and  made 
this  island  the  base  of  their  naval  operations.  The  contending  par- 
ties remained  nearly  balanced  in  strength,  even  after  the  arrival  of  a 
Syracusan  fleet  to  help  the  Lacedaemonians ;  but  the  resources  of 
Athens  were  gradually  exhausted,  while  those  of  the  enemy  seemed 
limitless.  Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  an  unexpected  event 
turned  the  war  for  a  time  in  favor  of  Athens.  Alcibiades,  hated  by 
King  Agis  and  fearing  for  his  life,  went  over  to  Tissaph ernes  and  per- 
suaded him  to  keep  back  the  Phoenician  fleet,  which  was  daily 
expected  in  the  Aegean  Sea.  He  convinced  the  satrap  that  it  would 
be  well  to  let  Lacedaemon  and  Athens  wear  each  other  out  in  war. 
Alcibiades  sincerely  desired  to  return  to  Athens ;  and  in  order  to 
bring  about  his  recall  he  aimed  to  win  the  gratitude  of  his  country- 
men by  making  them  think  he  could  gain  for  them  the  friendship  of 
Persia.  He  wished,  too,  to  recover  on  his  return  the  leadership  of 
the  democratic  party.  But  a  serious  obstacle  was  in  the  way, — 
An'dro-cles,  the  present  head  of  the  party,  was  the  very  man  who  had 
sent  him  into  exile.  To  accomplish  his  object,  Alcibiades  felt  that 
he  must  first  persuade  others  to  overthrow  the  popular  government 
along  with  the  chief,  and  then  himself  step  in  to  restore  it.  In  the 
light  of  a  saviour  of  democracy  he  believed  that  he  could  return  all- 
powerful  to  his  native  city. 

150.  The  Conspiracy  of  the  Oligarchs  (412-411  B.C.).  —  The  time 
was  ripe  for  a  change  of  government  at  Athens,  as  the  Sicilian  disas- 
ter seemed  to  prove  the  failure  of  democracy.  Some  of  the  officers 
of  the  Athenian  army  at  Samos,  who  were  themselves  of  the  wealthier 


The  Four  Hundred  i8i 

class,  favored  the  establishment  of  oligarchy,  in  which  they  thought 
they  should  have  more  of  the  privileges  naturally  belonging  to  men 
of  their  standing.  Accordingly,  when  Alcibiades  sent  them  word 
that  he  would  return  and  make  Tissaphernes  an  ally  of  Athens  if 
they  should  set  up  an  oligarchy,  they  readily  consented.  But  when 
their  spokesman  came  to  Athens,  the  citizens  met  his  proposals  with 
a  storm  of  indignation.  They  objected  equally  to  changing  the  gov- 
ernment and  to  recalling  the  impious  traitor  Alcibiades.  But  the 
oligarch  addressed  the  objectors  one  by  one  and  asked  them  what 
else  could  be  done.  "  How  are  we  to  raise  money  to  support  the 
war  against  both  Persia  and  our  many  Greek  enemies?"  he  asked. 
Unable  to  meet  this  pointed  argument,  the  people  gave  way  in  the 
hope  that  they  might  renew  the  democracy  at  the  close  of  the  war. 
It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  Alcibiades  had  grossly  deceived  the 
Athenians  in  making  them  beheve  he  could  win  the  help  of  Persia. 

The  oligarchs  proceeded,  nevertheless,  to  carry  out  their  designs. 
As  a  part  of  the  programme,  their  clubs  at  Athens  assassinated 
Androcles  and  other  prominent  democrats,  and  in  this  way  terror- 
ized the  whole  state.  Overestimating  the  extent  of  the  conspiracy, 
the  people  feared  to  talk  on  the  subject  with  one  another,  lest  in  so 
doing  they  might  betray  themselves  to  an  enemy.  This  mutual 
distrust  among  the  citizens  made  the  conspirators  safe.  They  man- 
aged to  place  the  state  under  the  control  of  a  Council  of  Four  Hun- 
dred, which  included  the  principal  oHgarchs.  This  body  was  to  rule 
with  absolute  power. 

151.  The  Rule  of  the  Four  Hundred  (411  B.C.).  —  When  organized, 
the  Four  Hundred  assumed  the  reins  of  government.  They  ruled 
by  force,  assassinating,  banishing,  and  imprisoning  their  opponents 
on  mere  suspicion.  They  showed  their  lack  of  patriotism  by  their 
willingness  to  make  peace  with  Lacedaemon  at  any  price,  and  their 
weakness  by  yielding  Euboea  to  the  enemy. 

News  of  the  violence  and  cruelty  of  the  Four  Hundred  came  to 
the  Athenian  army  at  Samos.     The  soldiers  assembled,  declared  that 


1 82  The  Closing   Years  of  the    War 

Athens  had  revolted,  and  that  they  themselves  constituted  the  true 
government  of  the  empire.  They  deposed  their  oligarchic  officers 
and  filled  the  vacant  places  with  popular  men  ;  they  prepared  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  vigor,  and  hoped  through  Alcibiades  to  win 
Persia  to  their  side.  Thras-y-bu'lus,  one  of  the  new  commanders, 
brought  the  famous  exile  to  their  camp,  k  democrat  once  more, 
Alcibiades  was  immediately  elected  general  and  placed  in  chief  com- 
mand of  the  army.  Now  he  was  ready  to  use  all  the  resources  of 
his  mind  to  save  Athens  from  the  ruin  he  had  brought  upon  her. 
To  the  envoys  from  the  Four  Hundred,  he  repHed  that  this  new 
council  must  abdicate  immediately  in  favor  of  the  old  Council  of 
Five  Hundred.  At  the  same  time  he  prudently  restrained  the  troops 
from  going  to  Athens  to  punish  the  usurpers. 

The  Four  Hundred  began  to  feel  insecure.  Lacking  a  definite 
policy,  they  split  into  two  factions  :  the  extreme  oligarchs  and  the 
moderates.  With  the  help  of  the  moderates  the  citizens  overthrew 
the  Four  Hundred,  after  a  three  months'  rule,  and  restored  the 
democracy. 

152.  Alcibiades  General  of  the  Athenians  (411-407  B.C.)- — The 
Four  Hundred  had  brought  only  misfortune  to  Athens.  Under  their 
slack  rule  the  war  extended  to  the  Hellespont,  and  most  of  the 
cities  in  that  region  revolted.  Soon,  however,  the  Athenians  were 
cheered  by  news  of  victories,  especially  of  that  at  Cyz'i-cus,  gained 
by  Alcibiades  in  410  h.c.  **  Ships  gone,  our  admiral  dead,  the  men 
starving,  at  our  wits'  end  what  to  do,"  was  the  laconic  message 
which  reached  Sparta  from  Cyzicus.  Lacedaemon  then  proposed 
a  treaty  of  peace  which  should  leave  Athens  the  few  possessions  she 
still  held;  but  the  Athenians  rejected  the  terms.  It  appeared 
doubtful  whether  a  lasting  peace  could  be  secured  without  the  com- 
plete triumph  of  one  of  the  contending  parties.  The  Athenians 
feared,  too,  that  peace  with  Sparta  would  bring  them  another  tyran- 
nical oligarchy  in  place  of  their  free  constitution  ;  and  with  Alcibi- 
ades as  general  they  still  hoped  for  success  in  the  war. 


Arginusae  .183 

In  408  B.C.,  however,  Darius,  king  of  Persia,  despatched  Cyrus,  the 
younger  of  his  two  sons,  to  take  the  satrapy  of  Sardis  from  Tissa- 
phernes  and  to  give  all  possible  aid  to  the  enemies  of  Athens. 
About  the  same  time  Ly-san'der,  a  born  leader  of  men,  a  general 
and  diplomatist  of  surpassing  ability,  came  from  Sparta  to  the  seat 
of  war.  He  visited  Cyrus  and  easily  won  his  way  to  the  heart  of 
the  ambitious  young  prince.  Next  year  he  defeated  a  large  Athe- 
nian fleet  off  No'ti-um,  near  Ephesus,  capturing  fifteen  triremes. 
In  the  absence  of  Alcibiades,  their  admiral,  the  Athenians  had  risked 
a  battle ;  and  as  a  result  they  suffered  their  first  reverse  since  the 
time  of  the  Four  Hundred.  As  they  held  Alcibiades  responsible  for 
the  misfortune,  they  failed  to  reelect  him  general  for  the  following 
year.  Fearing  to  return  home,  he  retired  to  a  castle  on  the 
Hellespont  which  he  had  prepared  for  such  an  occasion.  Thus  th3 
Athenians  cast  away  a  man  who  might  have  saved  them.  Though 
working  to  the  end  for  his  own  glory,  he  was  wiser  now  than  in  his 
youth  and  would  have  served  his  country  well ;  but  the  confidence 
of  his  fellow-citizens  in  one  who  had  been  so  impious  and  so  traitor- 
ous could  not  but  be  shaken  by  the  slightest  appearance  of  inatten- 
tion to  duty.^ 

153.  The  Battle  of  Arginusae  (406  B.C.). — The  contending  powers 
now  put  forth  enormous  efforts.  In  406  B.C.  the  Athenians  with  a 
hundred  and  fifty  triremes  met  a  Peloponnesian  fleet  of  a  hundred 
and  twenty  triremes  near  the  islands  of  Ar-gi-nu'sae,  and  gained  a 
complete  victory.  Athens  lost  twenty-five  ships  ;  the  enemy  seventy, 
with  their  commander  and  crews,  amounting  to  about  fourteen  thou- 
sand men.  This  was  the  severest  battle  of  the  war.  After  hearing 
of  their  disaster  the  Lacedaemonians  were  willing  for  the  sake  of 
peace  to  leave  Athens  what  she  still  possessed ;  but  the  Athenians 
again  rejected  the  conditions. 

The  Athenians   disgraced   themselves  for  all   time   by  putting  to 

1  Afterward,  while  residing  in  Phrygia,  he  was  assassinated  by  order  of  the 
Spartan  authorities. 


1 84 


The  Closmg   Years  of  the    War 


death  six  of  the  generals  who  had  won  the  victory  at  Arginusae,  on 
the  ground  that  they  had  neglected  to  rescue  the  crews  of  the  tri- 
remes wrecked  in  the  battle.  The  commanders  had  ordered  two 
ship-captains  to  attend  to  the  work,  but  a  sudden  storm  had  pre- 
vented the  rescue  of  the  unfortunate  sailors.  The  Athenians  violated 
the  constitution  in  condemning  the  generals  collectively  and  in 
refusing  them  a  sufficient  opportunity  for  defence.  Soon  repenting 
of  their  conduct,  they  prosecuted  those  who  had  persuaded  them  to 
commit  the  murder, 

154.   The  Battle  of  Aegospotami  (405  B.C.).  —  Athens  and  Sparta 
made  one  more  desperate  effort  to  gain  the  mastery  of  the  Aegean 


THE 

HELLESPONT 

AND  SURROUNDING  TERRITORY 


Sea.  The  opposing  fleets  met  in  the  Hellespont,  —  a  hundred  and 
eighty  Athenian  warships  against  two  hundred  from  Peloponnese. 
The  Athenians  were  on  the  European  side  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Ae-gos-pot'a-mi,  the  Peloponnesians  on  the  opposite  shore  at  Lamp'- 
sa-cus.  Lysander,  who  was  in  command,  would  not  engage.  For 
five  days  the  Athenians  sailed  forth  to  offer  battle,  and  for  the  fifth 
time  retired  with  their  challenge  unaccepted.  Leaving  their  ships 
along  the  shore,  they  dispersed  as  usual  to  gather  food  through  the 


Peace 


185 


neighborhood. 


At  this  time  the  Peloponnesians  came  with  their 
whole  fleet  and  found  most  of  the  enemy's  triremes  empty.  The 
crews,  returning  hurriedly,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Lysander,  who 
massacred  three  thousand  Athenians  to  punish  them  for  having 
killed  prisoners  of  war.  In  reality  Athens  and  Lacedaemon  were 
equally  to  blame  in  this  respect.  It  seems  probable  that  the  Athe- 
nians were  betrayed  to  Lysander  by  one  or  more  of  their  generals. 
Co'non  alone  of  the  commanders  escaped  with  a  few  ships ;  and 
sending  the  official  galley  Far'a-Ius  to  Athens  with  the  news,  he, 
though  innocent,  fled  for  his  life  with  the  rest  of  his  ships  to  Cyprus. 
155.  Effects  of  the  Battle  ;  the  Terms  of  Peace  (404  B.C.).  —  "  It 
was  night  when  the  Paralus  reached  Athens  with  her  evil  tidings,  on 
receipt  of  which  a  bitter  wail  of  woe  broke 
forth.  From  Peiraeus,  following  the  line 
of  the  Long  Walls  up  to  the  heart  of  the 
city,  it  swept  and  swelled,  as  each  man 
passed  the  news  to  his  neighbor.  That 
night  no  man  slept.  There  was  mourning 
and  sorrow  for  those  who  were  lost,  but 
the  lamentation  for  the  dead  was  merged 
in  even  deeper  sorrow  for  themselves,  as 
they  pictured  the  evils  they  were  about  to 
suff"er,  the  hke  of  which  they  had  inflicted 
upon  the  men  of  Melos,"  ^  and  upon  many 
others.  Ships  and  men  were  lost,  and 
they  were  soon  besieged  by  land  and  sea. 
But  no  man  dared  speak  of  submission. 
Finally,  when  on  the  point  of  starvation, 
they  sent  envoys  to  Sparta  with  full  powers 
to  treat  for  peace.  Thereupon  a  Peloponnesian  congress  was  held 
in  Sparta,  in  which  the  Corinthians,  the  Thebans,  and  some  others 
proposed  to  destroy  Athens  utterly,  and  to  enslave  the  Athenians. 
1  Xenophon,  Hellenica,  ii.  2. 


A  Sepulchral  Ornament 

OF  Marble 
(National  Museum,  Athens) 


i86 


The  Closing   Years  of  the    War 


But  the  Spartan  ephors  objected  ;  they  were  unwilling,  they  said,  that 
a  city  which  had  done  such  noble  service  for  Greece  in  the  perilous 
times  of  the  Persian  invasion  should  be  enslaved.  They  would  be 
content  with  milder  conditions  :  that  Athens  should  demolish  the 
fortifications  of  Peiraeus  and  the  Long  Walls,  give  up  all  her  warships 
but  twelve,  follow  Sparta  in  peace  and  in  war,  and  permit  the  return 
of  the  exiled  oligarchs.     With  these  concessions,  Athens  might  remain 


1 

^ 

1 

*il 

-^      ■-■-'..J 

Erechtheium 


free  and  "  under  the  constitution  of  the  fathers."  As  the  Athenian 
envoys  entered  their  city  a  great  crowd  gathered  about  them  trem- 
bhng  lest  their  mission  should  have  proved  fruitless ;  for  many  were 
already  dying  of  starvation.  The  majority  ratified  the  treaty. 
Lysander  entered  Peiraeus  with  his  fleet,  the  exiles  were  already 
coming  home,  and  the  Peloponnesians  began  the  destruction  of  the 
walls  to  the  music  of  flutes,  with  the  idea  that  they  were  celebrating 
the  return  of  liberty  to  Hellas. 


The  Drama 


187 


The  Progress  of  Culture^ 

156.  Art,  Literature,  and  Philosophy.  —  In  spite  of  the  heavy 
expenses  of  the  war,  the  Athenians  built  the  Erechtheium  —  doubt- 
less fulfiUing  the  wish  of  Pericles.^  In  art  they  accomplished  little 
for  want  of  money,  but  the  number  of  their  excellent  authors  was 
increasing. 

Eu-ripH-des  (480-406  B.C.),  a  writer  of  dramas,  belongs  to  this 
period.  His  education  was  broad  ;  he  had  been  an  athlete,  a  painter, 
and  a  student  of  all  the  phi- 
losophy of  the  time.  No 
anciei'it  writer  seems  so  modern 
as  he  ;  none  knew  human  na- 
ture so  well  or  sympathized  so 
deeply  with  it,  especially  with 
women  and  slaves,  with  the 
unfortunate  and  the  lowly. 
His  plays  represent  a  decline 
in  art  but  a  great  advance  in 
kindly  feeling.  The  most 
popular  is  the  Al-ces^tis,  in 
which  the  heroine  dies  to  save 
her  selfish  husband's  Hfe. 
Among  the  strongest  is  the 
Medeia,  whose  plot  is  drawn 
from  the  voyage  of  the  Argo- 
nauts.^ There  remain  in  all 
seventeen  plays  of  the  ninety-two  attributed  to  him  by  the  ancients. 

The   most  famous  comic  dramatist"  of  Greece  was  Aristophanes 

(about  450-385  B.C.).     His  wit  never  failed;  his  fancy  was  as  lively 

and  as  creative  as  Shakspere's  ;  the  choruses  of  his  plays  are  beautiful 

1  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interruption 

may  omit  §  156,  '-^  §  I33-  ^  §  49- 


Euripides 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


1 88  The  Closing   Years  of  the    War 

lyrics,  fragrant  of  the  country  and  woodland,  free  from  the  polish 
and  from  the  restraints  of  life  within  the  city.  He  has  much,  too,  to 
tell  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  No  one  has  given  so  true  a 
picture  of  Athens  and  her  people,  and  at  the  same  time  such  carica- 
tures of  her  individual  public  men.  We  might  compare  his  character 
sketches  with  the  cartoons  of  the  modern  newspaper.  The  Clouds 
is  an  attack  on  the  sophists.  In  his  Birds  he  pictures  an  ideal  state 
in  Cloudland,  whose  citizens  were  the  fowls  of  the  air.  The  Knights 
holds  Cleon  up  to  ridicule ;  the  Wasps  presents  the  Athenian  jury- 
system  in  a  comical  light.  He  is  said  to  have  written  fifty-four 
comedies,  of  which  we  have  but  eleven. 

Thucydides  wrote  a  history  of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  inchiding 
the  events  which  led  up  to  it.  He  says  :  "  Very  likely  the  strictly 
historical  character  of  my  narrative  may  be  disappointing  to  the  ear. 
But  if  he  who  desires  to  have  before  his  eyes  a  true  picture  of  the 
events  which  have  happened,  and  of  the  like  events  which  may  be 
expected  to  happen  hereafter  in  the  order  of  human  things,  shall 
pronounce  what  I  have  written  to  be  useful,  then  I  shall  be  satisfied. 
My  history  is  an  everlasting  possession,  not  a  composition  to  be 
heard  and  forgotten."  ^  In  contrast  with  Herodotus  he  is  not  only 
critical  but  exceedingly  complex  in  style  and  thought. '  As  his  work 
was  to  be  of  service  especially  to  generals,  he  narrated  campaigns 
with  all  the  details,  but  paid  little  attention  to  internal  improvements 
and  civilization. 

The  sophists'''  continued  to  teach  to  young  men  the  short,  easy 
road  to  oratory  and  statesmanship  which  they  professed  to  have  dis- 
covered ;  and  they  were  equally  active  in  spreading  their  sceptical 
doctrines.  The  worthlessness  of  their  teachings,  however,  was  pointed 
out  by  Socrates  (469-399  B.C.),  a  man  whose  thoughts  and  cliarac- 
ter  have  left  a  deep  impression  on  the  world  for  all  time.  In  his 
youth  he  was  but  a  sculptor  —  a  tradesman  from  the  Greek  point  of 
view ;  and  he  did  not  succeed  in  his  work,  as  he  had  the  habit  of 
1  i.  22.  2  §  134. 


Socrates 


189 


standing  for  hours,  or  even  for  a  day  and  night  together,  wholly  lost 
in  thought.  Then,  too,  he  believed  himself  inspired,  —  a  spirit 
accompanied  him  through  life  warning  him  against  doing  evil.  For- 
saking an  occupation  in  which,  under  the  circumstanceSj  he  could 
make  but  a  poor  Hving,  he  devoted  himself  to  searching  for  truth. 
The  sophists  had  said,  "  We  are  ignorant " ;  Socrates,  admitting  this, 
heralded  a  new  era  in 
thought  when  he  said,  "I 
will  seek  knowledge," 
thus  asserting,  contrary 
to  the  sophists,  the  possi- 
bility of  learning  the 
truth.  Though  people 
called  him  sophist,  he 
gave  no  course  of  study 
and  charged  no  fee,  but 
simply  questioned  any 
one  whom  he  met  till  he 
had  convinced  his  op- 
ponent in  the  argument 
that  the  latter  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  subject  of  con- 
versation. In  all  this  he 
thought  he  was  fulfilling 
a  heaven-appointed  mis- 
sion,— the  quest  of  truth 


SOCRA'I'KS 

(Capitoline  Museum,  Rome) 


with  the  help  of  his  fellow-men.  Taking  no  thought  of  natural  or  of 
physical  science,  he  busied  himself  with  moral  duties,  inquiring,  for 
instance,  what  was  just  and  what  unjust ;  what  was  bravery  and  what 
cowardice ;  what  a  state  was  and  what  the  character  of  a  statesman. 
True  knowledge,  he  asserted,  was  the  only  guide  to  virtuous  conduct. 
He  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  knowledge  and  virtue  were  one 
and  the  same  thing.     Practically,  this  means  little  more  than  that  a 


1 90  The  Closing   Years  of  the    War 

man  should  learn  to  think  accurately  and  then  follow  the  commands 
of  his  reason.  In  this  way  Socrates  laid  for  ethical  science  a  solid 
foundation,  on  which  men  could  build  far  better  than  on  the  sands 
of  sophistry. 

His  teachings  benefited  Athens  ;  a  few  years  after  the  war,  how- 
ever, his  fellow-citizens,  mistaking  him  for  a  sophist,  condemned  him 
to  death  on  the  ground  that  he  had  corrupted  the  youth,  and  had 
acted  impiously  toward  the  gods  of  the  state  (399  B.C.). 

The  period  which  we  have  now  reviewed  (479-404  B.C.)  was  in 
some  respects  the  most  brilliant  in  the  history  of  Greece.  Demo- 
cratic institutions,  which  assured  the  freedom  and  equality  of  the 
citizens,  reached  a  high  degree  of  development  in  the  Athens  of 
Pericles,  and  in  some  other  democratic  states.  Then  came  a  long, 
severe  struggle  between  democracy  and  oligarchy  (431-404  B.C.),  in 
which  the  latter  won  a  temporary  victory.  It  was  the  age  of  dramatic 
poetry,  of  the  noblest  historical  writing,  and  of  the  grand  in  art —  the 
age  of  the  most  vigorous  political  a  fid  intellectual  activity  of  the  Greeks. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.    The  Four  Hundred.  —  Thucydides,  viii.  65-97;   Bury,  History  of  Greece, 
pp.  489-496;   Whibley,  Creek  Oligarchies,  pp.  192-207. 

II.  The  Battle  of  Arginusae.  —  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  ii.  pp.  502-504; 
Abbott,  History  of  Greece,  iii,  pp.  441-449. 

III.  Lysander.  —  Plutarch,  Lysander,  Agesilaus  •  Xenophon,  Works,  trans- 
lated by  Dakyns  (see  Index);    Grote,  History  of  Greece  (see  Index). 

IV.  Socrates. — Jebb,  Greek  Literature,'^.  125  f.;  Murray,  Ancient  Greek 
Literature,  pp.  170-177;  Sankey,  Spartan  and  Theban  Supremacies,  ch.  iv; 
Gildersleeve,  Essays  and  Studies,  "  Xanthippe  and  Socrates." 


CHAPTER   XIII 

TIJE  END    OF   FREEDOM    IN    SICILY  AND   IN    ITALY  (413-264  B.C.) 

157.  The  Carthaginians  invade  Sicily  (409-404  B.C.).  —  The  fall 
of  Athens  was  a  great  misfortune  to  the  Greeks  of  the  West  a^  well  as 
to  those  of  the  East.  For  nearly  seventy  years  the  terror  of  her 
name  had  kept  both  the  Carthaginians  and  the  Persians  at  bay ;  but 
on  the  overthrow  of  her  naval  supremacy  these  two  great  foreign 
powers  again  hoped  to  conquer  parts  of  Hellas.  On  the  invitation  of 
Segesta,  which  was  still  threatened  by  Selinus/  Carthage  sent  over  to 
Sicily  a  vast  fleet  conveying  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand  men 
under  King  Han'ni-bal,  grandson  of  that  Hamilcar  who  had  met  his 
death  at  Himera.  This  great  armament  laid  siege  to  SeHnus ;  on 
the  ninth  day  it  stormed  the  city  and  butchered  the  inhabitants 
(409  B.C.).  Thence  Hannibal  marched  to  Himera,  where  the  siege 
and  the  massacre  were  repeated.  Three  thousand  captives  were  led 
to  the  spot  where  Hamilcar  had  sacrificed  himself,^  and  there  were 
killed  with  horrid  torture.  In  this  way  Hannibal  sought  to  appease 
the  hungry  appetite  of  his  grandfather's  ghost. 

A  fresh  army  of  mercenaries  next  invested  Acragas,  then  the 
wealthiest  and  most  luxurious  city  in  the  Greek  world.  But  a  pesti- 
lence in  the  camp  killed  many  of  the  besiegers,  including  Hannibal. 
Hi-mil'con,  the  second  in  command,  propitiated  the  angry  gods  with 
a  multitude  of  sacrifices,  among  them  a  boy  —  perhaps  his  own  son. 
Though  reenforced  by  their  neighbors,  the  inhabitants  finally  aban- 
doned their  city  and  settled  in  Leontini.  Himilcon  took  up  his 
winter  quarters  in  deserted  Acragas,  and  sent  much  of  its  wealth, 
including  many  works  of  art,  to  Carthage  (405  B.C.). 

i§i43.  2§„6. 

191 


192 


llie  End  of  Freedom  i7i  Sicily  and  in  Italy 


The  Sicilians  felt  that  Acragas  had  been  lost  through  the  treachery 
of  Syracusan  generals  sent  to  defend  it.  A  young  officer  of  Syracuse, 
named  Di-o-nys'i-tiSj  accused  them  in  a  public  assembly.  He 
persuaded  the  people  to  depose  them  and  to  elect  himself  and 
others  in  their  place.  Then  by  bringing  charges  of  treason  against 
his  colleagues,  he  soon  had  them  put  out  of  office  and  himself  made 
sole  commander  with  absolute  power.  Immediately  securing  a  body- 
guard of  a  thousand    mercenaries,  he  made    himself  tyrant   of  his 


'jKMPi.E  Ruins  at  vSelinus 


native  city.  Next  he  compelled  the  people  of  Ge'la  and  of  Cam-a-ri'na 
to  abandon  their  cities  to  the  invader  and  to  retire  to  Syracuse. 
Great  was  the  indignation  of  all  classes  against  the  usurper ;  but 
through  his  mercenaries  he  maintained  himself  against  every  attempt 
to  assassinate  or  to  depose  him.  In  404  b.c.  he  concluded  a  treaty 
with  the  Carthaginians  by  which  he  yielded  to  them  the  whole  island 
except  the  Sicels  —  a  native  nation  in  the  interior  —  and  the  Greeks 
of  the  eastern  coast.  The  Carthaginians,  for  their  part,  acknowledged 
him  as  the  absolute  ruler  of  Syracuse. 

158.    War  with  Carthage  (397-392  B.C.). — But  Dionysius  did  not 


Dionysius 


193 


intend  to  yield  Sicily  forever  to  the  enemy.  Seven  years  he  busied 
himself  with  increasing  his  power  and  with  preparing  for  war  on  a 
grand  scale.  He  built  an  immense  wall  about  Syracuse  ;  he  organized 
an  army  of  eighty  thousand  infantry ;  his  engineers  invented  a  new 
instrument,  afterward  known  as  the  ballista,  for  throwing  large  stones 
against  the  enemy's  walls.     In  his  new  fleet  were  more  than  three 


^^A^^^^^^KH 

WBttttti^m^^am,^M. 

-i    i    ...  •  .^ 

m0 

^tfeSI^^'-^. 

wmm  % .  M 

.              ,"."     X,    v#         , 

;^<;  'i '  '^,^^;^^mHHMI9 

^'^'l^^^^^^jp^ 

t*:,'*!' 

^f-- 

Fort  Euryelus 
(A  corner  in  the  Wall  of  Dionysius  at  Syracuse ;  interior  view) 

hundred  vessels,  some  of  them  quinqueremes,  —  huge  galleys  with 
five  banks  of  oars,  invented  by  his  shipwrights.  Though  utterly 
unscrupulous,  though  he  ground  down  the  rich  with  taxes  and  violated 
nearly  every  sentiment  dear  to  the  Greek  heart,  yet  he  gained  a 
certain  degree  of  popularity  by  the  mihtary  preparations  which  made 
him  appear  as  a  strong  champion  of  Hellas  against  the  barbarian. 

He  began  war  upon  Carthage  in  397  B.C.,  and  with  his  vast  arma- 
ment nearly  swept  the  Phoenicians  from  the  island  ;  but  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  Himilcon,  landing  in  Sicily,  regained  everything  which 


194 


The  End  of  Freedom  in  Sicily  and  in  Italy 


Carthage  had  lost,  and  Messene  in  addition.  Most  of  the  Messenians 
escaped,  but  Himilcon  compelled  his  men  to  burn  the  woodwork 
and  to  grind  the  stones  to  powder.  The  invaders  then  defeated  the 
fleet  of  Dionysius  and  besieged  the  tyrant  in  Syracuse  by  land  and 
sea.  The  newly  built  ramparts  saved  the  city.  A  pestilence 
weakened  the  besiegers ;  the  Greeks,  taking  courage,  set  fire  to  the 

Carthaginian  fleet  in 
the  Great  Harbor  and 
from  their  walls 
watched  the  burning 
of  two  thousand  ships. 
The  siege  was  raised 
and  the  enemy  pushed 
back  till  he  held  but 
the  extreme  western 
end  of  the  island. 
All  the  rest  Dionysius 
secured  by  the  treaty 
of  392  B.C. 

159.  Conquests  of 
Dionysius  in  Italy 
(to  287  B.C.);  other 
Wars. —  Even  while 
waging  war  with  Carthage,  Dionysius  had  begun  to  threaten  the 
Greeks  of  Italy,  and  after  concluding  peace  he  renewed  his 
efiforts  to  annex  Magna  Graecia  to  his  own  dominion.  As  the  Italian 
Greeks  were  assailed  at  the  same  time  by  the  Lu-ca'ni-ans,  a  strong 
tribe  from  the  interior,  they  could  do  nothing  but  yield  to  Dionysius. 
In  the  year  387  B.C.  we  find  his  kingdom  in  Italy  extending  as  far  as 
Croton.  Some  of  the  conquered  people  he  removed  to  Syracuse, 
others  he  sold  into  slavery.  Everywhere  he  showed  the  utmost  dis- 
regard for  sacred  places  and  institutions,  but  the  Greeks  were  power- 
less to  resist. 


KINGDOM    OF 

dio:n^ysius 

367  B.C. 


His  Character  195 

In  two  more  wars  which  he  carried  on  with  Carthage,  he  failed  to 
dislodge  the  foreigners  from  Sicily,  but  still  held  the  larger  part  of 
the  island  as  well  as  his  Italian  possessions.  He  aided  the  Lacedae- 
monians in  maintaining  their  supremacy  over  eastern  Greece,^  and 
his  power  was  recognized  as  the  greatest  in  the  Hellenic  world. 

160.  Dionysius  in  Peace;  his  Character. — Though  engaged  in 
wars  to  the  end,  in  his  later  years  a  desire  for  peace  grew  upon  him. 
He  was  a  poet  as  well  as  a  general.  A  story  is  told  that  Phi-lox'e-nus, 
a  poet  at  his  court,  was  imprisoned  in  a  stone  quarry  as  a  punishment 
for  criticising  the  tyrant's  verse.  When  liberated  soon  afterward 
and  invited  to  hear  another  recital,  he  endured  the  reading  for  a  few 
moments,  and  then  cried  out,  "Take  me  back  to  the  stone  quarry  !" 
A  splendid  display  of  horses  and  chariots,  of  athletes  and  actors,  which 
Dionysius  made  at  the  Olympic  games,  in  like  manner  won  no 
applause.  The  orator  Lys'i-as,  from  Athens,  tried  to  incite  the  Greeks 
there  assembled  to  begin  war  upon  the  tyrant  by  plundering  his  rich 
tents.  The  holiness  of  the  festival  prevented  this  outrage,  but  the 
reciters  of  his  poems  were  hissed  and  his  chariots  were  overturned  in 
the  race.  So  far  from  winning  the  favor  and  admiration  of  the' 
Greeks  by  his  exhibit,  the  tyrant  discovered  that  he  was  universally 
hated. 

About  this  time  Plato,  the  Athenian  philosopher,  visited  the  court 
of  Dionysius,  and  tried  to  persuade  the  tyrant  to  rule  according  to 
the  philosopher's  lofty  ideas  of  justice.  Dionysius  answered  his 
arguments  by  having  him  exposed  for  sale  in  a  slave-market.  A 
friend  ransomed  him,  however,  and  he  returned  to  Athens.^ 

In  367  B.C.  Dionysius  died,  after  reigning  thirty-eight  years.  No 
tyrant  could  have  ruled  so  long  without  the  possession  of  strong 
qualities.  The  private  character  of  Dionysius  was  without  reproach. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  never  hesitated  at  bloodshed,  confiscation  of 
property,  or  anything  else  which  would  make  him  safe.  Many  spies 
in  his  pay  watched  the  movements  of  those  whom  he  suspected  at 
i§i7i.  2  §189. 


1 96  The  End  of  Freedom  in  Sicily  and  in  Italy 

home  and  abroad.  With  all  his  faihngs  he  performed  a  service  for 
Greece  and  for  Europe  by  protecting  Hellenic  civiHzation  in  Italy 
and  Sicily. 

161.  Civil  Strife  (367-345)  ;  Timoleon  the  Liberator  (345-337  B.C.). 
—  A  period  of  civil  strife  following  the  death  of  Dionysius  was  at 
length  ended  by  Ti-mo'le-on,  a  general  sent  out  by  Corinth.  Timo- 
leon was  a  man  of  remarkable  ability  and  strength  of  character. 
Gradually  he  overthrew  the  tyrants  who  since  the  death  of  Dionysius 
had  usurped  the  power  in  many  Sicilian  cities.  He  then  gave  the 
cities  good  laws  and  settled  governments.  On  the  Cri-mi'sus  River 
he  met  the  vast  mercenary  force  of  Carthage  which  had 
come  to  Sicily  for  the  purpose  of  overwhelming  him.  As  his 
small  army  marched  up  the  hill  from  the  top  of  which  the  soldiers 
expected  to  get  their  first  view  of  the  enemy,  their  religious  fears 
were  aroused  at  sight  of  a  train  of  mules  laden  with  parsley,  —  a 
plant  used  for  decorating  tombs.  But  with  the  exclamation  that  the 
parsley  chaplet  was  the  reward  of  victory  in  the  Isthmian  games, 
Timoleon  seized  some  of  the  plant  and  made  a  wreath  for  his  head ; 
the  officers,  then  the  soldiers,  followed  his  example ;  and  the  army 
swept  over  the  hill  like  a  host  of  victorious  athletes.  Throwing  his 
enthusiastic  troops  upon  the  Carthaginian  centre,  which  had  just 
crossed  the  Crimisus,  he  crushed  it  with  one  mighty  blow.  A 
sudden  storm  beat  full  in  the  faces  of  the  enemy;  thousands 
were  drowned  in  attempting  to  recross  the  swollen  stream,  and 
thousands  were  killed  or  made  captive.  The  victory  was  complete 
(340  B.C.). 

When  he  had  liberated  all  Greek  Sicily  from  Carthage  and  from 
tyranny,  he  joined  the  cities  in  a  federation,  with  Syracuse  as  leader 
in  war.  All  members  of  the  union  were  guaranteed  their  freedom. 
He  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  improveme7it  of  the  country. 
As  the  long  anarchy  had  left  large  tracts  of  land  uncultivated  and 
without  owners,  he  invited  Greeks  from  other  countries  to  come  and 
settle  on  the  vacant  farms.      Thousands  answered  the  call;  a  few 


Pyrrhus  197 

peaceful  years  brought  prosperity  to  fruitful  Sicily,  and  Timoleon 
lived  to  see  the  desolate  island  bloom  again  like  a  garden. 

After  ruling  eight  years,  he  resigned  his  dictatorship  and  passed 
the  remainder  of  his  days  a  private  citizen  of  Syracuse,  honored  by 
all  as  their  hberator.  When  he  died  his  fellow-citizens  established 
an  annual  festival  in  memory  of  the  man  "  who  had  suppressed  the 
tyrants,  had  overthrown  the  foreigner,  had  replenished  the  desolate 
cities,  and  had  restored  to  the  Sicilians  the  privilege  of  living  under 
their  own  laws. 

162.  The  Roman  Conquest — The  golden  age  of  Timoleon  was 
not  to  continue  long.  Syracuse  again  fell  under  a  tyrant  (317  B.C.), 
and  again  the  Carthaginians  began  to  encroach  upon  her  territory. 
In  280  B.C.  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epeirus,  a  man  of  great  mihtary  genius, 
came  to  western  Greece  with  a  well-organized  army  to  save  his 
countrymen  from  the  Carthaginians  and  from  a  new  enemy  —  Rome, 
which  was  beginning  to  press  upon  the  Greek  cities  of  Italy.  Though 
he  gained  brilliant  victories  over  Rome,  and  confined  the  Phoeni- 
cians of  Sicily  to  one  walled  town,  the  ungrateful  Greeks  refused  him 
their  support ;  so  he  was  compelled,  after  wasting  his  army,  to  return 
defeated  to  Epeirus  (274  B.C.).  Rome  immediately  annexed  southern 
Italy  to  her  own  domain,  then  drove  the  Carthaginians  from  Sicily, 
and  finally  made  this  island  a  province  in  her  empire.^ 

The  history  of  Magna  Graecia  after  Dionysius  is  similar  to  that 
of  Sicily.  Tarentum,  hard  pressed  by  the  Lucanians,  begged  Pyrrhus 
to  lend  aid.  His  story,  already  outlined,  will  be  told  more  fully  in 
connection  with  the  history  of  Rome.^  The  western  Greeks  fell 
under  the  power  of  Rome  because  their  desire  for  local  indepen- 
dence would  not  permit  them  to  unite  or  to  endure  the  dictatorship 
of  able  men. 

1  Pt.  III.  ch.  V.  2  §  238. 


198  The  End  of  Freedom  in  Sicily  and  in  Italy 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.    Dionysius.  —  Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  639-666;    Holm,  History  of 
Greece,  ii.  pp.  521-525,  iii.  pp.  130-141. 

II.    Timoleon. — Plutarch,    Timoleon ;    Holm    iii.  pp.  401-404;     Bury,   pp. 
673-679;   Grote,  History  of  Greece,  xi.  pp.  I35-I97- 


CHAPTER   XIV 


THE   SUPREMACY   OF   SPARTA    (404-371    B.C.) 


163.  The  Decarchies.  —  The  overthrow  of  Athens,  at  the  end  of 
the  Peloponnesian  War/  left  Sparta  supreme  in  the  east  as  Syracuse 
was  in  the  west.  At  the  summit  of  power  stood  Lysander,  who  had 
done  more  than  any  other 
man  to  bring  eastern 
Greece  under  Spartan 
leadership.  He  now 
had  an  excellent  oppor- 
tunity to  improve  upon 
the  rule  of  Athens;  but 
though  a  man  of  rare 
talents,  he  lacked  the 
genius  for  such  a  task. 
He  could  think  of  noth- 
ing beyond  the  long- 
established  Spartan  and 
Athenian  methods  of 
dealing  with  allies  and 
subjects. 

In  each  newly  allied 
state,  accordingly,  he 
set   up    a   decarchy,  or 

board  of  ten  oligarchs,  with  full  control  of  the  government.  To  sup- 
port the  decarchies,  he  stationed  Lacedaemonian  garrisons  in  most 
of  the  cities.     The  commander,  termed  "  harmost,"  was  usually  a  man 

199 


200  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

of  low  birth,  servile  to  Lysander  and  brutal  toward  the  defence- 
less people  over  whom  he  kept  watch.  Relying  on  his  sup- 
port, the  oligarchs  killed  or  expelled  their  poHtical  enemies, 
confiscated  property  through  sheer  greed,  and  mistreated  the 
women  and  children.  While  Athens  ruled,  a  man  could  feel 
that  life,  property,  and  family  were  safe ;  but  under  Sparta  the 
Greeks   found   themselves   degraded    to   the   condition   of  perioeci 

(§  87). 

164.  The  Thirty  at  Athens  (404-403  B.C.).  —  At  Athens  Lysander 
caused  a  board  of  thirty  to  be  established  with  absolute  authority 
over  the  state.  The  guiding  spirit  of  the  board  was  Crit'i-as,  a  noble 
of  the  highest  rank.  He  was  a  musician  and  a  poet,  a  rhetorician, 
philosopher,  and  politician.  With  all  his  varied  accomplishments,  he 
had  no  depth  or  strong  feelings,  but  was  cold  and  calculating,  ambi- 
tious and  unscrupulous;  within  his  short  career  he  developed  a 
strange  appetite  for  blood  and  plunder. 

Soon  after  taking  possession  of  the  government,  the  Thirty  began 
to  kill  their  political  opponents.  For  their  own  safety,  they  called 
in  a  Lacedaemonian  force  of  seven  hundred  men,  and  lodged  it  in 
the  Acropolis  at  the  expense  of  the  state.  Supported  by  these  troops, 
the  Thirty  proceeded  with  their  bloody  work.  As  they  often 
murdered  men  for  their  property,  they  preferred  wealthy  victims, 
whether  alien  residents  or  aristocrats.  Hundreds  fled  into  exile ; 
but  the  Spartan  ephors,  to  uphold  the  Thirty,  warned  the  fugitives 
away  from  all  parts  of  Greece.  Some  of  the  states  sheltered  them 
in  defiance  of  the  ephors.  Thebes,  long  the  enemy  of  Athens, 
became  their  rallying-place.  Their  number  daily  increased  owing  to 
the  cruelty  of  the  government  at  home. 

165.  Democracy  restored  (403  B.C.) .  —  The  crowd  of  exiles  swelled 
into  an  army.  At  the  head  of  seventy  patriots,  Thrasybulus  crossed 
the  border  from  Thebes,  seized  Phy'le,  a  strong  fort  high  up  on  Mount 
Par'nes,  and  held  it  against  an  attack  of  the  enemy.  With  his  army 
increased  to  a  thousand,  he  soon  afterward  seized  Peiraeus.     When 


Cyrus  201 

the  Thirty  with  their  Lacedaemonian  garrison  and  citizen  supporters 
marched  down  to  attack  him,  the  patriots  defeated  them  and  killed 
Critias.  Lysander  interfered  to  uphold  the  tyrants,  but  Pausa- 
nias,  a  Spartan  king,  through  jealousy  of  Lysander  gave  his  aid  with 
more  effect  to  the  patriots. 

The  king  persuaded  the  supporters  of  the  oligarchy  and  the 
returned  exiles  to  be  friends  to  each  other.  All  were  pardoned  for 
wrong-doing  except  the  Thirty  and  a  few  other  guilty  officials.  The 
Athenians  now  had  enough  of  oligarchy.  Their  two  recent  experi- 
ments in  that  form  of  constitution  —  the  rule  of  the  Four  Hundred 
and  of  the  Thirty  —  proved  that  the  government  of  the  so-called 
*'  better  class "  was  a  delusion  and  a  He,  and  that  the  men  who 
claimed  superior  privileges  on  the  ground  of  virtue  were  in  reality 
cutthroats  and  robbers.  The  great  mass  of  people,  who  had  little 
wealth  or  education,  were  far  more  obedient  to  law  and  exercised 
greater  self-control  in  public  life.  Henceforth  Athens  was  content 
with  democracy. 

166.  The  Expedition  of  Cyrus  (401  B.C.).  —  Although  the  Thirty 
fell,  the  Lacedaemonians  upheld  the  decarchies  in  the  other  cities 
of  their  empire.  It  was  a  part  of  their  policy  as  well  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  Cyrus,  who  had  done  so  much  to  give  them  the  vic- 
tory over  Athens.  On  the  death  of  Darius,  the  late  king  of  Persia, 
Ar-tax-erx'es,  his  elder  son,  succeeded  to  the  throne,  while  Cyrus, 
the  younger,  still  held  at  Sardis  the  command  of  the  most  desirable 
part  of  Asia  Minor.^  Wishing  to  be  king  in  place  of  his  brother, 
Cyrus  prepared  a  force  of  a  hundred  thousand  Asiatic  troops  and 
thirteen  thousand  Greeks.  The  Lacedaemonians  not  only  favored 
his  enlistment  of  these  mercenaries  from  Greece,  but  even  sent  him 
seven  hundred  heavy-armed  troops  from  their  own  state.  With  these 
forces  the  prince  marched  into  the  very  heart  of  the  Persian  empire, 
and  met  his  brother  in  battle  at  Cu-nax'a,  near  Babylon.  Cyrus  was 
killed  and  his  Asiatics  retired  from  the  field ;  but  the  little  Hellenic 

1  §  152. 


202  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

force  was  victorious  over  the  king's  army,  which  numbered  four  hun- 
dred thousand  or  more. 

Then  the  Greeks,  under  a  truce,  began  their  retreat  m  a  northerly 
direction.  Their  generals  were  entrapped  and  slain  by  Tissaphernes, 
a  rival  of  Cyrus,  but  they  appointed  new  leaders.  And  though  they 
were  beset  on  all  sides  by  enemies  and  were  traversing  a  country 
wholly  unknown  to  them  and  exceedingly  difficult  of  passage,  they 
kept  their  courage  and  discipline,  and  proved  by  their  conduct  that 
the  Greeks  were  able  to  govern  themselves.  More  than  eight  thou- 
sand reached  the  Black  Sea  in  safety  and  thence  returned  to  Greece. 
Xen'o-phon,  an  Athenian  of  the  school  of  Socrates,  the  philosopher, 
was  the  inspiring  genius  of  the  retreat ;  it  was  owing  to  his  prudence 
and  eloquence  that  the  army  held  together  at  critical  moments.  If 
the  story  of  the  retreat  of  the  "Ten  Thousand,"  which  Xenophon 
tells  so  interestingly  in  his  An-al?'a-sis,  is  true,  the  author  must  have 
been  one  of  the  ablest  commanders  of  his  age  (§§  156,  189). 

167.  War  between  Lacedaemon  and  Persia  (beginning  400  B.C.).  — 
The  expedition  of  Cyrus  had  two  important  effects  :  (i)  it  brought 
the  Persian  power  into  contempt  among  the  Greeks;  and  (2)  it 
immediately  caused  war  between  Persia  and  Lacedaemon.  For  this 
state,  by  supporting  Cyrus,  had  incurred  the  anger  of  the  Persian 
king.  A  strong  force  of  Peloponnesians  crossed  to  Asia  Minor,  and 
joining  the  remnant  of  the  Ten  Thousand,  began  war  upon  the 
Persians.  In  396  b.c.  A-ges-i-la'us,  who  had  recently  succeeded  to 
one  of  the  thrones  at  Sparta,  came  with  a  few  thousand  additional 
troops  and  took  command  in  person.  The  little  lame  king  was  gentle 
and  courteous.  Faithful  in  friendship,  simple  in  life,  and  incorruptible, 
he  was  an  ideal  Spartan.  Though  forty  years  of  age  at  his  accession, 
he  was  wholly  without  experience  in  command  ;  but  he  proved  him- 
self an  able  king  and  general.  With  his  small  army  he  freed  the 
Greeks  of  Asia  Minor  from  the  Persian  yoke.  As  the  expedition  of 
Cyrus  had  taught  him  how  weak  Persia  was,  he  even  hoped  to  over- 
throw her  empire.     This  conquest,  when  effected,  was  to  give  the 


TJie  Corinthian    War 


203 


Greeks  an  almost  boundless  field  for  commerce  and  colonization. 
Now  that  it  was  suggested,  they  never  lost  sight  of  the  idea  till  it  was 
reaHzed.^ 

168.  The  Corinthian  War  (395-387  B.C.).  — The  dream  of  Agesi- 
laus  was  rudely  disturbed  by  trouble  at  home.  Sparta  was  selfish  and 
tyrannical ;  the  greater  allied  states,  as  Thebes  and  Corinth,  wished  a 
share  in  her  supremacy ;  the  lesser  communities  desired  at  least  their 


Citadel  of  Corinth 


independence.  As  they  were  all  disappointed  in  their  hopes,  they 
began  to  show  discontent.  In  395  b.c.  they  provoked  Lacedaemon 
to  a  war  which  lasted- eight  years.  This  is  called  the  Corinthian  War, 
because  the  struggle  centred  chiefly  about  Corinth  and  the  Isthmus. 
Athens,  Corinth,  and  several  other  states  took  the  side  of  Thebes, 
while  Persia  supplied  the  funds. 

In  the  second  year  of  the  war,  a  combined  Greek  and  Phoenician 
fleet  under  Conon,^  the  Athenian   admiral,  destroyed   the    fleet  of 


204  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

Lacedaemon  off  CnVdus.  Thus  the  Spartan  naval  supremacy  fell  at 
a  single  blow.  Conon  sailed  from  island  to  island,  expelling  the  har- 
mosts  and  freeing  all  from  Lacedaemonian  rule.  The  next  year  he 
anchored  his  fleet  in  the  harbors  of  Peiraeus,  and  with  the  help  of 
Persia  and  of  the  neighbors  of  Athens  he  began  to  rebuild  the  Long 
Walls. 

Nearer  home  the  Lacedaemonians  were  scarcely  more  fortunate. 
Lysander  was  killed ;  King  Pausanias  proved  incapable ;  it  became 
necessary  therefore  to  recall  Agesilaus.  This  was  a  grievous  blow  to 
his  hopes  ;  both  commander  and  soldiers  regretted  to  give  up  the  war 
with  Persia  in  order  to  turn  their  arms  against  their  fellow- Hellenes. 
"  To  aid  the  fatherland,"  he  said  to  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  "  is  an  imper- 
ative duty.  If,  however,  matters  turn  out  well  on  the  other  side, 
rely  upon  it,  friends  and  allies,  I  will  not  forget  you,  but  shall  be  back 
anon  to  carry  out  your  wishes."  But  the  victories  he  gained  on  his 
return  helped  Sparta  little.  She  received  a  severe  and  lasting  shock 
at  the  hands  of  I-phic'ra-tes.  The  achievement  of  this  Athenian 
general  was  to  make  light  troops  so  efficient  as  to  cope  successfully 
with  heavy  infantry.  First  he  made  theii;  shields  smaller  and  their 
pikes  and  swords  heavier  and  longer.^  Then  he  put  them  through  a 
careful  training  that  they  might  act  as  individuals  rather  than  in  mass. 
After  experimenting  successfully  with  his  light-armed  troops  to  assure 
himself  of  their  superiority  to  heavy-armed,  he  attacked  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Corinth  a  Mo'ra^  or  battalion,  of  Spartan  heavy 
infantry,  six  hundred  strong,  and  cut  it  to  pieces.  The  Lacedaemo- 
nians never  fully  recovered  from  the  blow ;  the  military  organization 
which  had  always  been  the  foundation  of  their  supremacy  in  Greece 
proved  defective. 

169.  The  Treaty  of  Antalcidas  (387  B.C.).  — They  acknowledged 
their  failure  in  the  war  by  coming  to  terms  with  Persia.  The  king 
was  ready  to  use  his  money  and  influence  for  the  preservation  of  a 
peace  which  should  assure  him  the  possession  of  Asia  Minor ;  and 

1  §  87,  n.  2. 


spartan  Violence  205 

Lacedaemon  could  do  nothing  but  accept  his  terms.  Accordingly 
her  ambassador  An-tal'ci-das,  and  Tir-i-ba'zus,  the  king's  legate, 
invited  all  the  Greek  states  to  send  deputies  to  Sardis  for  the  purpose 
of  concluding  peace.  When  they  arrived,  Tiribazus  showed  them  the 
king's  seal  on  a  document  which  he  held  in  his  hand,  and  read  from 
it  the  following  terms  imposed  by  Persia  upon  the  Greeks  :  "  King 
Artaxerxes  deems  it  just  that  the  cities  in  Asia,  with  the  islands  of 
Cla-zom'e-nae  and  Cyprus,  should  belong  to  himself;  the  rest  of  the 
Hellenic  cities,  both  small  and  great,  he  will  leave  independent,  with 
the  exception  of  Lem'nos,  Im'bros,  and  Scy'ros,  which  three  are  to 
belong  to  Athens  as  of  yore.  Should  any  of  the  parties  concerned 
not  accept  this  peace,  I,  Artaxerxes,  together  with  those  who  share 
my  views,  will  war  against  the  offenders  by  land  and  sea,  with  ships 
and  money."  ^  As  the  Greeks  believed  it  impossible  to  wage  war 
successfully  with  Lacedaemon  and  Persia  at  once,  they  accepted  the 
terms.  It  was  well  understood  that  Lacedaemon  was  to  enforce  the 
treaty  for  the  king ;  and  this  position  made  her  again  the  undisputed 
head  of  eastern  Greece. 

170.  The  Violence  of  Sparta.  —  The  Lacedaemonians  still  ruled 
according  to  the  policy  of  Lysander, — a  combination  of  brute  force 
and  cunning.  It  was  their  aim  to  weaken  the  states  from  which  they 
might  expect  resistance.  First  they  destroyed  the  city  of  Mantineia, 
and  scattered  the  inhabitants  in  villages.  Then  in  northern  Greece 
they  assailed  the  Chalcidic  League,  which  though  newly  formed  had 
already  grown  powerful.  While  at  war  with  this  league,  they  seized 
the  Cadmeia  —  the  citadel  of  Thebes  —  and  occupied  it  with  a  gar- 
rison in  open  violation  of  law  {^t^^-^  e.g.).  Even  the  citizens  of  Sparta, 
not  to  speak  of  the  Greeks  in  general,  were  indignant  with  the  officer 
who  had  done  the  violent  deed ;  but  Agesilaus  excused  him  on 
the  ground  that  the  act  was  advantageous  to  Sparta,  thus  setting 
forth  the  principle  that  Greece  was  to  be  ruled  for  the  benefit 
merely  of  the  governing  city.  Though  the  Lacedaemonians  pun- 
1  Xenophon,  Hellenica,  v.  I. 


2o6  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

ished  the  officer,  they  approved  the  deed  by  leaving  the  garrison  in 
the  Cadmeia. 

"On  every  side  the  affairs  of  Lacedaemon  had  signally  prospered : 
Thebes  and  the  other  Boeotian  states  lay  absolutely  at  her  feet ; 
Corinth  had  become  her  most  faithful  ally ;  Argos  .  .  .  was  humbled 
to  the  dust ;  Athens  was  isolated  ;  and  lastly,  those  of  her  own  allies 
who  had  displayed  a  hostile  feeling  toward  her  had  been  punished ; 
so  that,  to  all  outward  appearance,  the  foundations  of  her  empire 
were  well  and  firmly  laid. 

"  Abundant  examples  might  be  found  alike  in  Hellenic  and  in 
foreign  history,  to  prove  that  the  divine  powers  mark  what  is  done 
amiss,  winking  neither  at  impiety  nor  at  the  commission  of  unhallowed 
acts ;  in  the  present  instance,  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  had  pledged 
themselves  by  oath  to  leave  the  states  independent,  had  laid  violent 
hands  on  the  citadel  of  Thebes,  and  were  eventually  punished  by  the 
victims  of  that  iniquity  single-handed."  ^ 

171.  Tyranny  arouses  Resistance.  —  With  these  words  Xenophon, 
the  historian,  prepares  the  reader  for  understanding  the  sudden 
reverse  in  the  fortunes  of  the  Lacedaemonians.  Their  city  was  now 
the  acknowledged  leader  of  all  eastern  Greece,  supported  by  Persia 
in  the  East  and  by  Dionysius  in  the  West.  But  their  policy  was  soon 
to  awaken  forces  which  were  to  overthrow  their  supremacy  forever. 
Resistance  was  first  aroused  in  Thebes,  where  the  oppressor's  hand 
was  heaviest.  In  that  city  the  polemarchs,  as  representatives  of  the 
oligarchic  party  in  league  with  Sparta,  ruled  by  terrorism,  imprisoning 
some  opponents  and  banishing  others.  The  exiles  took  refuge  in 
Athens,  and  there  found  sympathy.  Among  the  refugees  was  Pe-Iop^- 
i-dasj  a  wealthy  Theban,  full  of  patriotism  and  brave  to  recklessness, 
—  the  very  man  his  city  needed  to  save  her.  Pelopidas  had  left 
behind  him  in  Thebes  an  intimate  friend,  Ep-am-in-on^das,  an  orator 
of  remarkable  keenness  and  force,  and  a  philosopher. 

The  oligarchs  thought  Epaminondas  a  harmless  dreamer ;  but 
1  Xenophon,  Hellenica,  v.  3-4. 


Thebes  207 

while  they  allowed  him  to  remain  unmolested  at  home,  he  was 
attracting  into  his  school  the  most  capable  youths  of  Thebes,  and 
was  arousing  in  them  the  moral  power  which  was  to  set  his  country 
free.  The  young  Thebans,  who  delighted  in  physical  training, 
learned  from  the  philosopher  that  mere  size  of  muscle  was  of  no 
advantage,  that  they  should  aim  rather  at  agility  and  endurance.  He 
encouraged  them  to  wrestle  with  the  Lacedaemonian  soldiers  in  the 
Cadmeia,  that  when  the  crisis  should  come,  they  might  meet  them 
without  fear. 

172.  The  Liberation  of  Thebes  (379  B.C.).  —  Meantime  Pelopidas 
at  Athens  was  planning  to  return  with  the  exiles  to  overthrow  the 
oligarchy.  He  ofteij  told  them  at  their  meetings  that  it  was  both  dis- 
honorable and  impious  to  neglect  their  enslaved  country,  and  that  they 
should  emulate  the  heroic  courage  of  Thrasybulus;  as  he  had  ad- 
vanced from  Thebes  to  break  the  power  of  the  Athenian  tyrants,  so 
they  should  march  from  Athens  to  free  Thebes.  Four  years  passed 
in  this  manner,  and  it  was  now  the  winter  of  379  B.C.  The  Chalcidic 
League  had  fallen,  resistance  to  Sparta  was  becoming  every  day 
more  hopeless,  there  was  need  of  haste. 

Selecting  a  hundred  of  his  most  faithful  friends,  Pelopidas  led 
them  to  Eleusis.  There  twelve  of  the  younger  men,  including  him- 
self, eagerly  undertook  the  dangerous  task  of  striking  a  secret  blow 
for  their  country.  They  dressed  themselves  like  huntsmen,  and 
accompanied  by  dogs,  crossed  Mount  Parnes  toward  Thebes* in 
groups  of  two  and  three.  A  snow-storm  had  just  set  in  when  at  dark 
these  men,  their  faces  muffled  in  their  cloaks,  entered  the  city  by 
various  gates  and  met  another  band  of  conspirators  in  the  house  of 
their  leader.  On  the  following  night  an  official  who  was  also  in  the 
plot  held  a  banquet,  to  which  he  invited  all  the  polemarchs  except 
one,  who  was  the  head  of  the  oligarchic  party. 

While  these  magistrates  were  carousing,  some  of  the  conspirators 
entered  disguised  as  women  and  killed  them.  At  the  same  time 
Pelopidas  with  two  companions  went  to  the  house  of  the  remaining 


2o8  The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 

polemarch,  and  after  a  hard  struggle  made  away  with  him.  The 
next  morning  Epaminondas  introduced  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy 
to  the  assembled  citizens,  who  elected  them  Boeotarchs,  or  chief 
magistrates  of  Boeotia.  A  democracy  was  now  established,  and  the 
garrison  in  the  Cadmeia  surrendered  with  the  privilege  of  departing 
unharmed.     Thebes  was  again  free. 

173.  The  Athenian  Maritime  Confederacy  (377  B.C.). —  The 
Athenians,  though  in  sympathy  with  their  neighbor,  would  gladly  have 
remained  neutral,  had  not  Lacedaemon  driven  them  to  war  by  a 
treacherous  attempt  to  seize  Peiraeus.  They  renewed  their  alliance 
with  the  maritime  cities  which  had  deserted  them  for  Sparta  but 
were  now  seeking  their  protection.  The  new  league  was  to  be  a 
union  of  the  Greeks  for  the  defence  of  their  liberties  against  Sparta. 
Each  allied  state  sent  a  deputy  to  a  congress  at  Athens.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  leading  city  alone  should  have  no  representative  in 
this  body  in  order  that  the  deputies  might  not  be  influenced  by  the 
presidency  or  even  by  the  presence  of  an  Athenian.  To  be  binding, 
a  measure  had  to  receive  the  approval  of  both  Athens  and  congress. 
This  arrangement  made  the  leading  city  equal  to  all  the  others  com- 
bined, but  prevented  her  from  acquiring  absolute  power  such  as  she 
had  exercised  over  the  members  of  the  earlier  confederacy.  There 
were  still  to  be  contributions  of  ships  and  money,  but  as  Athens  was 
no  longer  in  a  position  to  compel  the  allies  to  perform  their  duties, 
the  league  remained  far  weaker  than  it  had  been  in  the  preceding 
century. 

174.  The  Peace  Convention  (371  B.C.).  —  As  the  new  alliance 
included  Thebes  and  about  seventy  other  cities,  it  was  more  than  a 
match  for  Peloponnese ;  but  the  Thebans  finally  withdrew  from  the 
war  and  busied  themselves  with  subduing  the  Boeotian  towns. 
Athens,  left  to  carry  on  the  struggle  alone  and  displeased  with  the 
policy  of  Thebes,  opened  negotiations  with  Lacedaemon.  There- 
upon a  convention  of  all  the  Greek  states  met  in  Sparta  to  establish 
an  Hellenic  peace.     Though  the  treaty  of  Antalcidas  was  renewed, 


Leuctra  209 

the  Persian  king  could  no  longer  arbitrate  among  the  Greeks,  —  they 
now  felt  able  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  It  is  interesting  to  see 
them  acting  together  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  endeavoring  to 
form  one  Hellenic  state  on  the  basis  of  local  independence  and 
equal  rights.  The  convention  resolved  to  accept  peace  on  the 
understanding  that  every  Greek  state  should  be  independent  and 
that  all  fleets  and  armies  should  be  disbanded. 

Though  all  were  ready  to  make  peace  on  these  terms,  trouble 
arose  in  regard  to  ratifymg  the  treaty.  Sparta  insisted  on  signing 
it  in  behalf  of  her  allies,  but  would  not  grant  the  same  privilege  to 
Thebes.  When,  accordingly,  Agesilaus  demanded  that  the  Boeotian 
towns  should  be  permitted  to  sign  for  themselves,  Epaminondas,  the 
Theban  deputy,  declared  that  his  city  had  as  good  a  right  to  repre- 
sent all  Boeotia  as  Sparta. to  represent  all  Laconia.  His  boldness 
startled  the  convention.  For  ages  the  Greeks  had  stood  in  awe  of 
Sparta,  and  no  one  had  dared  question  her  authority  within  the 
borders  of  Lacedaemon.  But  the  deputy  from  Thebes  was  winning 
his  point  with  the  members,  when  Agesilaus  in  great  rage  sprang  to 
his  feet  and  bade  him  say  once  for  all  whether  Boeotia  should  be 
independent.  "  Yes,  if  you  will  give  the  same  freedom  to  Laconia," 
Epaminondas  replied.  The  Spartan  king  then  struck  the  name  of 
Thebes  from  the  list  of  states  represented  in  the  convention,  exclud- 
ing her  thus  from  the  peace. 

175.  The  Battle  of  Leuctra  (371  B.C.).  —  The  treaty  was  signed, 
the  convention  dissolved,  the  deputies  returned  home.  All  eyes 
turned  toward  the  impending  conflict ;  every  one  expected  to  see 
the  city  of  Epaminondas  punished,  perhaps  destroyed,  for  the  bold- 
ness of  her  leader. 

Leuctra  was  a  small  town  in  Boeotia  southwest  of  Thebes.  The 
batde  fought  there  in  371  B.C.  was  in  its  political  effects  the 
most  important  in  which  Greeks  only  were  engaged ;  to  the 
student  of  miUtary  affairs  it  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  in 
history. 


210 


The  Supremacy  of  Sparta 


THETHEBAN  TACTICS 

IN  THE 

BATTUE  OF  LEUCTHA 


I  I 


iRRRH 


c 


As  a  result  of  studies  in  military  science  Epaminondas  introduced 
a  sweeping  revolution  in  warfare.  The  Boeotians  had  always  made 
excellent  soldiers,  and  as  far  back  as  the  battle  of  Delium^  their 

commander  had  won  by  massing  his 
men  in  a  heavy  phalanx.^  This 
solid  body  of  infantry  was  to  be  the 
chief  element  in  the  new  military 
system ;  Epaminondas  was  to  con- 
vert the  experiences  of  his  country- 
men into  the  most  important 
principle  of  mihtary  science  —  the 
principle  of  concentrating  the  attack 
upon  a  single  point  of  the  enemy's 
Hne.  Opposite  to  the  Peloponnesian 
right,  made  up  of  Lacedaemonians 
under  one  of  their  kings,  he  massed 
his  left  in  a  column  fifty  deep  and 
led  it  to  the  attack.  The  enemy, 
drawn  up  uniformly  twelve  deep  in 
the  old-fashioned  way,  could  not 
withstand  the  terrific  shock.  The 
Boeotian  centre  purposely  advanced 
more  slowly  than  the  column,  and 
B^^,o,..M.i.      ^j^g  j.jg|^^  g^jjl  j^^^j.^  slowly,  so  that 

these  divisions  of  the  line  took  only  the  slightest  part  in  the  battle. 
But  the  Boeotian  horsemen,  who  were  well  trained  and  high-spirited, 
easily  put  to  rout  the  inefficient  cavalry  of  the  enemy;  and  the  Sacred 
Band,  Epaminondas'  school  of  Theban  youths,  followed  the  impetu- 
ous Pelopidas  in  an  irresistible  charge  on 'the  extreme  Spartan  right. 
The  king  was  killed,  his  army  thoroughly  beaten  by  a  much  smaller 
force,  and  the  supremacy  of  Sparta  was  at  an  end. 

1  §  141.  2  p.  99^  n.  I. 


1 1! ' 

I  h  I 

:    i 

4-I4- 


°d^b 


I    I 
I    I 

I 

!    ! 

n 


nanDTHEBAN  cavalry 

a  a  a,  Boeotians 

A,  THEBAN  COLUMN 

C,  SACRED    BAND 

I,  I,      THEBANS  AND  ALLIES  BEFORE  ADVANCE 

II,  II,   THEBAN     ADVANCE   IN   ECHELON  FORMATION 

III,  III,  ^^H    SPARTANS.    ^^"*   PELOPONNESIANS 

SHOWING  THEBAN  COLUMN  AND  SACRED   BAND 
CUTTING  THE  SPARTAN  LINE 


The  Overthrow  of  Sparta 


211 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Critias.  —  See  Indices  in  Xenophon,  Wo7'ks  (translated  by  Dakyns),  and 
in  the  various  histories  of  Greece. 

II.  The  Expedition  of  Cyrus.  —  Xenophon,  Anabasis;  Holm,  History  of 
Greece^  iii.  pp.  2-6;  Timayenis,  History  of  Greece,  Pt.  VI.  ch,  ii. 

III.  Society  and  Government  of  Sparta  in  the  Time  of  Agesilaus.— 
Xenophon,  Republic  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  in  Works  ;  Botsford,  Greece,  pp.  256- 
261 ;   Curtius,  History  of  Greece,  Bk.  V.  ch.  iii. 


--3S'* *■'*'«■'''  • 

— — — »^ 

'UKUt^^^ 

^SIife.;^^gaa3MM|m^      ,,.. 

^Ktt^ffif^ 

■*j^  .^^^^^HK 

>        mm  ■ 

"^  '1^4^^, 

•      .                                                               "  '••^-'■:  ■ 

"■  ■;   --■._=— ,...-'"^'^,.,;^' 

Spartan  Mosaic 


CHAPTER   XV 

THEBES  ATTEMPTS  TO   GAIN  THE   SUPREMACY  (371-362  B.C.) 

176.  Effects  of  the  Battle  on  Sparta. — "After  these  events,  a 
messenger  was  despatched  to  Lacedaemon  with  news  of  the  misfor- 
tune. He  reached  his  destination  on  the  last  day  of  the  gym-no- 
pae'di-ae,'  just  when  the  chorus  of  grown  men  had  entered  the  theatre. 
The  ephors  heard  the  mournful  tidings  not  without  grief  and  pain, 
as  needs  they  must,  I  take  it ;  but  for  all  that  they  did  not  dismiss 
the  chorus,  but  allowed  the  contest  to  run  out  its  natural  course. 
What  they  did  was  to  deliver  the  names  of  those  who  had  fallen  to 
their  friends  and  families,  with  a  word  of  warning  to  the  women  not 
to  make  any  loud  lamentation,  but  to  bear  their  sorrow  in  silence ; 
and  the  next  day  it  was  a  striking  spectacle  to  see  those  who  had 
relations  among  the  slain  moving  to  and  fro  in  public  with  bright  and 
radiant  looks,  whilst  of  those  whose  friends  were  reported  to  be  liv- 
ing, barely  a  man  was  to  be  seen,  and  these  flitted  by  with  lowered 
heads  and  scowhng  brows,  as  if  in  humiliation."  ^ 

Spartan  laws  degraded  runaways,  and  deprived  them  of  citizenship 
and  of  all  other  honors ;  they  had  to  go  unwashed  and  meanly  clad, 
with  beards  half  shaven.  Any  one  who  met  them  in  the  street  was 
at  liberty  to  beat  them  and  they  dared  not  resist.  On  the  present 
occasion  Sparta  had  sent  out  seven  hundred  citizens,  of  whom  three 
hundred  had  disgraced  themselves  by  surviving  defeat.  What  should 
be  done  with  them?     Being  so  numerous,  they  might  resist  punish- 

1  A  great  festival  at  Sparta  in  honor  of  Apollo,  Artemis,'  and  their  mother 
Leto.  It  was  chiefly  an  exhibition  of  gymnastics,  music,  and  dancing  given  by 
boys,  youths,  and  men. 

2  Xenophon,  Hellenica,  vi.  4. 

212 


Pelopoiinese 


213 


ment ;  and  besides,  as  Sparta  had  only  about  fifteen  hundred  citizens 
remaining,  to  disfranchise  three  hundred  would  be  ruinous.  Agesi- 
laus,  who  was  requested  by  the  government  to  settle  this  serious 
question,  decided  to  let  the  law  sleep  in  the  present  case,  to  be  re- 
vived, however,  for  the  future.  In  this  way  he  piloted  his  country 
safely  through  the  crisis. 


■  '''^■^ 

i**^'            .^^"  ■'-. 

■      '^--    '''^^^#S^^S^^*".^-;,^^^^^^-    ' 

ifciniii-; — '---'^  i^^^Sr^"  '~'\^^m^KHMllfSf^^^ 

Mount  Ithome  and  City  Wall  of  Messene 

177.  Effects  of  the  Battle  on  Peloponnese.  —  In  Peloponnese  the 
wildest  confusion  and  anarchy  arose.  To  the  friends  of  Sparta  it 
seemed  that  the  world  was  falling  into  chaos,  now  that  she  had  lost 
control,  while  her  enemies  rejoiced  in  the  freedom  assured  them  by 
her  downfall.  The  first  to  profit  by  the  revolution  were  the  Arca- 
dians, most  of  whom  were  still  shepherds  and  peasants  living  in 
villages,  and  following  the  Lacedaemonians  in  war.  They  now  re- 
solved to  unite  in  a  permanent  league  for  the  defence  of  their  Uber- 
ties.     While  the  Mantineians  were  rebuilding  their  city,  which  Sparta 


214  Thebes  Attempts  to  gain  the  Supremacy 

had  destroyed/  thcleague  founded  a  new  city,  Meg-a-lop'o-lis,  to  be 
the  seat  of  government,  and  a  stronghold  against  Sparta.  When  the 
Arcadians  were  attacked  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  Epaminondas  came 
to  their  help  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  Thebans  and  their  aUies  —  in 
all,  seventy  thousand  men.  With  this  great  host  he  invaded  Laconia, 
and  ravaged  it  from  end  to  end ;  for  the  first  time  in  history,  Spartan 
women  saw  the  smoke  from  the  camp-fires  of  an  enemy.  The  city 
was  in  a  tumult,  —  the  old  men  were  enraged  at  the  present  condi- 
tion of  things,  and  the  women  in  their  terror  caused  more  confusion 
than  the  invaders.  Agesilaus,  weighed  down  with  age,  saw  the  great 
power  which  he  had  inherited  falling  to  pieces  about  him,  conspira- 
cies forming  on  every  hand  among  high  and  low,  the  perioeci  troop- 
ing off  to  join  the  enemy,  the  helots  in  rebellion,  and  himself  reproached 
as  the  "  kindler  of  the  war."  Still  he  appHed  himself  with  energy 
and  courage  to  the  sore  task  of  defending  his  unwalled  city.  Unable 
to  capture  Sparta,  Epaminondas  went  to  Messenia  to  aid  the  revolt 
of  that  country.  With  his  help  the  Messenians  built  and  fortified  a 
new  city,  Messene,  near  the  citadel  of  Mount  Ithome,  on  a  spot 
made  sacred  by  many  an  heroic  struggle  for  liberty. 

178.  The  Failure  of  Thebes.  —  Within  the  next  it^  years  the 
Thebans  extended  their  influence  over  Thessaly  and  Macedon.  As 
the  majority  of  the  continental  states  were  their  allies,  they  were 
now  the  controlling  power  through  the  entire  length  of  the  penin- 
sula. But  the  Thebans  were  no  better  qualified  for  ruling  than  the 
Spartans  had  been.  Their  chief  fault  was  their  narrowness.  Instead 
of  making  all  the  Boeotians  Thebans  with  full  privileges  in  the  leading 
city,  they  attempted  to  subject  them  to  the  condition  of  perioeci ; 
and  some  towns  they  even  destroyed.  Their  more  remote  allies 
they  had  no  thought  of  binding  to  themselves  by  institutions  such 
as  hold  the  states  of  our  nation  together.  Epaminondas  erred 
greatly,  too,  in  assuming  that  the  peasants  of  Messenia  and  Arcadia, 
who  were  absolutely  without  political   experience,  would   at   once 

1  §  170- 


The  Failure  of  Thebes  215 

succeed  in  self-government  under  constitutions  made  for  them  by 
strangers.  It  was  not  thus  that  the  Romans,  the  EngHsh,  and  the 
Americans  became  self-governing.  The  Thebans  merely  substituted 
chaos  for  order.  Peloponnese,  united  under  Lacedaemon,  had  been 
the  citadel  of  Hellas,  the  centre  of  resistance  to  foreign  aggression ; 
and  though  Sparta  was  despotic,  the  Greek  states  had  been  learning 
of  late  to  guard  their  liberties  against  her,  while  they  still  looked  to 
her  for  protection  and  guidance  in  time  of  danger.  All  this  was 
now  changed.  When  Sparta  had  fallen,  Thebes,  taking  her  place, 
broke  up  Peloponnese  into  warring  camps,  weakened  the  only 
power  which  was  capable  of  defending  Hellas,  and  spread  confusion 
everywhere. 

When  it  became  apparent  to  the  Thebans  themselves  that  they 
were  too  .weak  to  maintain  order  in  Hellas,  they  sent  Pelopidas  as 
ambassador  to  Susa  to  bring  the  influence  and  money  of  the  king  to 
bear  once  more  in  favor  of  peace.  Artaxerxes  was  ready  to  dictate 
another  treaty  ;  but  the  Greeks  had  learned  to  despise  him,  and 
would  no  longer  endure  his  interference.  As  this  disgraceful  busi- 
ness failed,  Epaminondas  turned  resolutely  to  the  almost  hopeless 
task  of  reducing  Greece  to  order  by  force  of  iron.  The  chief 
resistance  to  his  plan  came  now  from  Athens.  The  maritime  city 
he  had  to  meet  on  her  own  element,  as  she  refused  to  dismantle  her 
fleet  at  the  command  of  Persia.  Though  as  well  supplied  as  Attica 
with  coasts,  Boeotia  had  little  commerce  and  no  fleet  worthy  of 
mention  before  the  time  of  Epaminondas.  But  suddenly  his  state 
became  a  naval  power,  the  great  tactician  stepped  into  the  place  of 
admiral,  and  an  armament  went  forth  to  sweep  Athens  from  the  sea. 
Could  he  have  been  free  a  year  or  two  to  carry  on  his  naval  opera- 
tions, he  might  by  overthrowing  the  rule  of  Athens  have  introduced 
as  much  confusion  into  the  Aegean  Sea  as  he  had  brought  to 
Peloponnese  by  the  ruin  of  Lacedaemon. 

179.  The  Battle  of  Mantineia  (362  B.C.).  — But  Epaminondas 
had   no  time  for  this.     He  had  already  made  three  invasions  of 


2i6  Thebes  Attempts  to  gain  the  Supremacy 

Peloponnese,  and  again  he  found  it  necessary  to  march  across  the 
Isthmus  to  restore  order.  Many  alHes  joined  him;  Athens  and 
Sparta  were  his  chief  enemies.  The  Theban  commander  attempted 
by  forced  marches  to  capture  Sparta,  then  Mantineia,  in  the  hope 
that  he  might  thus  establish  peace  without  a  battle ;  but  in  both 
attempts  he  failed. 

Then  came    the   conflict   at    Mantineia.      Notwithstanding   tneir 
tedious  journeys,  the   condition  of  his   troops  was  excellent ;  they 


The  Plain  oi<  Mantineia 

were  full  of  enthusiasm  and  had  absolute  confidence  in  their  com- 
mander. "There  was  no  labor  which  they  would  shrink  from,  either 
by  night  or  by  day;  there  was  no  danger  they  would  flinch  from; 
and  with  the  scantiest  provisions,  their  discipline  never  failed  them. 
And  so,  when  he  gave  them  his  last  orders  to  prepare  for  impending 
battle,  they  obeyed  with  alacrity.  He  spoke  the  word ;  the  cavalry 
fell  to  whitening  their  helmets,  the  heavy  infantry  of  the  Arcadians 
began  inscribing  the  club  (of  Heracles)  as  a  crest  on  their  shields, 


1  n  .V  I  ',1  li 

A  I  ',1  :l  (Vl  1-1  ^  0 


Mantineia  2 1 7 

in  imitation  of  the  Thebans,  and  all  were  engaged  in  sharpening 
their  lances  and  swords  and  in  polishing  their  heavy  shields."  ^ 

Taking  the  enemy  by  surprise,  Epaminondas  repeated  the  tactics 
of  Leuctra  with  perfect  success.  His  flying  column,  now  in  the 
form  of  a  wedge,  cut  through  the  opposing  ranks  and  shattered  the 
enemy's  host. 

The  great  commander  fell  mortally  wounded  with  a  javelin. 
Carried  to  the  rear^  he  heard  the  victorious  shouts  of  the  Thebans, 
but  when  told  that  his  fellow-generals  were  both  dead,  he  advised 
his  countrymen  to  make  peace.  The  surgeon  then  drew  out  the 
javeHn  point  and  Epaminondas  died.  Pelopidas  had  recently  been 
slain  in  batde  in  Thessaly.  The  heroes  were  buried  where  they 
fell ;  and  their  gravestones  in  northern  and  southern  Greece  stood 
as  monuments  of  Theba7i  leadership,  which  ended  with  their  lives. 

Pelopidas  was  bold  and  chivalrous,  a  zealous  patriot  and  an  able 
commander.  Epaminondas  was  a  great  miHtary  genius.  Personally 
he  was  without  ambition,  content  to  live  as  a  private  citizen,  or  to 
serve  his  state  in  the  lowest  offices.  Absolutely  pure  in  character,  he 
aimed  only  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  city  and  of  Hellas.  Though 
in  statesmanship  he  was  as  able  as  any  of  his  time,  though  his  ideals 
were  high  and  his  methods  honorable,  he  failed  to  discover  the  evils 
of  the  Hellenic  state  system,  much  more  to  remedy  them.  Fortune 
was  kind  to  him  and  to  his  worthy  helper  in  cutting  them  off  at  the 
height  of  their  renown,  —  before  they  could  see  the  failure  of  their 
policy  and  be  made  responsible  for  it. 

180.  The  Result  of  the  Battle. — The  result  of  the  battle  of  Man- 
tineia was  the  opposite  of  that  which  the  world  expected.  "  Here 
where  well-nigh  the  whole  of  Hellas  was  met  together  in  one  field, 
and  the  combatants  stood  rank  against  rank  confronted,  there  was  no 
one  who  doubted  that,  in  the  event  of  battle,  the  conquerors  this  day 
would  rule,  and  those  who  lost  would  be  their  subjects.  But  God  so 
ordered  it  that  both  belligerents  alike  set  up  trophies  claiming  victory, 
1  Xenophon,  Hellenica,  vii.  5. 


21 


TJiebes  Attcjnpts  to  gain  the  Supremacy 


and  neither  interfered  with  the  other  in  the  act.  Both  parties  ahke 
gave  back  their  enemy's  dead  under  a  truce,  and  in  right  of  victory  ; 
both  aUke,  in  symbol  of  defeat,  under  a  truce  took  back  their  dead. 
And  though  both  claimed  to  have  won  the  day,  neither  could  show 
that  he  had  gained  thereby  any  accession  of  territory,  or  state,  or 
empire,  or  was  better  situated  than  before  the  battle.  Uncertainty 
and  confusion  indeed  had  gained  ground,  being  tenfold  greater 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  Hellas  after  the  battle  than 
before."^  The  conflict  decided  that  no 'single  city  was  strong  enough 
to  rule  Greece.  The  task  of  uniting  Greece  under  one  government 
was  left  to  Macedon,  —  which  was  not  a  city-state  like  Sparta, 
Athens,  or  Thebes,  but  a  territorial  state  like  those  of  modern  times 

(§  65)- 

Topics  for  Reading 

Epaminondas.  —  Plutarch,  Pelopidas ;  Xenophon,  Works  (translated  by 
Dakyns;  see  Index);  Sankey,  Spartan  and  1  heban  Supremacies,  chs.  xi,  xii; 
Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  566,  592-626;  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  iii.  chs. 
viii-x;   Curtius,  History  of  Greece,  Bk.  VI. 

.  1  Xenophun,  Hellenica,  vii.  5. 


Battle  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Amazons 
(Frieze  of  the  Mausoleum,  Halicarnassus) 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE   RISE  OF   MACEDON   (to  338  B.C.) 

181.  Country  and  People.  —  Macedon  is  the  basin  of  a  single 
river-system.  Its  waters  in  their  upper  course  run  through  plains 
separated  by  high  mountains,  and  then  flow  together  in  three  parallel 
streams  to  the  sea.  It  is  somewhat  like  a  hand  with  radiating  fingers 
reaching  from  the  coast  into  the  continent.     The  country  was  made 


A  Scene  in  Macedonia 

up  accordingly  of  two  distinct  regions :  the  Highland,  including 
the  mountains  and  plains  of  the  interior ;  and  the  Lowland,  nearer 
the  sea. 

Dense  forests  nearly  covered  the  Highland,  even  as  late  as  the 
fourth  century  B.C.  The  sparse  population  lived  in  hovels,  dressed  in 
skins,  and  fed  their  few  sheep  on  the  mountain  sides.     Their  habits 

219 


220  The  Rise  of  Mace  don 

were  warlike  :  the  youth  could  not  sit  at  table  with  the  men  till  he 
had  killed  a  wild  boar,  and  he  who  had  slain  no  foe  had  to  wear  a 
rope  about  his  body  as  a  sign  that  he  was  not  yet  free.  They  ate 
from  wooden  dishes;  they  fought  with  the  rudest  weapons;  poverty 
and  exposure  were  toughening  them  into  excellent  material  for 
soldiers. 

In  each  separate  valley  dwelt  a  tribe  under  the  rule  of  a  king  and 
nobles,  as  it  had  been  in  the  Greece  of  Homer's  day.  The  Macedo- 
nians were  indeed  Greeks  who  had  not  yet  emerged  from  barbarism. 
The  Lowlanders,  however,  were  rapidly  learning  the  ideas  and  the 
useful  arts  of  the  Hellenic  colonies  along  their  coasts.  By  adopting 
the  military  system  and  the  armor  of  the  civilized  Greeks,  A-myn'tas, 
king  of  the  Lowlands,  compelled  the  Highlanders  to  acknowledge 
him  as  their  lord.  In  this  way  the  tribes  of  Macedon  were  brought 
together  under  one  head. 

182.  Philip.  —  After  the  death  of  this  king  (369  B.C.),  the  Thebans 
interfered  in  Macedon  and  carried  away  his  youngest  son  Philip,  a 
youth  of  fifteen,  as  a  hostage.  Thebes  was  then  at  the  height  of  her 
glory :  her  generals  and  her  army  were  the  best  in  the  world ;  her 
schools,  streets,  market-place,  and  assembly  thronged  with  busy  life ; 
her  arsenals  sounded  continually  with  preparations  for  war.  The 
royal  youth  came  a  half-barbarian,  with  a  voracious  appetite  for 
learning  everything  which  would  be  useful  to  his  country  ;  he  re- 
turned a  civilized  Greek,  with  an  ambition  to  be  the  maker  of  a 
nation. 

Soon  afterward  the  king,  an  elder  brother,  fell  while  fighting 
against  the  rebellious  Highlanders ;  and  Philip  mounted  the  throne, 
beset  on  all  sides  with  difficulties  and  dangers. 

Within  the  next  two  years  he  had  proved  his  right  to  rule  by  over- 
coming his  domestic  foes,  defeating  his  hostile  neighbors,  and  seating 
himself  firmly  in  power.  It  became  evident  at  once  that  he  intended 
to  enlarge  his  kingdom  by  subduing  the  surrounding  states.  First  he 
wished  to  annex  the  coast  cities  that  he  might  have  free  access  to  the 


Philip  and  Athens  22 1 

sea.  Some  of  these  cities  were  allies  of  Athens,  and  ochers  belonged 
to  the  Chalcidic  Federation,  restored  after  its  overthrow  by  Lacedae- 
mon.  Grossly  deceiving  both  Athenians  and  Chalcidians  as  to  his 
purpose,  he  robbed  Athens  of  her  allies  on  the  coast  and  seized  Am- 
phipolis,  the  greatest  commercial  city  in  the  neighborhood.  It  must 
be  said  in  his  favor  that  he  treated  his  new  subjects  with  the  utmost 
fairness,  granting  their  cities  more  rights  than  the  native  Macedonians 
enjoyed. 

183.  War  between  Philip  and  Athens  (357-346  B.C.).  —  In  anger 
Athens  broke  the  peace  with  him,  but  could  do  nothing  more  because 
she  was  engaged  at  the  same  time  in  a  social  war,  —  that  is,  a  war 
with  some  of  her  allies  who  had  revolted.  She  showed  great  weak- 
ness through  this  period  in  all  her  dealings  with  other  states,  as  so 
many  of  her  citizens  were  opposed  to  an  active  foreign  policy.  She 
failed  in  the  social  war,  and  ended  it  l)y  granting  independence  to 
the  seceding  states,  Chios,  Cos,  Rhodes,  and  Byzantium.  Other 
allies  deserted,  till  only  Euboea  and  a  few  small  islands  were  left, 
whose  war  contributions  amounted  to  no  more  than  forty-five  talents 
a  year.  Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  acquired  enormous  revenues  by 
seizing  Mount  Pangaeus  and  working  its  gold  mines.  This  source 
yielded  him  a  thousand  talents  a  year.  With  the  money  he  was 
enabled  to  keep  up  a  standing  army,  build  a  fleet  from  the  timber  of 
the  forests  about  Pangaeus,  and  bribe  supporters  in  nearly  every  city 
of  Greece.  His  immediate  aim,  however,  was  to  make  himself 
master  of  Thessaly ;  and  the  opportunity  soon  offered  itself. 

184.  The  Sacred  War  (356-346  B.C.).  —  About  the  time  when 
Athens  broke  peace  with  him,  trouble  arose  between  Phocis  and 
Thebes.  The  Phocians,  Hke  the  Macedonians,  were  a  fresh,  vigorous 
race,  whose  martial  strength  and  ardor  had  not  yet  been  softened  by 
commerce  and  city  life.  As  they  refused  to  submit  to  Thebes,  this 
city  persuaded  the  Amphictyonic  Council  to  declare  a  sacred. war ^ 
upon  them  on  a  false  charge  of  having  wronged  Apollo.     To  pay  the 


222  The  Rise  of  Mace  don 

expenses  of  the  war,  the  Phocian  commanders  borrowed  large  sums 
of  money  from  the  Delphic  treasury,  —  a  perfectly  honorable  transac- 
tion, as  Delphi  was  a  Phocian  city  and  the  war  was  in  self-defence ; 
yet  the  enemies  of  the  Httle  state  cried  out  hypocritically  against  this 
still  more  impious  crime  against  the  god.  By  means  of  this  money 
the  Phocian  general  brought  together  a  great  army  of  mercenaries, 
with  which  he  overran  Locris,  Doris,  and  Boeotia,  seized  the  pass 
of  Thermopylae,  defeated  Philip  twice  in  Thessaly,  and  drove  him 
back  to  Macedon.  For  a  time  it  seemed  probable  that  the  Phocians 
would  become  the  leading  state  in  Hellas ;  but  as  their  power  de- 
pended chiefly  on  mercenaries,  the  exhaustion  of  the  Delphic  treasury 
would  soon  bring  it  to  an  end.  The  unfortunate  campaign  of  Phihp 
merely  spurred  him  to  greater  exertions.  In  the  following  year  he 
reappeared  with  an  army  in  Thessaly,  defeated  the  Phocians,  and 
drove  them  behind  Thermopylae.  Their  commander  was  killed 
by  his  own  men  in  the  flight,  and  Philip  in  an  outburst  of  bar- 
barism ordered  the  body  to  be  nailed  to  a  cross.  Only  the  timely 
arrival  of  an  Athenian  force  prevented  the  victorious  king  from  pass- 
ing through  Thermopylae  into  central  Greece.  However,  all  Thessaly 
was  now  his,  and  immediately  afterward  he  conquered  Thrace  nearly 
to  the  Hellespont. 

185.  Philip  and  Chalcidice  (352-349  B.C.);  Demosthenes.  —  Up  to 
this  time  the  Chalcidians  had  been  in  alliance  with  Philip,  whom 
they  looked  upon  as  a  petty  tribal  chief.  But  alarmed  at  the  won- 
derful growth  of  his  power,  they  made  peace  with  Athens  in  viola- 
tion of  their  agreement  with  him.  The  crafty  king  let  three  years 
slip  quietly  by,  during  which  he  won  over  to  himself  by  threats  and 
bribes  a  considerable  party  in  every  Chalcidic  town ;  then,  when 
fully  prepared  for  war,  he  ordered  0-lyn'thus  ^  to  give  up  his  step- 
brother, who  had  taken  refuge  from  him  in  that  city.  As  Greeks 
considered  it  a  religious  duty  to  harbor  exiles,  Olynthus  refused,  and 
sent  at  the  same  time  an  appeal  to  Athens  for  help.  Among  the 
1  The  chief  city  of  Chalcidice. 


Demosthenes 


223 


speakers  in  the  Athenian  assembly  when  this  subject  came  up  for 
consideration  was  the  man  who  was  to  be  known  through  future 
ages  as  the  antagonist  of  Philip,  —  Demosthenes,  the  most  eminent 
orator  the  world  has  known. 

Demosthenes  was  only  seven  years  old  when  his  father,  a  wealthy 
manufacturer,  died,  whereupon  the  guardians  took  most  of  the 
estate  for  themselves.  He 
was  a  slender,  sallow  boy, 
who,  instead  of  joining  with 
comrades  in  the  sports  of 
the  gymnasium,  stayed  at 
home  with  his  mother,  nurs- 
ing his  wrath  against  the 
unfaithful  guardians  till  it 
became  the  ruling  passion 
of  his  youth.  To  prepare 
himself  for  prosecuting  them 
he  studied  legal  oratory 
under  an  experienced 
master.  It  is  said,  too,  that 
even  in  youth  he  resolved 
to  become  a  statesman ; 
but  his  voice  was  defective, 
his  body  weak  and  awk- 
ward, his  habits  unsocial, 
—  his  whole  nature  unfitted 
for  such  a  calling.  Strength  of  soul,  however,  made  up  for  personal 
disadvantages.  He  trained  his  voice  and  delivery  under  a  success- 
ful actor ;  he  studied  the  great  masterpieces  of  Attic  prose ;  he 
steeled  his  will  and  so  exercised  his  mental  muscles  that  they 
became  capable  of  the  highest  and  most  prolonged  tension. 
Severe  toil,  continued  through  many  years,  gave  him  his  genius. 
Success   in   prosecuting   the   guardians   led   to  speech-writing  as  a 


Demosthenes 
(Capitoline  Museum,  Rome) 


224  The  Rise  of  Macedon 

profession,  from  which  he  gradually  made  his  way  into  public 
hfe. 

He  was  the  first  to  foresee  the  danger  to  Hellenic  freedom  from 
Philip,  and  lost  no  time  or  zeal  in  warning  Athens  to  meet  it  while 
it  was  yet  far  off.  In  352  B.C.  he  began  his  opposition  to  the  king 
of  Macedon  in  an  oration  called  his  First  Philippic ;  and  when 
envoys  from  Olynthus  begged  Athens  for  an  alliance,  he  urged  his 
countrymen  to  accept  the  opportunity.  "Give  prompt  and  vigorous 
assistance,  use  your  surplus  revenues  for  war  rather  than  for  festi- 
vals ;  be  not  content  with  sending  mercenaries,  but  take  the  field 
yourselves  against  Philip,  and  you  will  certainly  defeat  him,  for  his 
strength  is  derived  from  your  weak  policy,  his  power  is  based  on 
injustice,  and  all  his  subjects  will  revolt,  if  only  you  give  them  a 
little  encouragement  and  support."  Such  were  the  sentiments  of  his 
Olynthiac  Orations.  He  tried  to  inspire  his  countrymen  with  the 
vigor  and  ambition  of  their  fathers,  who  had  beaten  down  Persia  and 
had  founded  an  empire ;  yet  his  words  had  little  effect,  as  he  was 
still  a  young  man  and  almost  unknown. 

The  Athenians  made  the  alliance,  but  sent  insufficient  help ;  so 
that  before  the  end  of  another  year  Philip  had  taken  Olynthus  and 
the  thirty  other  cities  of  the  league.  He  destroyed  them  all  and 
enslaved  the  entire  population. 

186.  Character  of  Philip ;  his  Army  and  State.  —  Hellas  was  pun- 
ished for  the  disunion  of  her  states,  but  this  does  not  justify  Philip. 
The  cruelty  and  violence  of  all  the  Greek  tyrants  combined  scarcely 
equalled  this  one  deed  of  the  Macedonian  king. 

There  could  now  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  dangerous.  He  ruled 
Macedon,  Thessaly,  Chalcidice,  and  the  greater  part  of  Thrace;  he 
had  his  hirelings  among  the  leading  men  of  the  Hellenic  cities.  He 
.was  a  self-made  man,  an  incessant  toiler,  who  spared  not  his  own 
person,  but  "  in  his  struggle  for  power  and  empire  had  an  eye  cut 
out,  his  collar-bone  fractured,  a  hand  and  a  leg  mutilated,  and  was 
willing    to    sacrifice  any   part    of  his    body  which    fortune    might 


Philip's  Army  and  State  225 

choose  to  take,  provided  he  could  Hve  with  the  remainder  in 
honor  and  glory."  ^  The  body  served  a  masterful  intellect ;  few 
men  have  equalled  him  in  quickness  of  thought  and  in  soundness 
of  judgment. 

The  greatest  of  his  achievements  was  the  creation  of  the  Mace- 
donian army.  The  rough  Highland  huntsmen  and  the  peasants  of 
the  Plain,  organized  in  local  regiments,  composed  his  phalanx. 
Learning  a  lesson  from  Iphicrates,  he  lightened  their  defensive 
armor  and  increased  the  length  of  their  spears.  Thus  they  could 
move  more  rapidly  than  the  old-fashioned  phalanx,  and  in  conflict 
with  any  enemy  their  lances  were  first  to  draw  blood.  The  nobles 
served  in  the  cavalry  as  "  companions  "  of  the  king  ;  the  light-armed 
troops  composed  his  guard;  the  sons  of  nobles  were  royal  pages, 
associating  with  the  king  and  protecting  his  person.  Gradually 
military  pride,  the  glory  of  success,  and  most  of  all  the  magnetism 
of  a  great  commander  welded  this  mass  of  men  into  an  organic 
whole.  Meanwhile  Philip,  and  after  him  Alexander,  were  wiping 
out  distinctions  of  locality  and  of  social  rank,  making  every  man's 
place  depend  upon  his  own  merit  and  the  favor  of  the  general. 
Thus  the  military  organization  not  only  civilized  the  Macedonians 
by  subjecting  them  to  discipline,  but  it  also  destroyed  their  clannish- 
ness  and  made  of  them  one  nation  with  common  interests,  senti- 
ments, and  hopes.  And  Philip's  country  was  not  so  exclusive  as  the 
Hellenic  cities  had  always  been  ;  it  readily  admitted  strangers  to 
citizenship  and  in  this  way  showed  capacity  for  indefinite  growth 
in  population  and  in  area.  Macedon  was  already  far  larger  than 
any  other  Greek  state  ;  its  army  was  better  organized ;  its  troops 
were  superior ;  and  its  king  possessed  a  genius  for  war  and  for 
diplomacy. 

187.    The    Peace    of    Philocrates    and    the    Overthrow    of    Phocis 
(346  B.C.)- — Three  years  after  the  fall  of  Chalcidice  Athens  made 
peace  with  Phihp.     The  treaty  included   the  allies  of  both  parties 
1  Demosthenes,  De  Corona,  67. 
Q 


226  The  Rise  of  Mace  don 

with  the  exception  of  the  Phocians,  whom  Philip  reserved  for  destruc- 
tion. His  excuse  was  that  they  had  seized  the  treasures  of  Apollo 
at  Delphi ;  he  really  wished  to  gain  a  foothold  in  central  Greece  and 
at  the  same  time  to  pose  as  a  champion  of  the  prophet  god. 

A  few  days  after  signing  the  treaty  he  passed  through  Thermopy- 
lae, and  as  agent  of  the  Amphictyonic  Council  he  destroyed  the 
twenty-two  cities  of  Phocis  and  scattered  the  inhabitants  in  villages. 


Baitle-fieli)  of  Chaeroneia 

The  council  decreed  that  the  Phocians  should  repay  by  annual 
instalments  the  ten  thousand  talents  they  had  taken  from  Apollo's 
treasury.  Their  seat  in  the  council  was  given  to  Philip.  This  posi- 
tion, together  with  the  presidency  of  the  Pythian  games,  assured 
him  great  honor  and  influence  throughout  Hellas.  He  was  now  not 
only  a  Greek,  but  the  greatest  of  the  nation. 

188.  The  Battle  of  Chaeroneia  (338  B.C.)-  —  In  the  years  of  peace 
which  followed,  PhiHp  was  busily  winning  friends  among  the  Greeks ; 
it  was  his  aim  to  bring  Hellas  under  his  will  by  creating  in  each  city 


Chaeroneia  227 

a  party  devoted  to  himself.  In  all  his  movements,  however,  he  was 
met  by  the  eloquence  and  the  diplomacy  of  Demosthenes.  Gradu- 
ally the  orator  brought  together  an  Hellenic  League  to  drive  Philip 
out  of  Greece.  The  majority  of  states  in  Peloponnese  and  several 
in  central  Greece  joined  it. 

As  the  time  seemed  ripe  for  a  final  attack  upon  Greek  liberties, 
Philip  caused  his  agents  to  kindle  another  sacred  war  in  central 
Greece.  He  then  marched  again  through  Thermopylae  and  occu- 
pied El-a-tei'a,  near  the  Boeotian  frontier.  As  this  movement 
threatened  Boeotia,  Thebes  was  induced  to  enter  the  Hellenic 
League.  The  allied  forces  met  him  at  Chae-ro-nei'a  in  Boeotia. 
On  each  side  were  about  thirty  thousand  men.  Phihp,  who  occu- 
pied the  right  wing,  purposely  retired  before  the  Athenians,  while 
on  his  left  the  Macedonian  phalanx  overcame  that  of  Thebes. 
Meanwhile  on  the  outer  flank  of  the  phalanx  Alexander,  the  king's 
son,  led  the  cavalry  in  an  attack  upon  the  Sacred  Band.  These 
young  Thebans  proved  themselves  heroes  worthy  of  Epaminondas, 
for  they  fought  to  the  death.  The  other  troops  —  Athenians,  The- 
bans, and  allies  —  fled  or  were  taken  captive. 

In  this  battle  a  monarch,  commanding  all  the  resources  of  his 
state,  proved  superior  to  a  loose  alliance  of  republics.  The  outcome 
impressed  upon  men  the  idea  that  monarchy  was  the  strongest  and 
best  form  of  government.  Hence  it  helped  to  determine  that  to 
the  present  day  the  civilized  world  should  be  ruled  chiefly  by  kings 
and  emperors. 

The  Progress  of  Culture^ 

189.  Literature  and  Art.  —  In  the  period  which  we  have  now 
brought  to  a  close  (404-338  B.C.),  poetry  and  historical  writing 
declined.     In   history  the   age    is    represented    by  Xenophon,  with 

1  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interruption 
may  omit  §  189. 


228  The  Rise  of  Mace  don 

whom  we  have  already  become  acquainted  as  the  inspiring  genius  of 
the  "Ten  Thousand"  on  their  homeward  way  to  Greece  after  the 
battle  of  Cunaxa.  His  Anabasis  is  the  story  of  this  expedition.  His 
Memoirs  of  Socrates  gives  us  the  character  and  teachings  of  that 
philosopher  from  the  standpoint  of  a  plain,  practical  man.  The 
Hel-len^i-ca,  a  continuation  of  the  history  of  Thucydides,  covers  the 
period  from  410  B.C.  to  the  battle  of  Mantineia.  Though  a  shallow 
narrative,  written  from  the  Spartan  point  of  view,  it  is  our  only  con- 
tinuous story  of  the  period  treated,  and  hence  is  very  valuable.  He 
wrote  on  a  variety  of  other  subjects,  as  hunting,  housekeeping,  the 
Athenian  revenues,  and  the  Lacedaemonian  constitution.  His  works 
are  a  storehouse  of  knowledge  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived. 

The  other  great  departments  of  prose  —  oratory  and  philosophy — 
reached  the  height  of  their  development.  Oratory  flourished  in  all 
democratic  states,  which  required  the  citizens  to  express  their  opin- 
ions on  public  affairs.  There  was  at  Athens  no  real  lawyer  class,  be- 
cause the  laws  were  so  simple  that  every  one  could  understand  them ; 
but  the  oration  whicb  the  private  citizen  committed  to  memory  and 
delivered  in  the  law  court  was  usually  composed  for  him  by  a  profes- 
sional speech-writer.  The  most  eminent  of  this  class  in  the  early 
part  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  was  Lysias,  an  alien.  Robbed  of  his 
fortune  by  the  Thirty,  he  turned  to  speech-writing  as  a  profession. 
Many  of  his  orations  have  come  down  to  us ;  they  serve  at  once  as 
models  of  the  purest  and  simplest  prose,  and  as  a  means  of  direct 
contact  with  the  public  and  private  life  of  the  author's  time. 

Passing  by  a  number  of  other  eminent  orators,  we  come  to  Demos- 
thenes, of  whom  something  has  already  been  said.  With  the  possible 
exception  of  Plato,  he  is  the  greatest  master  of  Greek  prose.  In  his 
orations,  "  we  can  no  longer  feel  all  the  delicate  touches  of  that  ex- 
quisite skill  which  make  them,  to  the.  ancients,  such  marvellous 
works  of  art.  .  .  .  But  we  can  feel  at  least  the  orator's  splendid 
mastery  of  every  tone  which  the  Greek  language  could  yield,  the  in- 
tellectual  greatness   of  the  statesman,  the   moral  greatness   of  the 


Literature 


229 


patriot  who  warned  his  people  of  the  impending  blow  and  comforted 
them  when  it  had  fallen."  ^ 

The  greatest  philosopher  of  the  age  —  and  one  of  the  most  emi- 
nent of  the  world  —  was  Plato.  After  the  death  of  his  master  he 
travelled  to  various  parts  of  Greece  and  even  to  Egypt.  His  connec- 
tion with  the  tyrants  of  Syracuse  has  already  been  mentioned.^  On 
his  return  to  Athens  he  began  teaching  in  the  Academy,^  which  gave 


Theatre  at  Epidaurus 

its  name  to  his  school.  Plato  is  chiefly  noted  for  his  theory  of  ideas. 
According  to  his  view,  ideas  are  the  sole  reaHties ;  they  are  eternal 
and  unchangeable,  and  exist  only  in  heaven ;  the  things  which  we 
see  in  this  world  are  mere  shadows  of  those  heavenly  forms. 

One  is  inchned  to  call  Plato  a  theologian  primarily,  as  he  has  so 

1  Jebb,  Greek  Literature,  p.  122  f,  2  §  i5o. 

^  The  Academy,  a  public  garden  in  the  neighborhood  of  Athens,  was  founded 
by  Hipparchus,  son  of  Pisistratus,  and  afterward  adorned  by  Cimon.  It  was  ^ 
pleasant  place  for  recreation. 


230  The  Rise  of  Mace  don 

much  to  say  of  God,  heaven,  and  the  future  Hfe.  With  his  brilliant 
imagination,  too,  he  was  as  much  a  poet  as  a  philosopher. 

While  engaged  in  teaching  Plato  composed  his  Dialogues,  which 
explain  his  views.  The  greatest  Dialogue  is  the  Republic,  a  discus- 
sion of  the  ideal  state.  Plato  thought  there  should  be  three  classes 
in  the  state  :  the  philosophers,  who  should  rule ;  the  warriors,  who 
should  guard  the  state,  as  the  Spartans  in  Lacedaemon ;  and  the  com- 
mon people,  who  by  their  labor  should  support  the  higher  classes. 
This  would  have  been  a  caste  system  like  that  of  India.  Plato 
beHeved,  too,  that  there  should  be  no  family  or  private  property, 
because  these  institutions  fostered  selfishness.  Though  his  ideal 
state  was  neither  practicable  nor  on  the  whole  good,  one  can  hardly 
read  the  Republic  without  being  lifted  by  it  to  a  higher  moral  plane. 
The  author  insisted  that  justice  should  rule.  The  Hellenes,  he 
taught,  should  live  together  as  members  of  one  family  ;  they  should 
not  injure  one  another  by  devastating  fields,  burning  houses,  and  en- 
slaving captives.  All  his  teachings  were  pure  and  ennobling  :  "  My 
counsel  is  that  we  hold  fast  ever  to  the  heavenly  way  and  follow  jus- 
tice and  virtue  always,  considering  that  the  soul  is  immortal  and  able 
to  endure  every  sort  of  good  and  every  sort  of  evil.  Thus  we  shall 
live  dear  to  one  another  and  to  the  gods,  both  while  remaining  here 
and  when,  like  conquerors  in  the  games  who  go  round  to  gather  gifts, 
we  receive  our  reward.  And  it  shall  be  well  with  us  both  in  this 
life  and  in  the  pilgrimage  of  a  thousand  years  which  we  have  been 
describing." 

The  chief  improvement  in  architecture  was  the  stone  theatres,  which 
replaced  the  wooden  buildings  of  the  preceding  age.  Every  city  now 
aimed  to  have  a  splendid  stone  theatre  large  enough  to  accommo- 
date, if  possible,  the  whole  body  of  citizens.  That  at  Athens  is  said 
to  have  seated  thirty  thousand  spectators,  though  this  estimate  is 
probably  an  exaggeration.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  theatre  served 
a  religious  purpose,  for  the  exhibition  of  a  drama  was  an  act  of  wor- 
ship, generally  connected  with  some  religious  festival. 


Art 


231 


The  sculpture  of  the  period  is  little  inferior  to  that  of  the  age  of 
Pericles,  —  it  shows  somewhat  less  strength  but  equal  beauty. 


The  Hermes  of  Praxiteles 
(Olympia) 

The  age  is  represented  by  Prax-it'e-les,  an  Athenian,  next  to 
Pheidias  the  most  famous  sculptor  of  Greece.  His  Hermes  was  dis- 
covered in  1877  in  the  ruins  of  the  temple  of  Hera  at  Olympia. 
Though  delicately  finished,  the  figure  is  strong  and  manly.  It  is  the 
moat  excellent  piece  of  statuary  now  known  to  the  world. 


232  The  Rise  of  Mace  don 

In  our  review  of  the  period  (404-338  B.C.)  we  notice  that  in  the 
beginning  eastern  Greece  was  united  under  the  rule  of  Sparta,  and 
nearly  all  western  Greece  under  Dionysius,  while  Sparta  and  Diony- 
sius  were  in  sympathy  with  each  other.  This  was  the  nearest  ap- 
proach of  Greece  to  political  unity ;  but  as  neither  Sparta  nor 
Dionysius  was  equal  to  the  task  of  ruling  a  free  people,  the  two  great 
political  units  soon  crumbled.  Then  followed  a  time  of  strife  and 
weakness,  in  the  course  of  which  Thebes  attempted  in  vain  to  make 
herself  leader  of  the  Greek  cities.  Finally  Macedon,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  disunion  and  jealousies  of  the  city-republics,  conquered 
Greece. 

In  politics,  therefore,  and  in  military  vigor  it  was  an  age  of  decline. 
But  in  two  departments  of  literature,  —  oratory  and  philosophy,  — 
and  generally  in  the  arts  of  peace  the  Greeks  made  vast  improve- 
ments. Though  less  warlike,  their  reasoning  powers  were  develop- 
ing, and  they  were  growing  more  refined  and  humane. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Philip.  —  Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  683-737;  Holm,  History  of  Greece, 
III.  chs.  xv-xix;  Curteis,  Macedonian  Empire,  pp.  23-85;  Hogarth, /"/izV?/  and 
Alexander. 

II.  Demosthenes.  —  Plutarch,  Demosthenes;  Butcher,  Demosthenes ;  see  In- 
dices in  the  various  histories  of  Greece. 


CHAPTER   XVII 

ALEXANDER'S   EMPIRE  AND  THE  KINGDOMS   FORMED   FROM  IT 

(338-220  B.C.) 

190.  Philip  Ruler  of  Greece  (338-336  B.C.).  — With  the  battle  of 
Chaeroneia  the  history  of  Greece  merges  in  that  of  Macedon.  Ac- 
cording to  the  wishes  of  Phihp,  the  Greek  cities  retained  their  consti- 
tutions but  committed  to  him  the  power  to  declare  war  and  make 
peace.  They  also  acknowledged  him  their  captain-general  in  war. 
A  congress  of  Greek  states  meeting  at  Corinth  deliberated  on  the 
common  affairs  of  Greece.  Sparta  alone  stood  aloof  and  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Macedon.  The  other  states  agreed  to  furnish 
troops  for  a  war  which  Phihp  wished  to  undertake  against  Persia. 
Preparations  fo&  this  enterprise  went  on  actively  till,  in  ^^6  B.C.,  the 
army  was  ready  to  move  into  Asia.  But  Philip  was  delayed  by 
troubles  in  his  own  house.  His  wife,  O-lym'pi-as,  the  mother  of  his 
son  Alexander,  was  an  Epeirot  princess,  a  wild,  fierce  woman,  who 
for  religious  worship  indulged  in  mysteries  closely  akin  to  witchcraft. 
Sent  home  to  her  kinsmen  and  supplanted  by  a  younger  wife,  she 
began  in  jealous  rage  to  plot  against  her  lord.  Between  Philip  and 
Alexander  an  angry  brawl  arose ;  then  came  a  reconciHation  cele- 
brated with  splendid  feasts  and  games.  In  the  midst  of  the  rejoicing 
Philip  was  assassinated. 

191.  Alexander  the  Great  (336  B.C.). —  Alexander,  who  succeeded 
to  the  kingdom  at  the  age  of  twenty,  found  the  great  work  of  his 
father  rapidly  crumbling, — the  Macedonians  disaffected,  barbarous 
tribes  threatening  invasion,  and  Greece  rebellious. 

He  was  at  this  time  a  ruddy-cheeked  youth,  with  eyes  and  fape 
full  of  animation  and  with  the  form  of  an  Olympic  runner,     ^ut  he 

233 


234  Alexander's  Empire 

preferred  hunting  to  athletics  and  showed  his  boldness  and  skill  by- 
taming  the  fiery  horse  Bu-ceph'a-lus.  There  was  in  him  the  same 
eagerness  for  knowledge  as  for  exercise ;  and  among  his  many  tutors 
was  Aristotle,  the  most  learned  of  all  the  Greeks.  Alexander  was 
passionately  fond  of  the  Iliad,  as  he  found  in  the  hero  Achilles  his 
own  ideal  and  image.  The  young  king  was  an  impetuous  yet  manly 
spirit,  sincere  in  an  age  of  deceit,  incessantly  active  in  the  midst  of  a 
generation  of  drones. 

On  his  accession  the  wise  men  of  Macedon  urged  him  to  proceed 
cautiously  in  meeting  the  difficulties  which  beset  him  ;  but  Alex- 
ander with  a  few  masterful  strokes  reduced  his  subjects  and  his 
troublesome  enemies  to  order.  In  stamping  out  the  rebellion  in 
Greece,  he  took  Thebes  by  storm,  destroyed  the  entire  city  except- 
ing the  temples  and  the  home  of  Pindar,^  and  sold  the  inhabitants 
into  slavery ;  but  of  this  severity  he  afterward  repented  and  tried  to 
undo  the  mischief.  The  rest  of  Greece  retained  the  rights  which 
his  father  had  granted,  and  was  not  even  required  to  furnish  troops 
for  the  war  with  Persia  in  which  he  was  about  to  engage. 

192.  The  Invasion  of  Asia  ;  Battle  on  the  Granicus  (334  B.C.). — 
In  the  spring  of  334  b.c.  Alexander  crossed  the  Hellespont  with  forty 
thousand  troops,  and  began  the  invasion  of  the  Persian  empire,  for 
which  the  best  men  of  Greece  had  long  been  yearning.^  He  aspired 
to  draw  the  hearts  of  his  people  to  himself  as  the  hero  who  would 
punish  the  Persians  for  desolating  his  country  and  burning  its  temples. 
The  enemy  first  offered  resistance  on  the  Gra-ni'cus  River  near 
Troy;  without  hesitation  Alexander  crossed  the  stream  under  a 
storm  of  darts,  and  carried  the  enemy's  position  by  a  bold  dash. 
Half  of  the  force  which  opposed  him  there  consisted  of  Greeks  who 
were  serving  the  Asiatic  king  for  pay.  Soon  afterward  he  learned, 
too,  that  the  warships  of  Hellas  would  cooperate  with  the  enemy. 
This  fact  determined  him  to  follow  the  coast  from  Ephesus  to  the 
niouths  of  the  Nile  and  to  seize  all  the  harbors  on  the  way,  that 
•     1  §  96.  2  §  167. 


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1 


Issus  235 

hostile  fleets  might  find  no  landing-place  in  his  rear.  On  the  march 
he  had  to  storm  fortresses,  garrison  towns,  and  keep  open  his  commu- 
nications with  Macedon.  As  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  Minor  fell  one 
by  one  into  his  power,  he  gave  them  democratic  governments,  but 
denied  them  the  privilege  of  banishing  oligarchs.  Hellas  had  never 
before  seen  a  policy  at  once  so  vigorous  and  so  humane. 

While  passing  through  Asia  Minor,  Alexander  came  to  Gordium,  the  ancient 
capital  of  Phryg'i-a.  The  story  is  told  that  he  was  there  shown  the  celebrated 
chariot  the»yoke  of  which  was  tied  with  a  peculiar  knot.  An  oracle  had  declared 
that  whoever  untied  the  knot  should  be  lord  of  Asia,  Alexander,  despairing  of 
finding  the  ends,  drew  his  sword  and  cut  the  thong,  thus  making  the  prophecy 
favor  himself.  Hence  the  proverb  "  to  cut  the  Gordian  knot  "  means  to  solve  an 
intricate  problem  by  some  bold,  direct  expedient. 

193.    The  Battle  of  Issus  (333  B.C.)  ;  Alexander  and  the  Greeks.  — 

At  Is'sus  in  Cilicia  he  met  Darius  in  command  of  a  vast  host,  yet 
posted  in  a  narrow  valley  where  numbers  did  not  count.  One  Mace- 
donian faced  perhaps  twenty  Asiatic  troops,  but  this  fact  did  not 
trouble  Alexander.  By  a  skilful  attack  he  routed  the  unwieldy  mass, 
and  sent  the  royal  coward  into  headlong  flight.  Alexander  always 
exposed  himself  recklessly  in  battle,  and  on  this  occasion  was 
wounded  by  a  sword-thrust  in  the  thigh.  A  great  quantity  of  booty, 
and  even  the  mother,  wife,  and  children  of  the  king,  fell  into  his 
hands.  These  persons  he  treated  kindly,  but  he  refused  to  negotiate 
with  Darius  for  peace  :  "  For  the  future  when  you  wish  anything  of 
me,  send  to  me  not  as  your  equal,  but  as  the  lord  of  all  Asia ;  and  if 
you  dispute  my  right  to  the  kingdom,  stay  and  fight  another  battle 
for  it  instead  of  running  away." 

Soon  after  this  battle  he  took  captive  some  ambassadors  who  had 
come  up  from  Greece  to  form  with  Darius  a  common  plan  of  resist- 
ance to  the  Macedonians.  Instead  of  punishing  the  envoys  for  what 
he  might  have  regarded  as  treason,  he  found  excuses  for  them  and 
let  them  go.  For  a  time  Alexander  tried  to  win  the  Greeks  by 
similar  acts  of  kindness ;  afterward  he  alienated  them  by  his  own 
unreasonableness. 


236  Alexander  s  Empire 

194.  The  Siege  of  Tyre  (332  B.C.)  ;  Founding  of  Alexandria.  — 
From  Issus  Alexander  proceeded  to  Tyre.  The  capture  of  this  city 
by  siege  and  storm  was  the  most  brilHant  of  all  his  military  exploits. 
Though  harassed  by  fire-ships  on  his  flanks  and  by  sorties  from  the 
harbors,  he  succeeded  in  building  a  mole  from  the  mainland  to  the 
isle  on  which  the  city  stood.  During  the  siege  he  collected  a  fleet 
of  Greek  and  Phoenician  vessels,  and  on  the  completion  of  the  mole 
he  made  the  attack  at  once  by  land  and  sea.  Many  thousand  Tyrians 
were  slain  in  the  storming  of  their  city,  and  thousands  of  captives 
were  sold  into  slavery.  The  great  emporium  of  the  East  was  left  a 
heap  of  ruins.  Darius  could  no  longer  look  for  help  from  the  Phoe- 
nician navy,  or  from  the  Greeks.  He  now  offered  still  more  favorable 
terms  of  peace,  —  Alexander  should  have  all  the  country  west  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  should  become  the  son-in-law  and  ally  of  the  king. 
"  Were  I  Alexander,"  said  Par-me'ni-on,  the  ablest  Macedonian 
general,  "  I  should  accept  the  ©O'er."  *'  And  so  should  I,  if  I  were 
Parmenion,"  Alexander  replied,  and  sent  word  to  Darius  that  he 
would  not  content  himself  with  the  half,  since  the  whole  was  already 
his,  and  that  if  he  chose  to  marry  his  adversary's  daughter,  he  would 
do  so  without  asking  the  father's  consent.  Darius  then  began  fresh 
preparations  for  war,  and  Alexander  marched  on  to  Egypt,  which 
yielded  without  reisistance.  Near  one  of  the  mouths  of  the  Nile  he 
founded  Alexandria  to  take  the  place  of  Tyre,  and  with  its  trade- 
routes  to  bind  fast  his  new  dominions  to  the  throne  of  his  fathers. 
It  grew  to  be  the  greatest  commercial  city  of  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean. 

Before  departing  from  Egypt  Alexander  paid  a  visit  to  the  oracle 
of  the  god  Amnion  in  an  oasis  of  the  Libyan  desert,  and  received 
assurance  from  the  deity  who  sat  in  this  vast  solitude  that  he,  the 
conqueror  of  nations,  was  in  reality  a  son  of  Zeus. 

195.  The  Battle  of  Arbela  (331  B.C.).  —  From  the  Nile  country 
Alexander  led  his  army  into  the  heart  of  the  Persian  empire.  Some 
sixty  miles  from  Ar-be'la,  north  of  Babylon,  he  again  met  the  enemy. 


1  0    ,V  1  Mil. 
\  1  •)  ,1  0  T  1  -1  ,)  n 


Arbela 


237 


On  this  occasion  Darius  had  chosen  a  favorable  position,  a  broad 
plain  in  which  his  force  of  a  million  men  found  ample  room  for 
movement.  The  two  armies  halted  in  view  of  each  other.  While 
Alexander's  troops  slept  the  night  through,  Darius,  keeping  his  men 
under  arms,  reviewed  them  by  torchhght.  Parmenion,  beholding  all 
the  plain  aglow  with  the  lights  and  fires  of  the  Asiatics,  and  hear- 
ing the  uncertain  and  confused  sound  of  voices  from  their  camp 
like  the  distant  roar  of  the 
vast  ocean,  was  amazed  at  the 
multitude  of  the  foe,  and  hast- 
ening to  the  tent  of  Alexander, 
besought  him  to  make  a  night 
attack  that  darkness  might 
hide  them  from  the  enemy. 
"  I  will  not  steal  a  victory  !  " 
the  young  king  replied.  He 
knew  Darius  would  lose  all 
hope  of  resistance  only  when 
conquered  by  force  of  arms  in 
a  straightforward  battle.  It 
was  a  fierce  struggle  which 
took  place  on  the  following 
day ;  but  the  steady  advance 
of  the  phalanx  and  the  furious 
charge  of  the  Macedonian 
cavalry  under  the  lead  of  their 
king  won  the  day  over  the  unorganized,  spiritless  mass  of  Orientals. 
Many  a  Persian  grandee's  womanly  face  was  marred  on  that  day  by 
the  lance-points  of  Alexander's  "  companions."  The  long  struggle 
between  two  continents  which  began  with  the  earliest  Persian  attacks 
on  Greece  was  decided  in  favor  of  Europe  by  the  intelligent  and 
robust  manhness  of  the  Westerners. 

196.   Other  Conquests  and  Plans  (331-323  B.C.).  —  Darius   fled 


Alexander  in  Battle 

(From  the  "  Sarcophagus  of  Alexander  "  at 

Constantinople) 


238  Alexander's  Empire 

northward  and  was  murdered  by  an  attendant  on  the  way.  Alex- 
ander as  his  successor  was  master  of  the  empire.  Babylon  sur- 
rendered without  resistance.  The  liberal  mind  of  the  conqueror 
showed  itself  in  his  respect  for  the  gods  of  this  ancient  seat  of 
civihzation.  He  had  an  especial  reason  for  seeking  the  good-will 
of  the  inhabitants,  for  he  wished  to  make  their  city  the  capital  of 
his  world  empire.  From  Babylon  he  pushed  on  to  Susa,  the  summer 
residence  of  the  Persian  kings.  Here  an  immense  treasure  of 
silver  and  gold  —  estimated  at  fifty  thousand  talents  —  fell  into  his 
hands.  Thence  he  fought  his  difficult  way,  against  mountaineers 
and  imperial  troops,  to  Persepolis,  the  capital  of  Persia  proper.  In 
this  city  he  found  a  much  greater  treasure  of  the  precious  metals 
—  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  talents.  For  ages  the  Persian 
kings  had  been  hoarding  this  wealth,  which  the  conqueror  was  now 
to  put  into  circulation.  One  night  while  he  and  his  friends  were 
carousing  there,  the  idea  occurred  to  them  to  burn  the  beautiful 
palace  of  the  kings  in  revenge  for  the  destruction  of  the  Athenian 
temples  by  Xerxes.  The  deed  was  hardly  done  before  Alexander 
repented  his  folly. 

A  few  campaigns  were  still  needed  to  pacify  the  great  country. 
The  victorious  marches  which  he  next  made  into  the  remote  north- 
erly provinces  of  Bac'tri-a  and  Sog-di-a'na  and  to  distant  India  are 
interesting  both  as  brilliant  military  achievements  and  as  explora- 
tions of  regions  hitherto  unknown  to  the  Greeks.  His  return  from 
India  through  the  Ge-dro'si-an  desert  was  a  marvellous  feat  of  en- 
durance. The  men  marched  for  sixty  days,  hungry  and  thirsty, 
through  burning  sands  and  under  a  lurid  sky,  to  gratify  the  ambi- 
tion of  their  leader.  Three-fourths  of  the  army  perished  on  the 
way ;  but  Alexander  was  now  lord  of  Asia,  and  to  such  a  despot 
human  life  is  cheap.  His  admiral  Ne-ar'chus,  who  at  the  same 
time  was  voyaging  from  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  to  the  Persian 
Gulf,  opened  a  water-route  to  India.  But  for  a  long  time  there 
was  little  commerce  with  India  and  the  far  East. 


Achievements 


239 


Immediately  after  his  return  to  Babylon,  Alexander  began  to  settle 
the  affairs  of  his  empire,  which  reached  from  the  western  limits  of 
Greece  to  the  Hyph'a-sis  River  in  India,  and  from  the  Jax-ar'tes 
River  to  Ethiopia,  —  the  greatest  extent  of  country  yet  united  under 
one  government.  He  busied,  himself,  too,  with  recruiting  and  reor- 
ganizing the  army  and  with  building  an  immense  fleet ;  for  he  was 
planning  the  conquest  of  Arabia,  Africa,  and  western  Europe. 

197.  His  Death  (323  B.C.)  and  Achievements.  —  When  ready  to 
set  out  on  his  expedition  to  the  West,  he  suddenly  fell  sick  of  a  fever 
caused  probably  by  excessive  drinking.  As  he  grew  rapidly  worse, 
the  soldiers  forced  their  way  in  to  see  their  beloved  commander  once 
more,  and  the  whole  army  passed  in  single  file  by  his  bed.  He  was 
no  longer  able  to  speak,  but  his  eyes  and  uplifted  hand  expressed  his 
silent  farewell. 

He  was  in  his  thirty-third  year  when  he  died,  but  the  work  which 
he  accomplished  in  his  short  career  fills  a  larger  space  in  the  world's 
history  perhaps  than  that  of  any  other  human  being.  His  mission 
was  to  make  Hellenic  civilization  the  common  property  of  mankind. 
This  he  accomplished  chiefly  by  means  of  his  colonies.  In  every 
part  of  his  empire  he  planted  cities,  more  than  seventy  in  all,  each 
with  a  Greek  nucleus,  beginning  usually  with  the  worn-out  soldiers  of 
his  army.  These  settlements  held  the  empire  in  allegiance  to  their 
king,  bound  the  several  parts  of  it  together  by  the  ties  of  commerce, 
and  spread  Greek  culture  among  the  natives.  It  was  an  enterprise 
for  which  the  Greeks  had  long  been  waiting,  and  in  which,  therefore, 
they  took  an  eager  part. 

Alexander  improved  greatly  the  administration  of  the  empire.  The 
satrap  had  been  a  despot  after  the  pattern  of  the  king  whom  he 
served,  uniting  in  himself  all  military,  financial,  and  judicial  authority ; 
but  Alexander  in  organizing  a  province  assigned  each  of  th^se  func- 
tions to  a  distinct  officer,  so  that  the  work  of  government  could  be 
done  better  than  before,  and  there  was  far  less  opportunity  for  the 
abuse  of  power.     Though  the  empire  was  broken  after  his  death,  his 


240  Alexander' s  Empire 

colonization  and  administration  continued  till  the  fragments  of  the 
empire  came  into  the  possession  of  Rome. 

Alexander's  mind  had  expanded  rapidly  with  the  progress  of  his 
conquests.  First  king  of  Macedon,  next  captain-general  of  Hellas, 
then  emperor  of  Persia,  he  aspired  finally  to  be  lord  of  the  whole 
earth,  to  unite.  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  into  a  single  nation.  But  the 
dizzy  height  of  power  to  which  he  had  climbed  disturbed  his  mental 
poise  ;  in  an  outburst  of  passion  he  murdered  his  dearest  friend  ;  his 
lust  for  worship  grew  upon  him  till  he  bade  the  manly  Macedonians 
grovel  before  him  like  servile  Asiatics,  and  sent  an  order  to  the 
Greeks  to  recognize  him  as  a  god.  Although  his  errors  were  many, 
they  were  soon  forgotten,  while  the  good  he  did  passed  into  history. 

198.  The  Succession  ;  the  Battle  of  Ipsus  (301  B.C.).  —When  Alex- 
ander died  the  authority  passed  to  his  generals,  all  trained  in  war  yet 
none  qualified  to  fill  the  place  of  the  master.  As  his  son  was  but  an 
infant,  and  as  the  generals  begaa  to  fight  among  themselves  for  the 
first  place,  the  empire  naturally  fell  to  pieces. 

On  his  death-bed  Alexander  had  given  his  signet  ring  toPer-dic'cas, 
and  had  said  in  effect  that  this  man  was  best  fitted  to  succeed  him. 
Perdiccas,  accordingly,  ruled  for  a  time  as  guardian  of  the  infant  heir  ; 
but  when  the  regent  was  killed  by  his  own  troops,  An-tig'o-nus, 
another  general,  made  himself  master  of  Asia,  and  claimed  the  right 
to  govern  the  whole  empire.  Four  rivals,  Ptol'e-my,  Se-leu'cus, 
Ly-sim'a-chus,  and  Cas-san'der,  combined  against  him.  A  large  part 
of  the  civilized  world  engaged  in  the  struggle.  Lysimachus  and 
Seleucus  defeated  their  mighty  foe  at  Ip'sus  in  Phrygia  (301  B.C.). 
This  was  one  of  the  most  important  batdes  of  ancient  times,  as  it 
determined  the  history  of  the  empire  till  it  fell  under  the  power  of 
Rome. 

The  victors  divided  the  empire  into  kingdoms  for  themselves  : 
Seleucus  received  Asia  from  Phrygia  to  India ;  western  Asia  Minor 
and  Thrace  fell  to  Lysimachus  ;  Ptolemy  became  king  of  Egypt ;  and 
Cassander,   already  governor   of  Macedon,  was   now  recognized  as 


The  Seleucidas  241 

sovereign.  In  this  way  four  kingdoms  arose  from  the  empire. 
Somewhat  later  Lysimachus  was  killed  and  his  realm  divided.  While 
most  of  his  Asiatic  possessions  were  annexed  to  the  kingdom  of 
Seleucus,  barbarous  tribes,  including  many  Gauls,  seized  the  interior 
of  Thrace  and  threatened  the  Greek  cities  along  the  coast. 

The  three  remaining  kingdoms  have  a  longer  history. 

199.  The  Empire  of  the  Seleucidae  ;  Egypt.  — Among  the  succes- 
sors of  Alexander  the  ablest  administrator  was  Seleucus.  Following 
the  policy  of  his  master,  he  planted  as  many  as  seventy-five  colonies 
in  his  realm.  Among  them  was  Se-leu'ci-a  on  the  Tigris,  said  to 
have  contained  six  hundred  thousand  inhabitants  and  to  have  rivalled 
Babylon  in  splendor.  As  a  capital  for  his  kingdom  he  founded 
Antioch  in  Syria,  not  far  from  the  sea.  "  The  new  towns  were  all 
built  on  a  large  and  comfortable  model ;  they  were  well  paved  ;  they 
had  ample  arrangements  for  hghting  by  night,  and  for  a  good  water- 
supply  ;  they  had  police  arrangements,  and  good  thoroughfares 
secured  to  them  by  land  and  water.  These  were  in  themselves  privi- 
leges enough  to  tempt  all  the  surrounding  peasants,  all  the  people 
who  lived  in  old-fashioned  incommodious  villages,  to  settle  in  a  fresh 
home."^  This  is  what  the  Greeks  under  the  patronage  of  Seleucus 
were  doing  for  Asia.'  Colonists  from  every  part  of  Greece  brought 
their  industry  and  enterprise  to  every  part  of  the  Seleucid  empire  ; 
they  furnished  the  intelligence  and  the  skill  by  which  the  whole  com- 
mercial business  as  well  as  the  civil  service  of  the  empire  was  con- 
ducted. The  new  towns  were  Hellenic  in  language,  in  civilization, 
and  in  their  free  local  institutions.  Through  them  Seleucus  and  his 
descendants,  the  Se-leu'ci-dae,  continued  /Alexander's  work  of 
Hellenizing  the  East,  making  the  people  in  the  great  country  ov^er 
whom  they  ruled  one  in  language,  in  culture,  and  in  sympathy.  As 
the  promoters  of  civilization,  the  Seleucidae  were  the  most  worthy 
among  the  successors  of  Alexander. 

Ptolemy  and  his  successors,  the  Ptolemies,  looked  after  the  welfare 
1  Mahaffy,  Greek  Life  and  Thought,  p.  307. 
R 


242  Alexander' s  Empire 

of  their  subjects,  the  Egyptians,  that  their  own  revenues  might  be  large 
and  their  power  secure.  Under  them  Alexandria  became  a  wealthy 
commercial  city  and  a  famous  seat  of  learning.  Literature  flourished, 
and  science  made  great  progress.  In  this  city  Greeks,  Jews,  and 
Egyptians,  mingling  in  social  life  and  in  study,  produced  a  broader 
civilization  than  the  world  had  yet  known  .^ 

200.  Macedon  and  Greece  (323-322  B.C.).  —  When  the  Greeks 
heard  that  Alexander  was  dead,  they  revolted,  and  defended  Ther- 
mopylae against  An-tip'a-ter,  who  preceded  Cassander  as  governor 
of  Macedon.  Demosthenes,  who  had  been  heavily  fined  on  a  charge 
of  embezzling  public  funds,  was  in  exile.  As  he  travelled  through 
Peloponnese  in  company  with  Athenian  envoys,  his  eloquence 
awakened  the  communities  to  an  Hellenic  war  of  liberation.  In 
recognition  of  his  loyal  spirit  and  his  service  in  the  cause  of  freedom, 
the  Athenians  recalled  him  and  appropriated  fifty  talents  with  which 
to  pay  his  fine. 

Meanwhile  the  Greeks  had  pushed  Anti pater  back  into  Thessaly 
and  were  besieging  him  in  La'mi-a,  —  whence  this  struggle  is  known 
as  the  Lamian  War. 

Many  states,  chiefly  the  Aetolians,  supported  the  Hellenic  cause. 
For  a  time  all  were  hopeful ;  but  an  attack  on  Lamia  failed,  and 
thereafter  everything  went  wrong.  Finally  the  states  fell  apart,  and 
Antipater  made  separate  treaties  with  them.  Athens  was  compelled 
to  receive  a  Macedonian  garrison  at  Mu-nych'i-a,  to  exclude  her 
poorer  citizens  from  the  franchise,  and  to  deliver  up  the  orators  who 
had  opposed  Macedon.  Among  these  offenders  was  Demosthenes. 
He  fled  at  once  from  Athens,  and  soon  afterward  took  poison,  that 
he  might  not  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  his  pursuers.  Thus  his 
mighty  spirit  ceased  to  contend  against  despotism.  On  the  base  of 
his  statue  his  countrymen  placed  this  epitaph  :  "  Had  your  strength 
equalled  your  will,  Demosthenes,  the  Macedonian  War-God  would 
never  have  conquered  Greece." 

^  For  the  scholarship  of  Alexandria,  see  §  203. 


Aetolia  and  Achaea  243 

201.  The  Great  Federal  Unions  (to  235  B.C.).  —  The  Greeks  began 
to  feel  that  in  order  to  preserve  their  hberties  they  must  unite  more 
closely.  The  first  to  put  this  idea  into  practice  were  the  Aetolians, 
the  least  civilized  of  the  Greeks,  yet  among  the  foremost  in  political 
capacity.  The  league  of  x\etolian  tribes  which  had  existed  from  early 
times  enjoyed  in  the  present  period  a  remarkably  good  form  of  gov- 
ernment. Many  communities  outside  of  Aetolia  —  in  Peloponnese, 
in  the  Aegean,  and  about  the  Hellespont  —  wilHngly  joined  it. 
Though  others  were  forced  to  become  members,  yet  all  had  equal 
rights  and  enjoyed  fair  representation  in  the  government.  As  the 
Aetolians  had  a  good  representative  system  and  in  addition  a  strong 
magistracy,  their  state  was  a  great  improvement  on  the  city-state, 
such  as  Athens  or  Sparta ;  it  was  a  federal  union  somewhat  like  that 
of  the  United  States.  Had  the  Aetolians  been  more  civilized, 
they  would  have  proved  a  blessing  to  Greece ;  but  their  appetite 
for  plunder  too  often  led  them  to  side  with  the  enemies  of  their 
race. 

Some  Achaean  cities,  too,  renewed  an  ancient  league  in  imitation 
of  Aetolia.  From  this  small  beginning  a  great  federal  union  was 
afterward  built  up,  chiefly  by  A-ra'tus,  a  noble  of  Sicyon.  The  father 
of  Aratus  had  been  killed  by  the  tyrant  of  his  city,  and  the  lad  who 
was  one  day  to  be  the  maker  of  a  great  state  grew  up  an  exile  in 
Argos.  While  still  a  young  man  he  expelled  the  tyrant  from  his 
native  city  and  brought  it  into  the  Achaean  League.  "  He  was  a 
true  statesman,  high-minded,  and  more  intent  upon  the  public  than 
his  private  concerns ;  a  bitter  hater  of  tyrants,  making  the  common 
good  the  rule  and  law  of  his  friendships  and  enmities."  He  ad- 
vanced so  rapidly  in  the  esteem  of  the  Achaeans  that  they  elected 
him  general  when  he  was  but  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  Their  con- 
fidence was  by  no  means  misplaced.  Under  his  lifelong  guidance 
the  league  extended  itself  till  it  came  to  include  all  Peloponnese  with 
the  exception  of  Lacedaemon.  Nothing  was  so  dear  to  him  as  the 
union  he  was  fostering,  "  for  he  believed  that  the  cities,  weak  indi- 


244  Alexander's  Empire 

vidually,  could  be  preserved  by  nothing  else  but  a  mutual  assistance 
under  the  closest  bond  of  the  common  mterest."  ^  His  jealousy  of 
other  leaders  —  his  desire  to  remain  sole  general  —  seems  pardonable 
when  we  think  of  this  great  state  as  the  work  of  his  hands. 

202.  Cleomenes  and  Aratus  (235-220  B.C.).  —  The  further  growth 
of  the  league  was  hindered  on  one  side  by  Athens,  too  proud  to  act 
with  other  states,  and  on  the  other  by  Lacedaemon,  now  under  an 
able  king,  Cleomenes.  Wishing  to  restore  decayed  Sparta  to  her 
ancient  condition,  Cleomenes  abolished  the  ephorate,  cancelled 
debts,  and  redistributed  property  with  a  view  to  increasing  the  num- 
ber of  citizens  and  soldiers.  Sincere  in  his  desire  to  benefit  his  city, 
he  was  perhaps  the  ablest  statesman  and  the  greatest  hero  of  Greece 
after  Alexander.  Cleomenes  appHed  for  permission  to  bring  his 
state  into  the  league  and  asked  to  be  made  general.  The  admission 
of  Sparta  on  these  terms  would  have  made  the  union  more  lasting, 
especially  as  it  would  have  provided  an  able,  noble-hearted  man 
to  succeed  Aratus.  But  the  Achaean  statesman  refused.  Such 
heroic  self-sacrifice  could  hardly  be  expected  of  human  nature ;  and 
Aratus,  though  he  lived  for  the  glory  of  the  union,  was  selfish. 
Cleomenes,  who  had  already  opened  war  upon  the  league,  now 
assailed  it  so  vigorously  that  Aratus  was  induced  to  call  upon  Mace- 
don  for  help.  A  Macedonian  army  entered  Peloponnese  and  thor- 
oughly defeated  Cleomenes.  When  the  Spartan  king  saw  all  his 
hopes  shattered,  he  bade  farewell  to  his  ruined  country  and  sailed 
away  to  Egypt,  where  he  met  a  violent  death.  Greece  was  now  in  a 
wretched  plight :  Sparta  had  lost  her  independence,  and  the  Achaean 
League  had  for  the  time  being  enslaved  itself  to  Macedon.  Aratus, 
the  mainstay  of  the  union,  was  poisoned  at  the  instigation  of  Philip  V,^ 
who  had  become  king  of  Macedon  in  220  B.C. 

Soon  afterward  the  Romans  began  to  interfere  in  Greek  affairs. 
The  story  of  their  conquest  of  Greece  will  be  told  in  connection  with 
the  history  of  Rome. 

1  riutarcb,  Aratus,  24.  2  §§  263,  266. 


Alexandria  245 

The  Decline  of  Culture;  The  Hellenistic  Age^ 

203.  Literature  (after  338  B.C.)-  —  In  this  period  art  and  literature 
declined.  The  death  of  Demosthenes  occurred  in  the  year  after 
that  of  Alexander.  Another  great  name  connected  with  the  early 
part  of  this  period  is  that  of  Ar'is-tot-le.  He  studied  twenty 
years  at  Athens  under  Plato,  and  became  a  teacher  of  Alexander 
the  Great.  His  achievement  was  to  classify  knowledge  into 
departments  of  science,  as  ethics,  physics,  politics,  etc.  His 
writings  are  an  encyclopaedia  of  all  the  sciences.  Although  he 
made  some  use  of  observation  and  experiment,  he  relied  mainly 
on  his  reason  for  finding  new  truth.  His  works  controlled  the 
thought  of  scholars  till  four  hundred  years  ago,  when  Bacon  be- 
gan a  new  era  in  science  by  laying  greater  stress  on  experiments  as 
a  means  of  discovering  knowledge.  The  student  of  history  will  be 
interested  in  Aristotle's  Politics^  a  treatise  on  the  State,  and  in  his 
Constitictio7i  of  Athens.  The  latter  work,  discovered  in  Egypt  a  few 
years  ago,  is  one  of  a  large  number  of  constitutional  histories  of  Greek 
cities  prepared  by  himself  and  his  pupils.  Of  all  these  histories  that 
of  the  Athenian  constitution  is  the  only  one  we  have.  The  death  of 
Alexander  (323  b.c.)  dates  the  beginning  of  the  Hel-len-iHic  Age. 
The  term  Hellenistic  —  as  distinguished  from  Hellenic  —  applies  to 
the  language  and  civilization  of  those  Eastern  people  who  adopted 
the  culture  and  speech  of  the  Greeks. 

The  most  famous  seat  of  this  civilization  was  Alexandria  under  the 
Ptolemies.  .  The  chief  institution  of  learning  there  was  the  Museum, 
founded  by  the  first  Ptolemy  and  greatly  enlarged  by  his  son,  Ptol- 
emy Phil-a-del'phus.  It  was  a  collection  of  buildings  on  a  piece 
of  ground  sacred  to  the  Muses,  —  hence  the  name.  The  institution 
was  thoroughly  equipped  with  observatories,  zoological  gardens,  and 
herbaria.     The  library,  containing  more  than  five  hundred  thousand 

1  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interruption 
may  omit  §  203. 


246 


Alexander's  Empire 


manuscripts,  was  the  largest  in  ancient  times.  Learned  men  were 
attracted  to  the  Museum  by  the  great  facihties  for  investigation  and 
by  the  HberaHty  of  the  government  in  providing  them  with  a  Hving 
during  their  residence  there.     Among  the  buildings  were  dwellings 

for  the  scholars  and  a 
dining  hall  in  which  all 
ate  together  at  public 
expense. 

The  scholars  of  the 
Museum  occupied  them- 
selves with  editing  and 
explaining  Homer  and 
other  ancient  poets,  with 
mathematical  and  as- 
tronomical investiga- 
tions, with  computing 
the  size  of  the  earth  and 
arranging  the  events  of 
the  world's  history  in 
chronological  order. 
The  Jews,  who  had  their 
quarter  in  Alexandria, 
enjoyed  equal  oppor- 
tunities with  the  Greeks 
for  trade  and  for  culture. 
Under  the  patronage  of  the  Ptolemies,  learned  Jews  translated  their 
Bible  —  the  Old  Testament  —  into  Greek.  This  version  is  called  the 
Sep'tu-a-gint  because  of  the  number  of  men  said  to  have  been  en- 
gaged in  the  work.  The  fact  that  such  a  translation  was  necessary 
proves  that  even  the  Jews,  with  all  their  love  for  the  institutions  of 
their  fathers,  had  exchanged  their  own  language  for  that  of  Hellas. 

The  most  eminent  poet  of  this  cultured  circle  was  The-oc'ri-tus,  a 
composer  of  pastoral  idyls.     His  delightful  pictures  of  country  life 


Apollo  Belvedere 

(Vatican  Museum.    This  statue  belongs  to  the 
Hellenistic  Age) 


Literature  247 

pleased  the  prosaic  scholars  of  Alexandria,  and  have  charmed  the 
world  to  the  present  day.  The  age  is  less  celebrated  for  poetry, 
however,  than  for  learning. 

Greek  literature  as  a  whole  is  the  best  that  the  world  has  pro- 
duced. Not  only  were  the  people  an  energetic,  manly  race,  but  they 
had  taste  and  good  sense,  and  well  understood  the  fitness  of  things. 
Above  all,  they  loved  beauty.  Hence  their  language  is  clear,  forcible/ 
and  graceful ;  it  expresses  precisely  the  most  delicate  shades  of 
meaning.  Furthermore  the  literature  is  original  in  all  its  depart- 
ments. In  ancient  times  Greek  was  the  universal  language  of  learn- 
ing and  commerce  ;  it  was  spoken  and  understood  not  only  throughout 
Alexander's  great  empire,  but  over  the  entire  Mediterranean  world. 
We  moderns  learn  the  Greek  language  and  literature  in  order  to 
sharpen  our  intelligence,  refine  our  tastej  and  make  ourselves  ac- 
quainted with  some  of  the  greatest  poets,  historians,  orators,  and 
philosophers  of  all  time. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Alexander.  —  Plutarch,  Alexander ;  Bury,  History  of  Greece,  pp.  738- 
836;  Curteis,  Macedonian  Empire^  pp.  85-215;  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  iii. 
chs.  xx-xxvii;    Hogarth,  Philip  and  Alexander  ;  Wheeler,  Alexander. 

II.  The  Federal  Unions.— (i)  Aetolian  League:  Polybius  (translated  by 
Shuckburgh;  see  Index);  Holm,  History  of  Greece,  iv.  pp.  2Z^'j-26^;  Greenidge, 
Gree^  Constitutional  History,  pp.  231-235.  (2)  Achaean  League:  Polybius 
(translated  by  Shuckburgh;  see  Index);  Plutarch,  Aratus ;  Philopoemen  ; 
Cleomenes ;  Holm  iv.  pp.  219-231,  260-265;   Greenidge,  pp.  235-243. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 


PRIVATE  AND   SOCIAL   LIFE 


204.  Childhood  and  Education. — In  our  study  of  the  Spartans  we 
have  already  noticed  their  more  important  social  customs.^  The  other 
states  differed  from  Sparta  and  from  one  another.  In  this  chapter 
we  shall  restrict  ourselves  to  the  home  life  and  the  society  of  Athens. 

Soon  after  the  birth  of  a  child,  usually  the  tenth  day  following,  the 
parents  gave  a  festival  to  their  friends  and  kinsmen.     On  this  occa- 


A  School 
(From  a  Vase-painting) 

sion  the  child  received  its  name,  the  eldest  son  generally  being  called 
after  the  paternal  grandfather.  For  the  first  six  years  boys  and  girls 
alike  grew  up  under  the  care  of  the  mother  and  nurses.  With  their 
many  toys  and  games  they  certainly  enjoyed  life  as  much  as  children 
now  do. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  seventh  year  the  boy  was  entrusted  to  the 

1  §  88  f. 
248 


Education  249 

care  of  a  slave  termed  pedagogue,  —  usually  an  old  man,  who  watched 
over  his  behavior  and  accompanied  him  to  and  from  school.  In  the 
elementary  schools  the  boys  learned  reading,  writing,  grammar,  arith- 
metic, and  music.  The  reading  was  in  Homer,  Theognis,  and  other 
old  poets.  All  these  branches  were  included  under  the  name  music. 
Boys  from  the  same  quarter  of  the  town  marched  together  to  school 
in  good  order  and  lighdy  clad,  even  if  it  snowed  thicker  than  meal. 
They  attended  till  they  were  sixteen.  Meanwhile  they  were  exercis- 
ing in  the  palestra  —  wrestling  school.  During  this  period  their 
physical  training  was  probably  light ;  but  from  their  sixteenth  year 
they  engaged  in  more  vigorous  exercises.  Enrolled  as  citizens  at  the 
age  of  eighteen,  they  passed  the  next  two  years  in  military  as  well 
as  gymnastic  training.  Youths  and  men  attended  a  gymnasium, 
whereas  the  palestra  was  exclusively  for  boys.  Both  kinds  of  train- 
ing schools  aimed  not  only  to  make  boys  and  youths  physically 
sound,  but  also  to  give  them  modesty  and  dignity. 

The  sons  of  poor  parents  had  to  satisfy  themselves  with  an  element- 
ary education.  Those,  on  the  other  hand,  who  had  means  and  a 
taste  for  learning  pursued  more  advanced  studies  under  a  rhetorician 
or  sophist,  who  gave  oral  instruction,  for  which  he  charged  a  high  fee. 
Beginning  with  the  age  of  Pericles,  no  Athenian  could  hope  to  suc- 
ceed in  public  life  without  special  training  in  rhetoric  —  the  theory 
and  practice  of  oratory.  This  advanced  course  ranged  in  length 
from  a  few  days  or  weeks  to  perhaps  three  or  four  years.  Some  from 
pure  love  of  learning  studied  under  all  the  great  masters ;  and  those 
who  wished  to  become  teachers  or  philosophers  devoted  a  large  part 
of  their  Hves  to  the  work  of  preparation. 

205.  Women  and  Marriage.  —  Athenian  girls  were  kept  closely  at 
home,  and  received  instruction  from  their  mothers  and  nurses. 
Although  proficient  in  domestic  affairs,  they  had  Httle  musical  and 
intellectual  education.  Foreign  women  in  Athens  were  far  freer; 
many  were  mentally  and  socially  accomplished,  and  hence  were  more 
attractive  than  the  daughters  of  the  citizens. 


2  so 


Private  and  Social  Life 


Between  twenty  and  thirty  a  man 
usually  married.  There  was  no 
opportunity  for  courtship  ;  in  fact 
the  young  people  rarely  knew  each 
other  before  the  wedding,  but  the 
youth's  father  chose  the  bride,  and 
with  her  father  or  guardian  settled 
the  contract.  Marriage  was  largely 
a  business  affair  :  every  father  gave 
his  daughter  a  dowry  proportioned 
to  his  wealth  ;  and  as  parents  were 
anxious  to  keep  the  hereditary 
property  within  the  family,  they 
preferred  to  marry  their  children  to 
near  relatives.  This  intermarriage 
of  near  kinsfolk  was  perhaps  the 
chief  cause  of  the  physical  decline 
of  the  Athenians. 

Before  the  wedding  both  bride 
and  groom  bathed  in  water  brought 
from  the  sacred  spring.  In  the 
morning  a  sacrifice  was  offered  to 
the  marriage  gods,  and  later  in  the 
day  the  relatives,  men  and  women, 
feasted  at  the  house  of  the  bride's 
father.  In  the  evening  a  proces- 
sion escorted  her  to  her  new  home. 
She  rode  in  a  carriage  by  her  hus- 
band's side,  while  the  rest  accom- 
panied on  foot,  some  playing  the  harp 
and  flute,  others  singing  the  bridal 
song.  Various  ceremonies  attended 
her  entrance  into  the  house. 


The  Banquet  251 

The  wife  was  not  often  seen  in  public.  She  was  present  at  the 
funerals  of  her  kin  and  took  part  in  rehgious  festivals.  Accompanied 
by  a  slave,  she  walked  or  rode  along  the  streets  to  the  houses  of  her 
friends.  But  in  her  own  home  the  wife  was  mistress,  and  she  who 
had  the  necessary  mental  gifts  controlled  the  opinions  and  even  the 
politics  of  her  husband.  Restrictions  upon  her  freedom  applied  to 
the  wealthy  only,  and  especially  to  the  city  people.  Among  the  poor 
and  in  the  country,  women  enjoyed  a  large  degree  of  liberty. 

206.  The  Banquet.  —  After  marriage,  as  before,  men  spent  most  of 
their  time  away  from  home,  —  in  the  gymnasia  and  the  schools  of 


A  Banquet 
(From  a  Vase-painting) 

philosophy,  in  the  courts  or  magistracies,  in  business  and  society. 
Often  for  the  celebration  of  a  happy  event  a  man  invited  his  male 
friends  to  an  evening  dinner,  ending  in  a  symposium,  or  drinking- 
bout  On  such  an  occasion  the  host  entertained  his  guests  with 
many  dainty  dishes ;  but  the  Athenians  were  naturally  frugal,  and 
their  feasts  were  far  less  expensive  than  those  of  the  Romans. 

The  guests  reclined  in  pairs  on  couches.  After  they  had  washed 
their  hands  in  bowls  passed  round  for  the  purpose,  slaves  set  before 
them  low  three-legged  tables,  on  which  they  then  placed  the  food. 
The  guests  used  spoons,  but  no  fork  and  rarely  a  knife.  As  they 
therefore  soiled  their  hands,  it  was  necessary  to  wash  again  after  eat- 


252 


Private  and  Social  Life 


ing.  For  the  symposium  they  wreathed  their  heads  in  garlands,  and 
chose  a  ruler  who  decided  how  much  wine  should  be  drunk  and 
what  the  subjects  of  conversation  should  be.  They  weakened  their 
wine  with  water,  so   that  intoxication  was  rare.     While  they  were 

drinking,  jugglers,  dan- 
cers, and  musicians  of 
both  sexes  entertained 
them.  The      guests 

themselves  sang  or  told 
riddles  or  conversed,  as 
the  ruler  directed. 

207.  Slavery.— 
Nearly  all  labor,  skilled 
and  unskilled,  was  in  the 
hands  of  slaves.  This 
class  consisted  chiefly  of 
foreigners  whom  the 
Greeks  captured  in  war 
or  purchased.  Few  were 
born  in  Attica.  It  some- 
times happened  that  a 
single  Athenian  owned 
as  many  as  a  thousand 
slaves,  but  the  total  number  in  Attica  probably  never  exceeded  a 
hundred  thousand.  Many  worked  in  the  mines ;  many  were  skilled 
manufacturers ;  some  served  the  state  as  police ;  and  a  few  even 
managed  the  business  of  their  masters. 

The  slave  at  Athens  was  kindly  treated.  He  dressed  like  a  free 
laborer ;  he  talked  boldly,  and  rarely  stepped  aside  in  the  street  to 
let  a  citizen  pass.  His  master  dared  not  kill  him,  and  in  case  of 
severe  mistreatment  he  could  take  refuge  at  the  shrine  of  Theseus, 
and  require  his  brutal  owner  to  sell  him  to  another. 

Slavery  afforded  the  Athenians  leisure  for  politics,  literature,  and 


An  Athenian  Gravf.stonk 


Slavery 


253 


art.  Hence  it  was  a  necessary  factor  in  the  development  of  their 
civilization.  But  in  spite  of  all  advantages  the  institution  is  a  mon- 
strous evil.  By  degrading  labor  it  impoverishes  the  common  free- 
men, and  it  corrupts  the  morals  not  only  of  the  slave  but  also  of  the 
master. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Education.  —  Bliimner,  Howe  Life  of  the  Ancient  Greeks,  ch.  iii;  Becker, 
Charicles  (N.Y.  1895),  PP-  217-240;  Guhl  and  Koner,  Life  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  §  50;   see  also  Indices  of  the  various  histories  of  Greece. 

II.    Slavery.  —  Bliimner,  ch.  xv;    Becker    pp.  356-373;   see  Indices  of  the 
various  histories  of  Greece. 


Artemis 
(Museum  of  the  Louvre ;  Hellenistic  Age) 


Temple  of  Vesta  and  of  the  Sibyl 
(Tibur) 


PART    III 
ROME 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   PEOPLE   AND  THE  COUNTRY 

208.  The  Migration  into  Italy.  —  Like  the  Greeks,  the  Italians 
spoke  an  Aryan  language.^  From  the  primitive  home  of  this  speech 
the  Aryan  tribes,  or  races,  moved  farther  and  farther  apart,  some 
eastward  to  Persia  and  India,  others  to  various  regions  of  Europe. 
In  the  countries  to  which  they  came  many  natives  mingled  with  them, 
and  adopted  their  language,  customs,  and  ideas. 

The  particular  people  whose  story  we  are  to  follow  journeyed  to  the 
peninsula  now  known  as  Italy.     Apparently  they  came  by  land  from 


A  I  '1 


!  U 
.)  I  I  -1  A  ^1 


The  Sabellians  255 

across  the  Alps.  Then  moving  gradually  through  the  peninsula,  the 
swarms  of  warriors,  with  their  women  and  children  and  their  herds, 
drove  before  them  or  subdued  the  earlier  inhabitants,  and  fought 
among  themselves  for  the  best  lands,  while  alien  tribes  pressed 
after  them  and  continually  pushed  them  on.  In  this  way  they 
came  to  occupy  most  of  central  Italy. 

209.  The  Sabellians.  —  In  the  interior  of  their  narrow  country 
they  found  rugged,  snow-capped  mountains,  deep  gorges,  and  rag- 
ing torrents.  Dark  forests  covered  the  steep  slopes  and  even  the 
table-lands.  The  principal  Italian  settlers  in  this  wild,  grand  region 
were  the  Sa-bel'li-ans.  They  cleared  a  few  spots  of  ground,  which 
they  began  to  cultivate  with  rude  tools ;  they  roamed  the  woods  for 
game  or  watched  their  flocks  in  the  valleys.  They  were  a  patient, 
hardy  race  ;  and  their  constant  struggle  with  the  forces  of  nature, 
with  savage  beasts  and  bold  enemies,  made  them  grave,  stern,  and 
intensely  religious. 

The  Sabelhans  did  not  form  one  state  in  the.  modern  sense,  but 
each  mountain  valley  or  plateau  was  the  abode  of  a  tribe  with  its  own 
independent  government.  All  the  common  warriors  of  the  tribe 
gathered  in  an  assembly  to  elect  their  chief,  and  under  his  presi- 
dency, to  vote  on  important  questions,  as  of  war  and  peace.  A  few 
of  the  old  men,  who  in  youth  had  been  most  valiant,  or  to  whom  age 
had  brought  most  wisdom,  met  in  a  senate,  or  council  of  elders,  to 
advise  and  assist  the  chief  in  his  duties,  and  especially  to  point  out 
to  him  the  will  of  the  gods  and  the  means  of  securing  their  favor. 
These  were  the  earliest  political  institutions  of  the  Sabellians,  and  in 
fact  of  all  the  Italians,  —  the  crude  elements  from  which  the  Roman 
constitution  was  to  grow. 

The  parent  stock  of  this  race  is  said  to  have  been  the  Sabines,  in 
the  mountains  near  the  centre  of  the  peninsula.  Once  they  sent  forth 
a  host  of  youths,  who  occupied  the  vast  mountainous  region  known  as 
Sam'ni-umj  a  country  famous  in  Italian  history.  In  like  manner  the 
Mar'si-ans  —  sons  of  Mars  —  setting  out  from  Sa-bi'na,  settled  nearer 


256  The  People  aftd  the  Coimtry 

the  mother  country.  Other  emigrants  from  the  same  home  are  said 
to  have  followed  a  woodpecker  {picus)  to  the  northeast,  where 
they  occupied  the  country  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea  and 
called  themselves  Pi-cen'ti-ans  after  their  guide.  The  Sabellians, 
like  the  Sabines,  sent  out  many  colonies,  which  in  time  covered  the 
high  ranges  and  the  eastern  slopes  of  central  Italy. 

210.  The  Umbrians  and  the  Latins.  —  From  the  Um'bri-ans,  their 
kinsmen  on  the  north,  they  had  nothing  to  fear.  For  these  people 
were  somewhat  more  civilized  and  consequently  more  attached  to 
their  homes  than  were  their  southern  neighbors.  As  the  Umbrians 
were  weak,  too,  from  lack  of  union  among  themselves,  they  gradually 
yielded  ground  to  the  vigorous,  inteUigent  E-trus'cans,  who  pressed 
upon  their  northern  and  western  borders.  It  was  rather  in  La'ti-ujn^ 
a  small  country  on  the  western  coast,  that  the  Sabellians  were  to  find 
their  mortal  foes.-  This  was  a  flat  district  about  the  lower  Tiber,  ex- 
tending thence  some  distance  to  the  southeast,  between  the  moun- 
tains and  the  sea.  Here  dwelt  the  Latins,  an  Italian  tribe  related  to 
the  Umbrians  and  the  Sabellians.  On  account  of  their  fertile  fields 
near  the  coast,  they  grew  more  wealthy  and  more  refined  than  their 
kinsmen  in  the  interior.  As  far  back  as  our  record  goes,  the  moun- 
taineers were  fighting  the  men  of  the  plain.  In  time  their  petty  wars 
were  to  culminate  in  a  long,  fierce  struggle  between  the  Latins  and 
the  Samnites  for  the  control  of  Italy. ^ 

211.  The  City-state;  the  Cities  of  Latium.— Originally  all  the 
Italians  had  the  same  customs  and  followed  the  same  modes 
of  life.  In  the  earliest  times  they  built  no  cities,  but  grouped 
their  huts  in  small  villages.  As  there  was  constant  danger  from 
invading  enemies,  neighboring  villages  joined  in  fortifying  some 
convenient  hilltop  with  a  wall  of  earth  or  of  rough  stones.  To  this 
acropolis^  the  villagers  fled  on  the  approach  of  an  enemy.  Here, 
too,  they  met  to  hold  religious  festivals  and  to  talk  with  one  another 
on  matters  of  common  interest.     As  they  came  in  time  to  have  a 

1  §  234  ff.  2  §  48,  n.  2. 


The  City-state 


257 


chief,  a  senate,  and  an  assembly  of  their  own,  they  began  to  pay  less 
heed  to  the  tribe  of  which  they  formed  a  part.  Finally  when,  under 
favorable  conditions,  the  leading  men  of  the  villages  had  acquired 


ENGRAVED  BY  BORMAY  t   CO.;    N.y. 


considerable  property  and  had  learned  the  advantages  of  good  houses 
and  of  settled  homes,  they  took  up  their  abode  within  the  wall  on 
the  hilltop.  The  city  which  thus  grew  up  within  the  tribe  enjoyed 
complete  independence.     It  was  a  city-state  like  those  of  Greece.^ 

^§65. 


258  TJie  People  and  the  Country 

While  the  Sabelhans  and  most  of  the  Umbrians  continued  to  live 
in  villages,  cities  were  growing  up  in  Latiuni,  generally  on  the  spurs 
of  the  mountains  which  bordered  the  plain.  Prominent  among  them 
was  Alba  Longa,  on  a  long  ridge,  high  above  the  sea-level.  On  one 
side  of  the  city  towered  the  Alban  Mount ;  on  the  other  was  a  lake 
in  the  crater  of  an  extinct  volcano.  Mountain  and  lake  helped  defend 
the  city  against  enemies ;  the  slopes  and  plains  below  were  beautiful 
to  the  eye  and  rich  in  the  produce  of  all  sorts  of  fruit.  In  this  city 
thirty  Latin  communities,  joining  in  a  league,  held  an  annual  festival, 
in  which  they  sacrificed  an  ox  to  Ju'pi-ter,  their  chief  deity.  In 
brief.  Alba  Longa  was  head  of  the  league. 

Setting  out  from  Alba  to  the  northeast,  we  soon  come  to 
Prae-nes'te,  one  of  the  strongest  places  in  Latium ;  "  for  its  citadel 
was  a  lofty  mountain  which  overhung  the  town,  and  there  were 
secret  passages  beneath  the  earth  connecting  the  city  with  the 
plain."  ^  From  Praeneste  we  may  follow  the  mountain  range  north- 
westward to  Tibur,  another  well-fortified  city  in  a  remarkably 
beautiful  situation.  Near  by,  the  Anio  falls  from  a  great  height 
into  a  deep,  wooded  ravine. 

212.  Rome.  —  Without  noticing  the  other  cities  of  the  hills,  let  us 
descend  into  the  plain  along  the  An'i-o  to  the  Tiber.  Here  and 
there  the  flat  country  is  dotted  with  hillocks  or  streaked  with  ridges. 
It  appears  that  ages  ago  volcanoes,  then  active  in  the  ranges  above, 
scattered  all  these  heaps  over  the  plain.  On  the  left  bank  of  the 
Tiber,  about  fourteen  miles  from  its  mouth,  we  come  down  upon  a 
group  of  hills ^  which  the  volcanoes  had  helped  form  with  showers 
of  ashes,  sand,  and  stone.  As  the  people  on  both  banks  of  the  lower 
Tiber  needed  a  place  of  refuge,  they  selected  one  of  these  hills  —  the 
Pal'a-tine  —  and  fortified  the  top  with  a  wall  of  volcanic  stone 
quarried  on  the  spot.      In  time  the  enclosure  became  a  city-state 

1  Strabo,  v.  3,  II. 

2  The  names  and  location  of  these  hills,  some  of  which  are  called  mountains, 
may  be  found  on  the  map  of  Rome,  p.  278. 


The  Fall  of  the  Anio 

(Tibur.) 


Rome 


259 


and  was  named  Rome.  The  district  which  belonged  to  this 
Palatine  city  lay  on  both  sides  of  the  Tiber  between  its  mouth 
and  the  Anio,  and  included 
about  a  hundred  square  miles. 
It  was  as  low  and  flat  as  any 
part  of  Latium.  To  under- 
stand the  history  of  Rome,  we 
must  first  try  to  discover  what 
she  learned  of  her  neighbors, 
the  E.truscans  and  the  Greeks. 

213.  The  Etruscans.— 
North  of  Latium,  between  the 
Tiber  and  the  sea,  was  E-tru'- 
ri-a,  a  country  rich  in  natural 
resources — quarries  of  white 
and  green  marble,  forests  of 
tall  straight  trees  for  building, 
lakes  which  watered  the  fertile 
lands  and  teemed  with  fish. 

In  addition  to  this  country, 
so  favored  by  nature,  the 
Etruscans  possessed  a  still 
more  fertile  territory  in  the 
Po  Valley,  which  lies  north  of 
Etruria.  Warlike  and  aggres- 
sive, they  overran  Cam-pa'ni-a, 
the  coast  country  southeast  of 
Latium,  and  with  their  war- 
ships controlled  the  sea  which  washes  the  west  coast  of  Italy, — 
named  after  them,  Tyr-rhe'ni-an.^  For  a  time  they  were  the  most 
powerful  and  the  most  ambitious  race  in  the  peninsula. 

1  Tyrrhenian  and  Etruscan  are  equivalent  in  meaning;  the  former  is  from  the 
Greek,  the  latter  from  the  Latin, 


An  Etruscan  War-god 


26o 


The  People  and  the  Country 


Who  they  were  or  whence  they  came  we  do  not  know  ;  and  though 
they  left  abundant  inscriptions,  no  one  of  the  moderns  has  yet  learned 
to  read  their  language.     When  we  first  hear  of  them  they  were  far 

in  advance  of  the 
Italians  in  all  that 
relates  to  the  secu- 
rity, the  comfort, 
and  the  refinement 
ofHfe.  They  made 
vases  and  sculp- 
tures ;  they  paved 
roads,  dug  canals 
for  drainage  and 
irrigation,  and  on 
steep  and  lofty  hills 
they  built  mas- 
sive walls,  strong 
lowers,  and  arched 
gateways. 

From  the  labor 


An  Etruscan  Tomb 
(Near  Perugia,  Italy) 


of  the  poor  the  lords  lived  in  pomp  and  luxury,  and  built  splendid 
palaces  and  tombs.  They  based  their  power  on  religion,  whose 
mysterious  laws  none  knew  but  the  seers. 


"  There  be  thirty  chosen  prophets, 
The  wisest  of  the  land, 
Who  always  with  Lars  Por'se-na  ^ 
Both  morn  and  evening  stand : 

Evening  and  morn  the  Thirty 
Have  turned  the  verses  o'er, 

Traced  from  the  right  on  linen  white 
By  mighty  seers  of  yore."  '-^ 

1  Lars  Porsena  was  an  Etruscan  king  ;  §  229. 

2  Macaulay,  '*  Horatius,"  in  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome. 


The  Greeks  261 

Though  the  beginnings  and  the  general  character  of  this  civiliza- 
tion were  native,  the  Etruscans  admired  and  imitated  the  products  of 
Greek  skill ;  and  in  turn  they  taught  the  Romans  to  interpret  omens 
and  to  build  sewers,  walls,  dwellings,  and  temples. 

214.  The  Greeks.  —  It  was  destined,  however,  that  as  teachers  of 
the  Italians  the  Etruscans  should  in  the  end  be  outrivalled  by  the 
more  virile  Greeks,  who  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  B.C. 


A  Doric  Temple 
(Metapontum,  Southern  Italy) 

began  to  settle  the  shores  of  southern  Italy  and  of  Sicily.  Beneath 
a  sunny  sky  they  found  fields  of  verdure  sprinkled  with  gayly  colored 
flowers  —  a  delightful  contrast  to  the  stony  soil  and  naked  hills  of  the 
mother  country.  Their  thriving  colonies  soon  lined  the  Italian  coast 
from  Dorian  Tarentum  on  the  southeast  to  Chal-cid'ic  Cu'rnae  on  the 
west.^  With  them  came  the  gods  of  Greece,  who  demanded  of  their 
worshippers  athletic  contests,  graceful  processions,  the  song  and  the 


§59. 


262  The  People  and  the  Country 

dance,  beautiful  statues  and  temples.  In  the  arts  of  peace  and  war 
the  Greeks  were  teachers  of  the  natives,  and  found  in  the  Latins  their 
aptest  pupils.  From  the  people  of  Cumae  the  Romans  learned  the 
alphabet  and  adopted  the  worship  of  Apollo. 

The  Italians,  the  Etruscans,  and  the  Greeks  were  the  chief  peoples 
of  Italy.  Next  in  importance  were  the  Gauls,  who  toward  the  end 
of  the  sixth  century  B.C.  began  to  cross  the  Alps  and  to  settle  in  the 
valley  of  the  Po.  Other  races  of  still  less  importance  need  not  con- 
cern us  here.^  From  the  mingling  of  these  various  peoples  time  was 
to  bring  forth  a  strong,  energetic  nation. 

215.  Effects  of  Geographical  Conditions.  —  One  reason  for  the  po- 
litical union  of  so  many  diverse  peoples  was  that  the  character  and 
situation  of  the  country  exposed  it  to  attack  on  all  sides.  Largely  a 
peninsula,  Italy  is  extremely  long  in  proportion  to  its  breadth ;  and 
near  it  in  every  direction  are  foreign  lands,  from  which  enemies  can 
easily  come.  Feeling  the  weakness  of  her  position,  Italy  overcame 
it  by  union  under  Rome,  her  strongest  city.  The  same  geographical 
conditions  explain  another  fact :  even  when  united,  the  country  was 
unsafe  while  the  neighboring  nations  remained  free  to  assail  it;  and 
thus  it  was  that  motives  of  self-preservation  forced  Rome,  as  the  head 
of  the  peninsula,  into  her  career  of  foreign  conquest. 

Looking  at  a  map  of  the  country,  we  see  that  mountain  ranges, 

1  There  were  the  I-a-pyg'i-ans  in  the  heel  of  the  peninsula,  the  Ve-ne'ti-ans, 
their  kinsmen,  at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and  the  Li-gu'ri-ans  in  the  west 
of  Italy  opposite  Venetia. 

The  races  of  the  peninsula  may  be  conveniently  grouped  as  follows :  — 

L  Of  Non-Aryan  Speech  I  ^'^""^"\ 
'^  V  Etruscans? 

r  latins 

Italians^  Umbrians 

[^  Sabellians 

Greeks 

Gauls 

Venetians  and  lapygians — both  related  to  the  lUyrians 

Although   the  Volscians,  Aequians,  and    Hernicans  were   Italians,  it   is   not 

known  to  which  group  they  were  most  closely  related. 


II.  Of  Aryan  Speech 


Fair  Italy  263 

the  Ap'en-nines,  extending  through  the  whole  length  of  the  penin- 
sula, lie  for  the  most  part  near  the  eastern  shore.  This  makes  the 
eastern  slopes  abrupt,  the  rivers  short,  the  coast  rarely  broken  by 
harbors.  On  the  west  the  slopes  are  more  gentle,  terminating  in 
broad,  fertile  plains  traversed  by  navigable  rivers  and  well  supplied 
with  bays.  In  brief,  the  country  is  closed  to  the  East  and  open  to 
the  West.  Turning  her  back  upon  the  East  with  its  luxury,  its  vice, 
and  its  decaying  life,  Italy  faced  the  fresh  vital  nations  of  the  West, 
and  found  her  chief  interest  in  giving  them  her  institutions.  It  was 
from  contact  with  the  civilizing  influence  of  Rome  that  the  vigorous 
races  of  central  and  western  Europe  developed  into  modern  nations. 
There  is  reason,  then,  for  looking  upon  the  Romans  as  the  last  of  the 
ancients  and  the  first  of  the  moderns. 

216.  The  Best  Country  in  the  Ancient  World.  —  In  addition  to 
these  far-reaching  political  effects,  the  Apennines  have  always 
promoted  the  well-being  and  happiness  of  Italian  life ;  for  in  every 
section  of  the  peninsula  the  people  enjoy  the  products,  the  climate, 
and  the  scenery  of  the  mountains  as  well  as  of  the  plains  on  the  sea- 
side. 

"  In  my  opinion,"  says  an  ancient  Greek  writer  on  Roman  history, 
"  Italy  surpasses  even  such  fruitful  countries  as  Egypt  and  Babylonia  ; 
for  I  look  upon  that  country  as  the  best  which  stands  least  in  need 
of  foreign  commodities.  Now  I  am  persuaded  that  Italy  enjoys  this 
universal  fertility  beyond  all  other  countries  of  the  world.  For  it  con- 
tains a  great  deal  of  good  arable  land,  without  wanting  pastures  and 
forests,  and  abounds,  I  may  say,  in  delights  and  advantages.  Unpar- 
alleled are  the  plains  of  Campania,  which  yield  three  crops  a  year, 
bringing  to  perfection  the  winter,  summer,  and  autumnal  grain ; 
peerless  are  the  olive  grounds  of  the  Mes-sa'pi-ans  and  the  Sabines ; 
peerless  the  vineyards  of  Etruria  and  Alba,  where  the  soil  is  wonder- 
fully kind  to  vines.  Then  there  are  pastures  for  sheep,  goats,  horses, 
and  neat  cattle ;  there  are  the  marsh  grasses,  wet  with  dew,  and  the 
meadow  grasses  of  the  hills,  all  growing  in  untilled  places.     I  cannot 


264  The  People  and  the  Country 

help  admiring  the  forests  full  of  all  kinds  of  trees,  which  supply  timber 
for  ships  and  houses.  All  these  materials  are  ready  at  hand,  for  the 
coast  is  near,  and  there  are  many  rivers  which  water  the  land  and 
make  easy  the  exchange  of  everything  the  country  produces.  Hot 
water  springs,  also,  have  been  discovered  in  many  places,  affording 
pleasant  baths  and  cures  for  chronic  sickness.  There  are  mines  of 
various  sorts,  plenty  of  beasts  for  hunting,  and  a  variety  of  sea-fish, 
besides  other  things  innumerable,  some  useful  and  others  worthy  of 
admiration.  But  the  most  advantageous  of  all  is  the  happy  temper 
of  the  air,  suiting  itself  to  every  season.  So  that  neither  the  forma- 
tion of  fruits  nor  the  constitution  of  animals  is  in  the  least  injured  by 
excessive  cold  or  heat.  No  wonder,  then,  that  the  ancients,  seeing 
this  country  abounding  with  universal  plenty,  dedicated  the  moun- 
tains and  woods  to  Pan ;  the  meadows  and  green  lawns  to  the 
nymphs ;  the  shores  and  islands  to  the  sea-gods ;  and  every  delight- 
ful place  to  its  appropriate  deity  !"  ^ 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  Influence  of  Geography  on  the  History  of  Italy.  —  Botsford,  Rome, 
pp.  13-16;  ShucUburgh,  History  of  Rome,  ch.  ii;  How  and  l.Q\g\),  History  of 
Rome,  ch.  i;   Liddell,  Studenfs  Rome,  ch.  i. 

II.   The   Etruscans. —  Botsford,   Rome,  pp.  8-10;    Story   of  Rome,   ch.   i; 
Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  Bk.  I.  ch.  ix. 

III.  The  Greeks  in  Italy.  —  Botsford,  Rome,  pp.   11-13;   Holm,  History  of 
Greece,  i.  pp.  282-291;   Abbott,  History  of  Greece,  i.  pp.  342-348. 

^  Dionysius  i.  36-38  (abridged). 


CHAPTER    II 

THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  ROME  — THE  PREHISTORIC  AGE  (to  509  B.C.) 

217.  The  Myth  of  Aeneas  and  of  Romulus  and  Remus.  —  When  the 
Greeks  had  taken  Troy  by  means  of  the  wooden  horse  ^  and  were 
slaying  the  inhabitants,  Ae-ne'as,  son  of  An-chi'ses  and  of  Venus, 
goddess  of  love,  escaped  by  sea  together  with  many  followers.  And 
though  the  angry  Juno  -  threatened  him  with  storms  and  beset  his 
path  with  trials  and  dangers,  his  goddess  mother  guided  him  safely 
through  every  peril  and  brought  him  after  many  wanderings  to  a 
haven  on  the  west  coast  of  fair  Italy.  There  he  landed  and  began 
to  build  a  city.  He  allied  himself  with  La-ti'nus,  king  of  the  country, 
married  La-vin'i-a,  the  king's  daughter,  and  named  the  new  city  La- 
vin'i-um,  after  his  bride. 

Trojans  and  natives  lived  together  in  peace,  all  taking  the  name 
of  Latins  after  their  king,  who  died  somewhat  later  and  was  succeeded 
by  Aeneas.  The  next  king  was  As-ca'ni-us,  son  of  Aeneas,  who 
founded  Alba  Longa.  Many  generations  afterward  A-mu'li-us 
wickedly  expelled  his  brother  Nu'mi-tor  from  the  kingship  and  him- 
self usurped  the  throne.  He  had  Numitor's  son  assassinated  and 
compelled  Rhe'a,  the  daughter,  to  become  a  Vestal  virgin^  that  she 
might  not  marry  and  bring  forth  an  avenger  of  the  family's  wrongs. 
However,  she  bore  to  Mars,  god  of  war,  twin  sons  of  more  than  human 
size  and  beauty.  She  named  them  Rom^u-lus  and  Re^nius.  Set  adrift 
on  the  Tiber  by  order  of  the  king,  they  were  cast  ashore  near  Mount 
Palatine,  and  would  have  perished  had  not  a  she-wolf  nursed  them 
till  they  were  taken  up  and  cared  for  by  a  shepherd  of  that  region. 
1  §  50.  2  §  225.  3  §  225. 

265 


266       The  Beginnings  of  Rome  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 


When  they  had  grown  to  manhood,  they  killed  Amulius,  and  restored 
Numitor,  their  grandfather,  to  the  throne. 

218.  Myth  of  the  Founding  of  Rome  (753  B.C.?)  ;  Myth  of  the 
Sabine  Women.  —  With  the  king's  consent  the  twin  brothers  led  a 
colony  to  the  place  where  they  had  passed  their  youth ;  but  they 
quarrelled  as  to  who  should  be  the  founder.     When  they  scanned 

the  sky  for  an  omen  of  the  divine, 
will,  six  vultures,  birds  of  Jupiter, 
appeared  to  Remus,  but  twelve 
were  seen  by  Romulus,  who 
thereupon  founded  the  city  on 
Mount  Palatine.  This  he  did 
by  tracing  a  quadrangular  space 
about  the  hill  with  a  plough 
drawn  by  a  yoke  of  cattle. 
Rtmus,  however,  in  derision, 
lenped  the  half-finished  wall, 
exclaiming,  "  Methinks  any  of 
your  enemies  might  leap  this  as 
easily  as  I  do."  Then  Romulus, 
or  one  of  his  men,  replying, 
"  But  any  of  us  might  easily 
chastise  that  enemy,"  struck 
and  killed  him  with  a  pickaxe. 
When  Romulus  had  founded 
Rome,  he  became  the  first  king 
of  the  city,  and  gave  his  people  laws  and  a  constitution.  In  the  origi- 
nal settlement  few  women  had  taken  part ;  the  men  therefore  were 
anxious  to  secure  wives  from  the  surrounding  communities.  Romu- 
lus accordingly  exhibited  games,  to  which  many  neighbors,  including 
the  Sabines,  came  by  invitation.  Now  while  they  were  watching  the 
games,  at  a  given  signal  the  Romans  rushed  upon  the  Sabines,  and 
seizing  their  daughters  carried  them  off  as  wives,  each  bringing  one 


A  Vestal  Virgin 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 


The  Kings  267 

to  his  own  home.  To  avenge  this  wrong,  Ti'tus  Ta'ti-us,  king  of 
the  Sabines,  marched  with  his  army  against  Rome,  and  joined  battle 
with  Romulus  in  the  valley  below  the  Palatine  afterward  occupied  by 
the  Forum,  or  market-place.  During  a  pause  in  the  fray  the  captive 
daughters  of  the  Sabines,  rushing  between  their  fathers  and  their 
husbands,  entreated  them  to  cease  from  war  and  be  forever  friends. 
Their  prayers  prevailed ;  and  though  the  Sabines  dwelt  henceforth 
on  the  Qui-ri'nal  Hill,  north  of  the  Palatine,  they  came  under  one 
government  with  the  Romans,  and  were  ruled  conjointly  by  Romulus 
and  Tatius.  This  dual  reign  lasted  till  the  death  of  the  Sabine  re- 
stored the  whole  power  to  the  original  Roman  king. 

219.  Myth  of  Numa,  of  Tullus  Hostilius,  and  of  Ancus  Martius. 
—  After  Romulus  had  ended  his  reign,  and  had  ascended  alive  to 
heaven,  Nu'ma  became  king.  He  was  the  opposite  of  Romulus, — 
a  man  of  peace,  learned  in  human  and  divine  law,  who  made  it  the 
aim  of  his  rule  to  soften  the  iron  temper  of  the  Romans.  Refraining 
from  war  throughout  his  reign,  he  occupied  his  time  in  giving  reli- 
gious laws  and  institutions  to  his  people.  His  warlike  neighbors  so 
revered  him  that  they  could  not  think  of  disturbing  Rome  while  he 
was  king. 

At  his  death  peace  came  to  an  end.  Tul'lus  Hos-til'i-us,  the  third 
king,  conquered  and  destroyed  Alba  Longa,  annexed  her  territory, 
and  removed  the  people  to  Rome,  where  he  settled  them  on  the 
Cae'li-an  Hill.  Following  the  example  of  Romulus,  he  admitted  the 
Alban  commons  to  citizenship  and  enrolled  the  leading  men  among 
the  nobles.  An'cus  Mar'ti-us,  the  fourth  king,  still  further  enlarged 
the  Roman  domain,  founded  Os'ti-a,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  to 
be  a  seaport  to  his  city,  and  fortified  Mount  Ja-nic'u-lura,  across  the 
Tiber,  as  an  outpost  against  the  Etruscans. 

220.  Myth  of  the  Tarquins  and  of  Servius  TuUius. — While  Ancus 
Martius  was  king,  a  certain  resident  of  Tar-quin'i-i,  in  Etruria,  journeyed 
to  Rome.  When  he  reached  the  Janiculum,  "  an  eagle,  sweeping  down 
to  him  as  he  sat  in  his  chariot,  took  off  his  cap,  and  with  loud  screams. 


268        The  Beginnings  of  Rome  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 

as  if  she  had  been  sent  from  heaven  for  the  very  purpose,  replaced  it 
carefully  on  his  head."  ^  Thereupon  his  wife,  who  was  skilled  in 
omens,  bade  her  husband  hope  for  a  high  and  noble  fortune.  They 
proceeded  to  the  city,  where  the  stranger,  taking  the  name  of  Lu'ci-us 
Tar-quin'i-us  Pris'cus  ("  the  Elder")  by  his  courteous  manners  won 
the  favor  of  all.  The  people,  therefore,  elected  him  king  after  Ancus. 
He  gained  famous  victories  over  the  Sabines  and  the  Latins,  and 
rnade  a  beginning  of  the  great  public  works  which  his  successors 
carried  to  completion. 

Of  the  king  who  came  after  him  the  following  story  is  told  :  — 
A  strange  thing  once  happened  in  the  house  of  Tarquin  the  Elder. 
Several  of  his  household,  as  they  watched  Ser'vi-us  Tul'li-us,  a  slave 
boy,  sleeping,  saw  his  head  blaze  with  fire.  Whereupon  a  servant 
brought  water  to  put  out  the  flame.  But  the  queen,  preventing  him, 
remarked  to  her  husband,  "  Do  you  see  this  boy  whom  we  are  rear- 
ing in  so  mean  a  style?  Be  assured  that  hereafter  he  will  be  a  light 
to  us  in  our  adversity,  and  a  protector  to  our  palace  in  distress."^ 
From  that  time  they  treated  him  as  their  own  son ;  and  when  he 
became  a  man,  they  gave  him  their  daughter  in  marriage.  Tarquin 
was  afterward  assassinated  by  shepherds  set  upon  him  by  the  sons 
of  Ancus  Martins,  and  Servius  Tullius  succeeded  to  the  throne. 

Servius  built  a  great  wall  around  Rome,  reorganized  the  army,  and 
made  his  city  leader  of  Latium.  Such  were  his  magnificent  deeds. 
But  the  plots  of  his  \yicked  daughter,  Tullia,  embittered  his  old  age ; 
and  at  last  he  was  openly  murdered  by  her  husband,  Tarquin  the  Elder's 
son,  who,  succeeding  to  the  throne,  gained  the  hateful  title  of  "  the 
Proudy  The  younger  Tarquin  completed  the  public  works  his 
father  had  begun.  On  these  buildings  he  compelled  the  citizens  to 
labor  unrewarded  till  they  cursed  the  tyrant.  One  day  the  Sib'yl  of 
Cumae  came  to  him  with  nine  books  of  prophecies  of  Apollo  concern- 
ing the  future  of  Rome.  She  wished  him  to  buy  them,  but  he  ob- 
jected to  the  price.  After  she  had  burned  six  of  them,  however,  curiosity 
1  Livy  i.  34.  2  Livy  i.  39. 


The  Last  King 


269 


and  religious  fear  led  him  to  pay  the  original  price  for  the  remaining 
three.  He  placed  them  in  charge  of  a  college  of  two  men  of  rank, 
who  kept  them  in  a  vault  beneath  the  temple  of  Jupiter  on  the  Cap'- 
i-to-line  Mount  and  consulted  them  whenever  the  state  was  in  especial 
danger  or  distress. 


fmf* 


Grotto  of  thk  Sibyl 
(Cumae) 

But  the  end  of  kingly  rule  was  drawing  near.  The  last  Tarquin 
broke  the  laws  of  the  forefathers,  slew  senators,  and  so  oppressed  the 
people  by  hard  labor  that  they  were  ready  for  rebellion.  Matters  came 
to  a  crisis  when  Sex'tus,  the  brutal  son  of  the  king,  did  violence  to 
the  honor  of  Lu-cre'ti-a,  a  model  of  virtue  among  Roman  matrons. 
Col-la-ti'nus  Tarquinius,  husband  of  Lucretia,  and  Lu'ci-us  Ju'ni-us 
Bru^tus,  both  kinsmen  of  the  king,  led  the  revolt  of  nobles  and  com- 
mons against  the  tyrant.     He  was  banished,  and  Brutus  persuaded 


270       The  Beginnings  of  Rome —  The  Prehistoric  Age 

the  people  to  swear  that  they  would  nevermore  suffer  a  king  to  rule 
at  Rome.  In  place  of  a  single  lifelong  sovereign,  the  people  thereafter 
elected  annually  two  consuls  as  chief  magistrates  with  equal  power. 

Though  all  the  seven  kings  are  probably  mythical,  the  stories  of 
them  show  in  a  general  way  the  manner  in  which  Rome  grew  and  the 
character  of  her  institutions  in  the  prehistoric  age. 

221.  Occupations  and  Character  of  the  Romans.  —  As  Rome  was 
on   a    navigable    river,  and    well    situated   for  small  trade  with  the 


Cinerary  Urns  representing  PRiMrrivE  Roman  Huts 
(Vatican  Museum ;  found  in  the  ancient  cemetery  at  Alba  Longa) 


Etruscans  and  other  neighbors,  some  of  the  citizens  engaged  in  mak- 
ing wares  and  in  buying  and  selling.  Most  of  the  Romans,  however, 
were  peasants.  The  farmer,  clad  simply  in  a  woollen  shirt,  or  tunic, 
which  reached  the  knee,  followed  his  bronze-shod  plough  drawn  by  a 
yoke  of  catde.  His  narrow  mind  held  only  sober,  practical  ideas ; 
for  he  saw  nothing  of  the  world  beyond  the  mountains  bordering  the 
plain  of  the  Tiber,  —  mountains  which  inspired  him  with  no  love  of 
the  beautiful  and  the  grand,  but  rather  with  a  feeling  of  hatred  for  the 


Tribal  Organization  271 

enemies  who  were  wont  to  sweep  down  from  them  upon  his  httle 
field.  His  laborious  life,  his  warfare  against  famine,  pestilence,  and 
neighbors  who  were  always  harassing,  made  him  stern  and  harsh,  and 
even  in  his  dealing  with  the  gods,  calculating  and  illiberal.  Though 
love,  pity,  and  benevolence  found  little  place  in  his  heart,  he  was 
strong  in  the  more  heroic  virtues,  —  he  was  dignified,  brave,  and 
energetic ;  he  reverenced  the  gods  and  the  forefathers,  and  obeyed 
the  laws  ;  above  all,  he  was  a  man  of  his  word. 

222.  The  Family,  the  Curia,  and  the  Tribe. — The  simple  but  severe 
character  of  the  Romans  found  expression  in  the  family.  Marriage  was 
a  religious  act  which  made  the  home  sacred,  the  house  a  holy  place. 
Within  lived  Vesta,  whose  altar  was  the  hearth ;  within  were  the  spirits  of 
the  ancestors,  who,  in  the  form  of  La'res,  guarded  the  house  from  every 
harm ;  within,  too,  were  the  Pe-na'tes,  who  blessed  the  family  store. 

The  father  was  priest  of  these  gods,  owner  of  the  estate,  and  master 
of  his  wife  and  children  through  life.  He  could  load  his  son  with 
chains,  sell  him  into  slavery,  or  put  him  to  death.  Even  if  the  son 
were  a  senator  or  magistrate,  the  father  could  drag  him  home  and 
punish  him  for  misconduct.  Woman  was  always  under  guardianship, 
the  maiden  of  her  father,  the  matron  of  her  husband.  Never- 
theless she  was  respected  :  the  wife  was  a  priestess  at  the  hearth ; 
and  in  case  the  father  left  no  will,  the  mother  and  the  daughter 
shared  equally  with  the  sons  in  the  inheritance.  In  this  strict,  moral 
school,  young  men  were  discipHned  for  public  life. 

Several  families  united  in  a  cu^ri-a  or  brotherhood.  On  certain 
festal  days  the  men  of  a  brotherhood  ate  together  in  a  common  dining 
hall  containing  a  sacred  hearth,  on  which  they  kept  fire  burning  per- 
petually in  honor  of  Juno.  When  war  broke  out  the  members  of  a 
curia  followed  their  leaders  to  the  front,  and  stood  side  by  side  on 
the  field  of  battle.  Kinship  and  religion  inspired  them  to  deeds  of 
daring  ;  '*  the  soldier  felt  ashamed  to  forsake  the  comrades  with  whom 
he  had  lived  in  communion  of  libations,  sacrifices,  and  holy  rites." 
Ten  curiae  united  in  a  tribes  and  three  tribes  composed  the  state. 


2/2        The  Beginnings  of  Rome  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 

Whatever  else  the  tribes  might  have  been,  we  know  at  least  that  they 
were  military  divisions.  It  seems  probable  that  in  early  Rome  the 
commons  of  each  tribe  formed  a  regiment  of  foot,  and  the  nobles  a 
troop  of  horse. 

223.  The  Social  Ranks.  —  The  commons  were  called  ple-be'ians 
("the  multitude")  and  the  nobles, pa- tri'ci-ans.  Those  famihes  were 
patrician  whose  fathers  were  qualified  by  birth  to  be  senators,  magis- 
trates, and  priests.  The  king  could  ennoble  any  plebeian  whom  he 
considered  sufficiently  marked  by  wealth  or  personal  merit.  As  the 
patricians  alone  were  acquainted  with  the  laws,  which  were  unwritten, 
the  plebeian,  to  secure  protection  for  himself  and  his  family  before 
the  courts  of  law,  chose  a  noble  as  his  patron,  whom  he  bound 
himself  to  serve  as  a  client.  Thus  many  of  the  plebeians  became 
clients  of  the  patricians.  The  duty  of  the  patron  was  to  give  his 
cHents  legal  advice  in  their  business,  to  sue  for  them  when  injured, 
and  to  defend  them  when  sued.  The  clients,  on  the  other  hand, 
followed  their  patron  to  war  and  supported  him  in  public  life, 
labored  in  his  fields  or  made  him  presents,  that  he  might  fill  his 
offices  with  becoming  dignity.  Though  the  original  object  of  client- 
age was  doubdess  good,  we  shall  see  how,  after  the  overthrow  of 
the  kingship,  it  became  intolerably  oppressive  (§  242). 

224.  The  Government.  —  When  the  king  wished  to  consult  his 
people  on  questions  of  public  interest,  his  criers  went  about  the 
city  with  ox-horns,  calling  them  to  the  co-7nVli-um,  or  place  of 
assembly.  Here  the  curiae  met,  each  in  a  group  by  itself,  and 
listened  to  the  proposition  of  the  king  with  the  reasons  he  might 
urge  in  its  favor.  Then  each  curia  voted  whether  it  would  sustain 
or  oppose  the  king's  wish ;  and  a  majority  of  the  curiae  decided 
the  matter.  This  assembly  was  called  the  co-mVti-a  cu-ri-a^ta.  The 
king  consulted  it  when  he  wished  to  begin  a  war,  to  conclude  a 
treaty,  to  change  an  existing  custom,  or  to  undertake  any  other 
important  business. 

To  be  binding,  such  a  decision  of  the  assembly  had  to  receive 


Government  273 

the  sanction  of  the  senate,  —  the  paUrum  auc-torH-tas.  As  all, 
without  distinction  of  rank,  had  a  voice  in  the  comitia,  a  great 
majority  of  that  body  were  necessarily  plebeians.  It  was  chiefly 
through  the  senate,  therefore,  that  the  nobles  exercised  their  politi- 
cal influence.  This  body,  at  first  very  small,  gradually  grew  with 
the  development  of  the  nobility,  till  at  the  close  of  the  regal  period 
it  is  said  to  have  contained  a  hundred  and  thirty- six  members.  The 
king  was  accustomed  to  ask  the  advice  of  the  senate  on  all  im- 
portant matters ;  and  though  he  was  not  legally  bound  by  this 
advice,  he  generally  followed  it  through  respect  for  the  nobles  and 
through  desire  for  their  support  and  cooperation. 

On  the  death  of  a  king  the  senate  took  entire  charge  of  the 
government ;  the  senators  ruled  by  turns,  each  for  a  period  of  five 
days,  in  the  order  determined  by  lot.  The  ruler  for  the  time  being 
was  termed  in^ter-rex,  and  the  period  between  the  death  of  a  king 
and  the  election  of  his  successor  was  an  in-ter-reg'num.  The  inter- 
rex  nominated  a  king,  the  assembly  elected  him,  and  the  senate  gave 
its  sanction.  Then  the  assembly  conferred  upon  him  the  im-pe'ri-um, 
which  made  him  absolute  commander  in  war  and  supreme  judge 
with  power  of  life  and  death  over  his  subjects.  In  addition  to  these 
duties,  he  was  head  of  the  state  religion.  Although  originally  but  a 
citizen,  he  now  occupied  a  place  of  great  dignity  and  power.  Ac- 
cordingly he  dressed  in  an  embroidered  purple  robe  and  high  red 
shoes,  and  with  an  eagle-headed  sceptre  in  his  hand  sat  on  an 
ivory  throne,  or  on  his  judgment  seat,  the  curule  chair.  In  his 
walks  he  was  accompanied  by  twelve  attendants,  called  Hctors,  each 
bearing  an  axe  bound  in  a  bundle  of  rods.  The  axes  signified  his 
absolute  power  extending  to  life  and  death. 

225.  Religion.  —  As  the  Romans  of  a  later  age  assigned  the  be- 
ginnings of  their  state  and  constitution  to  Romums,  they  imagined 
Numa  the  author  of  most  of  their  religious  institutions.  Near  the 
comitium  he  built  a  temple  to  Ja'nus,  the  double-faced  god,  who 
blesses  the  beginnings  and. ends  of  actions.     Tne  gates  of  his  temple 


2/4        The  Beginnings  of  Rome  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 


were  open  in  war  and  closed  in  peace.  During  the  reign  of  Numa 
they  were  shut,  but  rarely  thereafter  in  the  long  history  of  Rome. 
Besides  Janus  there  are  father  Jove,  or  Jupiter,  the  chief  guardian 
of    Rome ;    Sat'urn,    who    blesses    seed-sowing ;    Mi-nerVa,    "  who 

warns  the  husbandmen  in  time 
of  the  works  to  be  under- 
taken "  ;  Mars,  god  of  war ; 
Juno,  wife  of  Jupiter;  Vulcan, 
*'  who  strikes  the  sparks  from 
the  forges  of  the  Cy'clops  with 
reiterated  beat "  ;  ^  Venus,  a 
garden  goddess,  afterward 
identified  with  the  Greek  god- 
dess of  love  ;  and  a  host  of 
other  deities.  Every  object 
and  every  act  in  nature  and 
in  human  life  had  a  guardian 
spirit,  the  most  important  of 
which  the  Romans  worshipped 
as  gods.  Services  of  the  chief 
deities  were  held  by  priests  — 
fia'mi-nes,  plural  oi flamen  — 
whose  lives  were  made  uncom- 
fortable by  strict  rules  govern- 
ing every  detail  of  their 
conduct. 

Certain  religious  duties  were 
the  care  of  groups,  or  colleges^  of  sacred  persons.  Such  were  the  six 
Vestal  virgins,  who  attended  to  the  worship  of  Vesta,  and  kept  the 
sacred  fire  of  the  state  in  her  temple.  Twelve  priests  of  Mars,  called 
leapers,  in  purple  frocks  girt  with  a  broad,  bronze-studded  belt, 
carried   through  the  streets  the  sacred   shields,  upon   which   they 

1  Horace,  Odes^  i.  4. 


Minerva 
(Etruscan) 


Public  Works  275 

clashed  their  short  swords,  while  they  leaped  and  sang  to  their  god. 
Augurs  took  the  auspices  for  the  king,  by  reading  the  will  of  Jupiter 
in  the  lightning  and  in  the  flight  of  birds ;  and  the  pontiffs,  who  had 
charge  of  all  divine  knowledge,  instructed  the  citizens  in  worship. 

226.    The   Growth   of    Rome ;    the   Reforms   of    Servius.  —  The 
earliest  settlement  at  Rome,  as  we  have  noticed,  was  on  the  Pala- 


Cloaca  Maxima 

tine.'  Gradually  the  population  outgrew  this  narrow  space,  and 
built  their  dwellings  on  the  neighboring  hills.  Then  one  of  the  kings 
took  possession  of  the  Capitoline  Mount  and  estabhshed  his  citadel 
there.  At  first  the  people  could  not  live  in  the  valleys  which  sepa- 
rated the  hills,  because  they  were  marshy  and  often  overflowed. 
The  Tarquins  drained  these  low  grounds  by  means  of  arched  sewers, 
some  of  which  were  so  large  that  a  loaded  hay-cart  could  pass 
through  them.  The  most  famous  of  these  works  was  the  Clo-a'ca 
Max'i-ma  ("the  greatest  sewer  "),  which  drained  the  Forum-  and 

1§2I2. 

2  Find  the  Forum  and  the  Capitoline  Mount  on  the  map  of  Rome,  p.  278. 


2/6        The  Beginnings  of  Rome  —  The  Prehistoric  Age 

made  the  ground  about  it  habitable.  The  public  life  of  the  com- 
munity henceforth  centred  in  this  valley.  The  smiths  and  the  shop- 
keepers set  up  their  stalls  round  the  Forum.  About  it  the  king 
built  temples ;  and  adjoining  it  on  the  northeast  they  made  an 
assembly-place  —  the  comitium  —  in  which  they  built  a  senate-house. 
Above  the  Forum,  on  the  Capitoline,  they  erected  a  temple  to 
Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva,  —  usually  known  as  the  temple  of  the 
Capitoline  Jupiter.  Though  in  the  heavy  Etruscan  style,  it  was  for 
centuries  the  most  magnificent  building  in  Rome.  They  provided, 
too,  for  the  amusement  of  the  people.  The  valley  between  the 
Palatine  and  the  Av'en-tine  was  a  convenient  place  for  races  and 
other  games.  On  the  sloping  hillsides  which  bounded  it  one  of  the 
Tarquins  erected  wooden  seats  for  the  spectators,  naming  this  build- 
ing and  enclosure  the  Circus  Maximus.  Finally  they  surrounded 
the  Seven  Hills  of  the  city  with  a  huge  wall,  parts  of  which  remain  to 
this  day.  Myth  makes  Servius  TuUius  not  only  the  builder  of  the  wall 
but  the  creator  of  new  local  tribes  and  the  reorganizer  of  the  army. 

227.  The  Servian  Army  and  the  Servian  Tribes.^  —  Hitherto  the  tribes 
and  curiae  had  furnished  their  regiments  and  companies  for  war.^  Each  group 
was  a  mere  crowd  of  men  poorly  armed  and  without  discipHne  or  tactics.  It  was 
the  same  crude  military  system  which  we  tind  among  the  early  Greeks  and  Ger- 
mans. The  Spartans,  however,  perhaps  as  early  as  the  eighth  century  B.C., 
invented  the  phalanx,^  which  soon  found  its  way  to  the  colonies  in  Italy  and  in 
Sicily.     Thence  Servius  adopted  it  for  his  own  state. 

As  each  soldier  had  to  arm  and  equip  himself  at  his  own  expense,  Servius 
found  it  necessary  to  take  a  census  of  the  citizens  in  order  to  know  who  should 
buy  heavier,  and  who  lighter,  armor.  First  he  divided  the  city  into  four  districts, 
called  tribes,  and  the  country  into  sixteen  tribes.  Each  tribe  included  also  the 
citizens  who  owned  land  within  the  district.  Taking  the  census  tribe  by  tribe, 
Servius  divided  the  citizens  into  five  classes  according  to  the  size  of  their  free- 
holds. He  required  the  members  of  the  first  or  wealthiest  class  to  equip  them- 
selves with  the  heaviest  and  most  efficient  arms,  those  of  the  second  class  to  buy 
somewhat  less  complete  equipments,  and  so  on  to  the  lowest.  The  three  wealthier 
classes  were  heavy-armed  and  stood  in  lines,  one  behind  another,  while  the 
fourth  and  fifth  classes,  as   light-armed    troops,  served  wherever   occasion    de- 

1  Cf.  §  78,  n.  2.  2  §  222.  8  §§  38,  88. 


The  Greatness  of  Rome  277 

manded.  In  the  front  line  were  forty  centuries  of  a  hundred  men  each;  and  in 
the  second  and  third  lines  were  ten  centuries  each.  Of  the  light-armed  troops 
there  were  ten  centuries  in  the  fourth  class,  and  fourteen  in  the  fifth.  Thus  the 
phalanx  contained  eighty-four  hundred  footmen.  P'rom  early  times  it  appears 
to  have  been  composed  of  two  divisions,  termed  legions,  of  forty-two  hundred 
foot-soldiers  each.  This  organization  included  mainly  plebeians;  the  patricians 
continued  to  serve  in  the  cavalry,  of  which  there  were  six  centuries,  three  to  each 
legion.  The  army,  thus  organized  for  the  field,  contained  the  men  of  military 
age  —  from  seventeen  to  forty-six  years.  The  older  men  remained  in  the  city  for 
the  defence  of  the  walls. 

228.  Causes  of  the  Greatness  of  Rome.  — At  the  time  of  this  new 
arrangement  the  territory  of  Rome  had  increased  four  or  five  fold, 
chiefly  at  the  expense  of  the  Etruscans,  the  Sabines,  and  the  Latins. 
When  Rome  subdued  a  neighboring  city  she  razed  the  walls  and 
everything  they  enclosed,  excepting  the  temples,  and  seized  a  third 
or  perhaps  a  half  of  the  conquered  land.  She  compelled  many  of 
the  dispossessed  people  to  settle  on  her  own  hills,  and  admitting  all 
to  the  citizenship,  bestowed  the  patriciate  upon  the  nobles.  With 
the  growth  of  her  territory,  therefore,  came  a  corresponding  increase 
in  her  population  and  her  military  strength.  After  the  reform  of 
Servius,  Rome  could  put  into  the  field  a  well-organized  and  well- 
disciplined  army  of  about  nine  thousand  men,  foot  and  horse,  —  the 
strongest  force  in  Latium. 

In  the  character  and  surroundings  of  the  Romans  we  discover 
several  other  causes  of  their  future  greatness.  By  persistent  labor 
on  their  little  farms  the  peasants  acquired  the  patience  and  the 
strength  of  will  which  were  to  make  them  the  best  soldiers  in  the 
world.  As  sober,  practical  men,  with  none  of  the  imagination  or 
the  ideals  of  the  Greeks,  they  developed  a  rare  talent  for  law, 
organization,  and  self-government.  The  Seven  Hills  gave  a  unique 
opportunity  for  settlements  so  close  together  that  they  found  it 
necessary  to  combine  in  one  state.  This  union  increased  the 
strength  of  Rome,  and  introduced  a  precedent  for  the  free  admission 
of  strangers  to  citizenship.  The  unhealthfulness  of  the  neighboring 
plain,  by  forcing  men  to  build  their  homes  on  the  Hills,  encouraged 


2/8        The  Beginnings  of  Rome —  The  Prehistoric  Age 


city  life  and  intelligent  enterprise.  Then,  too,  the  advantage  of  the 
situation  for  small  trade  and  manufacturing  made  the  City  of  the 
Seven  Hills  the  chief  market  of  the  Latins.  Commercial  intercourse 
with  the  Greeks  led  Servius  to  adopt  their  superior  military  system, 


EARLY    nO]ME 


which  in  turn  made  Rome  the  political  head  of  Latium.     This  event 
was  the  beginning  of  a  great  career. 

Servius  and  the  Tarquins  helped  much  to  give  their  city  this  proud 
place  in  Latium.  But  no  sooner  had  the  last  Tarquin  been  expelled, 
and  the  monarchy  displaced  by  a  republic,  than  Rome  found  her 
very  existence  threatened  by  seditions  at  home  and  by  powerful 
enemies  on  every  side. 


End  of  the  Monarchy 


279 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  Myths  of  the  Kings.  —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rofne,  ch.  ii. 
II.  The  Government  in  the  Time  of  the  Kings.  —  Botsford,  Rome,  pp.  25- 
27;  Pelham,  Outlines  of  Roman  v^w/^rj,  pp.  22-29;  How  and  Leigh,  History 
of  Rome,  pp.  42-45 ;  Abbott,  Roman  Political  Institutions,  ch.  ii.  The  theory 
that  in  early  Rome  the  curiae  were  made  up  exclusively  of  patricians  has  no 
foundation. 

III.   The  Religion  of  Early  Rome.  —  Ihne,  Early  Rome,  ch.  vi;  History  of 
Rome,  i.  pp.  11 7-1 21;   Duruy,  History  of  Rome,  i.  pp.  199-234. 


The  Wall  of  Servius 


CHAPTER   III 

ROME  BECOMES   SUPREME   IN   ITALY  i  (509-264  B.C.) 

First  Period  of  the  Republic — External  History 

229.  Foreign  Affairs  (509-486  B.C.).  —  The  change  from  king- 
ship to  repubHc  came  in  509  B.C.  In  that  year  the  consuls,  who 
were  now  the  chief  magistrates/  made  a  treaty  with  the  strong,  rich 
city  of  Carthage.  Their  nearer  neighbors,  the  Etruscans,  however, 
began  to  trouble  them.  From  the  little  we  know  of  this  matter  we 
may  infer  that  Lars  Porsena,  an  Etruscan  king,^  conquered  Rome 
and  held  her  in  subjection  for  a  few  years.  The  Latins,  too,  aban- 
doned her  leadership.  But  the  Romans  threw  off  the  Etruscan  yoke  ; 
and  the  story  is  that  in  a  terrible  battle  at  Lake  Re-gil'lus  they  com- 
pletely overthrew  the  Latins.  Thereupon  in  493  b.c.  Spu'ri-us  Cas'- 
si-us,  the  leading  statesman  of  the  early  republic,  negotiated  with 
them  a  perpetual  peace ;  the  Latin  League  and  the  city  of  Rome 
were  to  furnish  yearly  commanders  alternately,  and  were  to  share 
equally  the  spoils  and  the  conquered  lands.  A  few  years  later  the 
same  statesman  extended  these  terms  of  union  to  the  Her'ni-cans, 
who,  though  dwelling  in  a  mountain  valley  above  Latium,  may  be 
classed  with  the  Romans  and  the  Latins  as  civilized  lowlanders  in 
contrast  with  the  Sabines,  the  Ae'qui-ans,  and  the  Vol'sci-ans,  — rude 
mountaineers. 

1  Teachers  are  advised  to  present  the  external  history  before  the  internal,  fol- 
lowing the  order  of  the  book.  But  some  may  prefer  to  reverse  the  order  and 
offer  ch.  iv  to  their  classes  before  ch.  iii. 

2  §§  220,  240.  3  §  213,  n.  2. 

280 


The  Acquians 


28] 


230.    Wars  with  the  Aequians  and  the  Volscians  (486-405  B.C. ) .  — 

The  men  of  the  plain  had  to  fight  continually  in  defence  of  their 
property  and  their  lives  against  the  hungry  tribes  of  the  hills.  It 
was  a  long,  hard  struggle.  Year  after  year  the  Sabines,  descending 
from  their  mountain  homes,  pillaged  the  Roman  territory.  Often, 
too,  the  beacons,  blazing  on  the 
ramparts  of  Tus'cu-lura,  announced 
that  the  Aequians  were  besieging 
that  city,  or  the  smoking  farmhouses 
in  the  distance  signalled  to  Rome 
their  story  of  desolation.  Then 
the  plebeian,  quitting  political 
strife  in  the  Forum,  or  leaving  his 
plough  in  the  furrow,  took  down 
from  the  walls  of  his  hut  the  armor 
King  Servius  had  ordered  his 
grandfather  or  great-grandfather  to 
buy,  and  hastened  to  his  place  in 
the  phalanx.  In  open  field  this 
army,  strengthened  by  the  allies, 
was  more  than  a  match  for  the  un- 
organized bands  of  Aequians.  But 
defeating  highlanders  seemed  hke 
beating  the  air.  Light  as  the  wind 
they  withdrew  to  their 
among  the  crags,  and  as  lightly 
swept  down  again  upon  the  unprotected  fields  of  the  allies.  They 
seized  Mount  Al'gi-dus,  cut  the  Hernicans  off  from  the  Romans,  and 
raided  the  plain  to  within  three  miles  of  Rome'. 

The  story  is  told  that  once  they  entrapped  a  consul  and  his  army 
in  a  valley.  Thereupon  the  other  consul,  at  the  request  of  the  senate, 
nominated  Cin-cin-ndUus  dictator.  This  was  a  magistrate  appointed 
in  time  of  danger  to  govern  the  state  with  absolute  power.     He  com- 


LUCIUS  JUNIUS   BRUTUS 
homes  Mythical  Founder  of  the  Republic 
(Palace  of  the  Conservatori,  Rome) 


282  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

manded  the  army,  and  die  "  master  of  horse  "  whom  he  chose  led 
the  cavalry.  Now  when  Cincinnatus  was  made  dictator,  messengers 
bore  the  commission  across  the  Tiber  to  his  four-acre  farm.  Find- 
ing him  in  his  tunic  engaged  in  some  rural  work,  they  greeted  him 
as  he  leaned  on  his  spade.  "  Put  on  your  toga,"  they  said,  "  to  hear 
the  message  of  the  senate."  ''Is  not  all  well?"  he  asked  as  he 
sent  his  wife  to  the  house  for  his  gown.  Then  wiping  the  sweat  and 
dust  from  his  brow  and  putting  on  the  toga,  he  listened  to  the 
message.  He  took  command.  Without  delay  he  relieved  the 
besieged  army,  humbled  the  enemy,  and  returned  to  Rome,  his 
troops  laden  with  booty.  So  brilHant  was  the  victory  that  the  senate 
granted  him  a  iriumph.  A  grand  procession,  accordingly,  moved 
along  the  Saored  VVay^  through  the  Forum,  then  up  the  Capitoline  to 
the  temple  of  Jupiter.  In  front  were  the  captive  leaders  of  the 
Aequians ;  men  followed  with  the  standards  of  the  enemy ;  then 
came  the  triumphal  car  in  which  sat  the  general  clad  in  splendid 
robes.  Behind  the  car  the  soldiers  marched  carrying  the  booty, 
singing  the  hymn  of  triumph,  while  the  citizens  spread  tables  before 
their  houses  for  the  entertainment  of  the  army.  The  procession 
halted  before  the  temple,  that  the  general  might  bring  the  chief  of 
the  gods  an  offering  of  gratitude  for  the  victory.  Then  resigning 
his  command  the  sixteenth  day  after  taking  it,  he  returned  to  his 
farm.  Though  not  genuine  history,  the  story  of  Cincinnatus  gives 
a  true  picture  of  the  simple  life  of  those  early  times  and  of  the 
triumph  of  a  victorious  general.  After  Cincinnatus,  the  Romans 
had  still  many  years  of  unsuccessful  war  with  the  Aequians. 

Meantime  tribes  of  Voiscians,  who  lived  in  the  mountains  south- 
east of  the  Hernicans,  descending  into  Latium,  overran  the  country 
to  within  a  few  miles  of  Rome.  At  one  time  the  mountaineers  held 
nearly  all  Latium.  But  after  a  long  struggle  for  existence,  Rome 
and  her  aUies  began  to  make  headway  against  their  enemies.  The 
crisis  came  in  431  B.C.,  when  the  Romans,  in  a  fierce  battle,  stormed 

1  Map,  p.  386. 


Veil 


283 


the  camps  of  the  Volscians  and  the  Aequians  on  Mount  x^lgidus. 
Henceforth  the  Romans  steadily  advanced.  Before  the  end  of  the 
century  they  had  recovered  Latium  (405  B.C.).  Though  the  Aequians 
and  the  Volscians  still  gave  trouble,  they  ceased  to  be  dangerous. 

231.  The  Siege  of  Veil  and  the  Sack  of  Rome  (405-390  B.C.). — 
Toward  the  end  of  the  century  the  Romans  began  war  upon  Vei'i, 
an  Etruscan  city  as  large 
as  their  own,  situated 
twelve  miles  distant  on  a 
steep  and  strongly  fortified 
height.  After  a  long  siege 
the  dictator  Ca-mil'lus 
took  it,  by  digging  an 
underground  passage  from 
his  camp  to  the  citadel. 
He  permitted  the  soldiers 
to  plunder  the  city,  and 
sold  the  inhabitants  into 
slavery.  This  conquest 
doubled  the  Roman  ter- 
ritory, which  soon  after- 
ward extended  on  the 
north  to  the  Ci-min'i-an 
Hill. 

In  Etruria  Rome  first 
came  into  collision  with 
the  Gauls  —  tall  warriors 
with  fair  hair  and  flashing  eyes.  Wherever  they  marched,  "  their 
harsh  music  and  discordant  clamors  filled  all  places  with  a  horrible 
din."  More  than  a  century  before  this  time  they  had  begun  to  cross 
the  Alps  and  to  drive  the  Etruscans  from  the  Po  Valley.  Now  they 
were  invading  Etruria.  About  eleven  miles  from  Rome,  on  the  Al'li-a, 
a  tributary  of  the  Tiber,  they  met  a  Roman  army  of  forty  thousand 


]-:truscan  Vasi 


284  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

men.  The  barbarians  fought  in  dense  masses  ;  their  enormous  swords 
cut  through  the  hehnets  and  gashed  the  heads  of  the  Romans.  The 
men  who  had  often  faced  the  hill  tribes  in  battle  fled  in  terror  from 
these  gigantic  northerners.  Some  took  refuge  in  deserted  Veii ; 
others  bore  news  of  the  disaster  to  Rome. 

The  city  was  in  a  panic ;  no  one  thought  of  defending  the  walls. 
The  soldiers  and  the  younger  senators  hurried  to  the  citadel  to 
strengthen  its  defences.  There  is  a  story  that  some  of  the  priests 
and  aged  senators,  placing  their  ivory  chairs  in  the  Forum,  sat  clad 
in  official  robes  awaiting  their  fate.  As  the  Gauls  met  with  no  re- 
sistance at  the  gates,  they  entered  the  city  and  besieged  the  citadel. 
Some  of  them  under  Bren'nus,  their  chief,  descending  to  the  Forum, 
as  we  are  told  in  the  story,  "  wondered  at  the  men  who  sat  there 
silent,  with  all  their  ornaments,  how  they  neither  rose  from  their 
seats  at  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  nor  changed  color,  but  sat  lean- 
ing on  their  staffs  with  fearless  confidence,  quietly  looking  at  one 
another.  The  Gauls  were  astonished  at  so  strange  a  sight,  and  for 
a  long  time  they  forbore  to  approach  and  touch  them,  as  if  they 
were  superior  beings.  But  when  one  of  them  ventured  to  draw  near 
to  Pa-pir'i-us  and  gently  stroke  his  long  beard,  Papirius  struck  him 
on  the  head  with  his  staff,  at  which  the  barbarian  drew  his  sword 
and  slew  him.  Then  they  fell  on  the  rest  and  killed  them,  with  any 
other  Romans  whom  they  found  ;  and  they  spent  many  days  in 
plundering  the  houses,  after  which  they  burned  them  and  pulled 
them  down  in  rage  at  the  men  on  the  Capitoline,  who,  instead  of  sur- 
rendering, repelled  the  assailants.  For  this  reason  the  Gauls  wreaked 
vengeance  on  the  city,  and  put  to  death  all  their  captives,  men  and 
women,  old  and  young  ahke."  ^ 

At  length  the  Romans  on  the  Capitoline,  weary  with    continual 

watching  and  threatened  with  famine,  offered   Brennus  a  thousand 

pounds  of  gold  if  he  would  withdraw.     It  is  said  that  the  barbarian 

chief  threw  his  sword  into  the  scale,  exclaiming,  "  Woe  to  the  van- 

1  Plutarch,  Camillus,  22. 


Reform  of  the  Army  285 

quished!"  and  that  while  the  parties  were  disputing  over  this  in- 
creased demand,  Camillus,  again  dictator,  appeared  with  an  army  on 
the  scene  and  drove  the  Gauls  away  without  their  gold. 

The  people  returned  to  the  city  and  proceeded  to  clear  away  the 
rubbish.  Each  man  built  his  hut  wherever  he  found  a  convenient 
place.  Within  a  year  Rome  with  her  narrow,  crooked  streets  arose 
from  the  ashes. 

232.  Camillus  reforms  the  Army.^  —  In  addition  to  founding  the  city  anew 
Camillus  began  to  reform  the  army.  Before  his  time  the  soldiers  served  without 
pay  and  equipped  themselves  according  to  their  means.  In  the  war  with  Veil, 
however,  the  senate  began  to  pay  them  for  service,  thus  making  possible  a  thor- 
ough change  in  the  military  system  ;  for  henceforth  the  citizens,  who  had  been 
accustomed  to  short  summer  campaigns,  could  serve  the  entire  year,  when  neces- 
sary, and  the  poor  man  as  well  as  the  rich  could  buy  a  complete  equipment. 
Hence  the  distinction  of  classes  in  the  armor  and  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
troops  gave  way  to  a  ranking  according  to  experience.'^  The  recruit  entered  the 
light  division  ;  after  a  time  he  passed  to  the  front  line  of  the  heavy  infantry, 
thence  to  the  second  line,  a«d  when  he  became  a  veteran,  to  the  third.  The  sol- 
diers of  the  first  two  lines,  besides  defensive  armor,  carried  each  two  pVla,  or 
javelins,  for  hurling,  and  a  sword.  The  veterans  were  armed  in  the  same  way, 
except  that  instead  of  javelins  each  carried  a  lance. 

In  place  of  the  solid  phalanx,  the  lines  of  heavy-armed  men  were  now  divided 
each  into  ten  companies,  called  maniples,  stationed  at  intervals  in  such  a  way  that 
the  vacant  spaces  in  a  line  were  covered  by  the  companies  of  the  following  line. 
Ordinarily  a  legion  consisted  of  three  thousand  heavy-armed  troops  and  twelve 
hundred  light-armed.  The  number  of  legions  varied  according  to  the  require- 
ments of  war. 

As  great  a  change  took  place  in  the  cavalry.  Down  to  the  war  with  Veii  the 
knights,  whose  horses  were  furnished  by  the  state,  and  who  were  all  or  nearly  all 
patricians,^  carried  Hght  arms  in  the  early  Roman  fashion,  and  accordingly  proved 
nearly  useless.  But  in  that  war  sons  of  wealthy  plebeians  volunteered  to  serve  in 
the  cavalry  with  their  own  horses.  As  the  offer  was  accepted,  they  armed  them- 
selves with  the  heavier  and  better  Greek  weapons,  so  that  henceforth  Rome  had 
an  efficient  cavalry.  There  were  regularly  three  hundred  knights  to  a  legion,  as 
before. 

Camillus  made  but  a  beginning  of  this  reform ;  it  required  the  experience  of 
more  than  a  century  of  warfare  to  bring  his  work  to  completion. 

1  §  Cf.  78,  n.  2.  2  §  227.  8  §  222. 


286  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

233.  The  Organization  of  New  Territory.  —  In  the  lifetime  of 
Camillus  the  Romans  were  engaged  in  many  more  conflicts  —  with 
the  Etruscans,  the  Volscians,  and  the  rebellious  Latins  and  Herni- 
cans;  but  everywhere  the  hero  led  his  legions  to  victory.  The 
government  secured  its  advantages  by  forming  new  tribes  from  the 
conquered  territory  and  by  planting  colonies  in  Etruria  and  in 
Latium,  —  for  instance,  Su'tri-um  and  Se'ti-a.  A  Latin  colony, 
whether  made  up  wholly  of  Romans  or  shared  with  the  Latin  and 
Hernican  allies,  was  one  which  enjoyed  the  privileges  of  an  old  Latin 
town.  That  is,  it  was  an  ally  of  Rome.  The  two.  just  mentioned 
were  of  this  class.  A  Roman  colony,  on  the  other  hand,  was  one 
composed  exclusively  of  Romans  who  continued  to  enjoy  the  privi- 
leges of  full  citizenship  in  the  mother  city.  It  was  usually  a  garrison 
established  in  a  maritime  town  for  the  defence  of  the  coast.  The 
earliest  of  this  kind  was  probably  An'ti-um,  founded  some  years  after 
the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking.  In  addition  to  the  colonies 
there  were  towns  termed  mu-ni-cip'i-aj  all  possessing  the  Roman 
citizenship,  but  in  varying  degrees.  The  people  of  Tusculum, 
admitted  to  the  Roman  state  in  381  B.C.,  enjoyed  full  citizen- 
ship and  self-government ;  those  of  Cae're,  on  the  contrary,  though 
citizens,  could  neither  vote  nor  hold  office  at  Rome,  and  at  the 
same  time  their  freedom  was  restricted  by  the  presence  of  an 
officer  termed  prefect,  sent  from  Rome  to  administer  justice 
among  them.  As  citizens  they  enjoyed  the  protection  of  life  and 
personal  liberty  as  well  as  the  rights  of  trade  and  intermarriage  with 
all  other  citizens.  The  system  of  organizing  tribes,  colonies,  and 
municipia  strengthened  the  hold  of  the  leading  city  on  the  lands  won 
in  war.  A  great  change  had  taken  place  in  the  relations  of  the  allies 
to  one  another.  A  hundred  years  of  wdrfalfe  with  the  mountaineers 
had  so  weakened  the  Latins  and  the  Hernicans  that  they  could  no 
longer  claim  equality  with  Rome.  She  now  furnished  all  the  com- 
manders, and  she  claimed  the  lion's  share  of  the  spoils  and  of  the 
conquered  land. 


First  Samnite  War  287 

234.  The  First  Samnite  War  (343-341  B.C.).— The  half-century 
following  the  rebuilding  of  the  city  was  a  time  of  great  military  suc- 
cess for  Rome.  On  every  side  she  was  victorious  over  her  enemies, 
and  either  won  new  territory  or  secured  more  thorough  control  of  the 
lands  she  had  already  acquired.  In  this  period  she  came  into  con- 
tact with  Samnium,  the  most  powerful  nation  in  the  interior  of  the 
peninsula.  For  a  time  the  two  states  were  allies,  but  afterward 
quarrelled  over  the  possession  of  Cap'u-a,  a  wealthy  city  of  Campania. 
As  the  Samnites  threatened  to  conquer  Capua,  this  city  gave  itself  up 
to  Rome  in  return  for  protection.  By  accepting  these  terms  the 
Romans  brought  upon  themselves  their  first  war  with  Samnium. 

The  two  nations,  however  evenly  matched,  differed  in  character. 
The  Samnites  were  mountaineers,  who  had  no  cities,  no  wealth,  no 
king  or  aristocracy.  Poor,  but  brave  and  free,  they  looked  greedily 
down  upon  the  well-cultivated  plains  on  their  western  border.  With 
their  skilful  swords  they  hoped  to  win  a  title  to  these  rich  lands. 
They  were  opposed  in  this  project  by  a  single  city,  governed  by  an 
able,  warlike  aristocracy.  It  controlled  the  resources  of  the  plain 
extending  from  the  Ciminian  forest  to  the  Li'ris  River.  No  other 
country  in  Italy  was  so  thoroughly  centralized.  Its  army  was  a 
peasant  militia,  obedient  to  command,  brave,  patient,  hardy,  ready 
for  long  marches  and  severe  toils,  rarely  over-elated  by  success  or 
cast  down  by  misfortune. 

The  Latins  and  the  Romans  entered  this  struggle  with  one  soul ;  it 
was  a  national  war  for  home  and  country,  for  the  wealth  and  civiliza- 
tion of  the  plain  against  encroaching  barbarism.  They  fought  there- 
fore with  great  spirit ;  the  Samnites  declared  that  in  battle  they  saw 
fire  in  the  eyes  of  the  enemy  and  the  fury  of  madmen  in  their  faces, 
—  this  was  their  apology  for  flight.  As  a  result  of  the  war  the 
Romans  not  only  retained  Capua  but  gained  control  of  nearly  all 
Campania. 

235.  The  Great  Latin  War  (340-338  B.C.). —  In  341  b.c.  Rome 
and  Samnium  suddenly  made  peace  and  alliance ;  but  the  Latins  and 


2SS  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

other  allies  of  Rome  continued  the  war.  Finally  the  Latins,  thinking 
that  they  were  as  strong  as  the  metropolis,  demanded  equal  represen- 
tation with  the  Romans  in  the  consulship  and  in  the  senate;  in  place 
of  allies  they  wished  to  be  Romans.  Though  just,  the  demand  was 
rejected  with  scorn  ;  "  a  foreign  consul  and  foreign  senators  sitting  in 
the  temple  of  Jupiter  would  be  an  insult  to  the  supreme  god  of  the 
state,  as  though  he  were  taken  captive  by  the  enemy  !  "  ^  The  Roman 
historian  asserts  that  the  gods,  resenting  the  impudence  of  the  Latin 
envoys,  sent  a  thunderstorm  while  they  were  speaking,  and  that  as 
the  chief  of  the  embassy  was  passing  down  the  steps  of  the 
CapitoHne  temple,  he  fell  forward  with  such  violence  upon  a  stone 
that  he  lost  his  senses. 

War  followed.  The  Romans  and  the  Latins  were  of  one  blood 
and  speech  and  bad  long  served  under  the  same  commanders.  They 
had  the  same  arms,  the  same  military  organization  and  discipline. 
Rome,  however,  enjoyed  the  advantage  that  comes  to  a  single  city  in 
opposing  a  loose  confederacy.  She  brought  the  war  to  a  successful 
close  in  one  or  two  fierce  battles  and  a  series  of  sieges.  She  then 
dissolved  the  Latin  League  and  made  separate  treaties  with  Lau-ren'- 
tum,  which  had  remained  faithful,  and  with  Ti'bur  and  Prae-nes'te  — 
cities  too  strong  for  her  to  think  of  subduing.  A  few  Latin  towns 
were  admitted  to  full  Roman  citizenship.  The  other  towns  of  Latium 
and  those  of  Campania  received  the  citizenship  without  the  right  to 
vote  and  hold  office  at  Rome.  While  most  of  the  Latin  communities 
retained  their  local  self- administration,  Rome  sent  out  prefects  to 
rule  those  of  Campania. 

236.  The  Second  Samnite  War  (326-304).  —  For  fifteen  years 
there  was  peace  between  Rome  and  Samnium.  During  this  time  the 
Romans  gained  great  strength  by  overthrowing  the  Latin  League  and 
by  forming  new  tribes  and  planting  fortified  colonies  in  Latium  and 
Campania.  This  ambitious  policy  made  the  Samnites  fear  for  their 
own  safety.     Accordingly  when  Rome  laid  siege  to  Naples,  a  free 

J  Livy  viii.  4  f. 


Second  Samnite  War  289  ' 

Greek  city  of  Campania,  the  Samnites  reenforced  the  place.  This 
unfriendly  act  led  to  the  Second  Samnite  War. 

The  fortunes  of  war  varied.  At  first  Rome  was  successful ;  then 
the  tide  turned  in  favor  of  Samnium.  In  321  B.C.  Pon'ti-us,  the 
Samnite  leader,  enticed  the  consuls  with  forty  thousand  men  into  an 
ambush  at  the  Cau'dine  Pass,  in  a  valley  of  the  Apennines,  and  com- 
pelled them  to  surrender.  The  consuls,  in  the  name  of  the  state, 
consented  to  the  enemy's  terms  of  peace;  the  troops,  deprived  of 
their  arms,  passed  humbly  under  the  yoke,^  after  which  all  returned 
home  but  six  hundred  knights,  who  were  detained  as  hostages.  As 
the  consuls  retired  from  office,  Lu'ci-us  Pa-pir'i-us  Cur'sor  and 
Quin'tus  Pub-lil'i-us  Phi'lo,  the  two  most  eminent  men  in  the  state, 
were  elected  in  their  place.  Under  their  influence  the  government 
rejected  the  treaty  on  the  ground  that  it  had  not  been  ratified  by  the 
people,  and  delivered  to  the  enemy  the  ex-consuls  who  were  respon- 
sible for  it. 

Perhaps  the  most  distinguished  leader  of  the  war  was  Lucius 
Papirius  Curso?',  mentioned  above.  *'  As  a  warrior  he  was  worthy  of 
every  praise ;  for  he  had  a  quick  mind  and  marvellous  physical 
strength.  In  speed  of  foot  he  excelled  all  of  his  age,  —  whence 
came  the  name  of  Cursor  to  his  family.  Much  practice  in  eating  and 
drinking,  or  perhaps  his  remarkable  health,  had  given  him  an  enor- 
mous appetite  and  digestion.  Never  wearied  by  toil  and  marching, 
he  wore  out  his  army,  foot  and  horse.  When  once  the  noble  strip- 
lings in  his  cavalry  ventured  to  ask  that,  as  they  had  behaved  well,  he 
would  excuse  them  from  some  of  their  work,  he  replied,  '  You  shall 
not  say  that  no  indulgence  has  been  granted  you ;  I  excuse  you  from 
rubbing  your  horses'  backs  when  you  dismount.'"^  As  dictator 
he  once  threatened  to   have  Fa'bi-us,   his   master  of  horse,  killed 

1  A  yoke  was  formed  with  three  spears  —  two  fixed  upright  in  the  earth,  and 
the  third  placed  across  the  top.  Passing  under  the  yoke  was  a  sign  of  complete 
submission,  and  was,  therefore,  the  worst  disgrace  which  a  soldier  could  undergo 
at  the  hands  of  an  enemy.  2  Ljyy  j^.  16. 

U 


290  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

for  fighting  contrary  to  orders.  The  fact  that  the  officer  had 
won  a  great  victory  by  so  doing  did  not  excuse  him  in  the  eyes  of 
this  stern  discipHnarian ;  only  the  prayers  of  the  senate  and  people 
saved  him  narrowly.  Thereafter  these  two  men  could  never  be 
friends. 

Papirius  was  a  model  of  firmness,  strength,  and  energy.  In  these 
respects,  as  well  as  in  his  strict  discipline  and  in  his  sense  of  responsi- 
bility and  of  the  need  of  obedience,  he  was  the  ideal  Roman  of  the 
age. 

After  the  disaster  at  the  Caudine  Pass,  the  war  dragged  on  from 
year  to  year.  It  was  the  policy  of  Rome  to  settle  and  organize 
every  foot  of  conquered  ground,  and  to  hem  in  her  enemy  by  es- 
tabHshing  fortress  colonies  on  the  border.  In  312  B.C.  Ap'pi-us 
Clau'di-us  Cae'cus,  a  great  statesman,  bound  Campania  fast  to  the 
imperial  city  by  a  military  road  from  Rome  to  Capua,  named  aftei 
him  the  Appian  Way.  Roads  and  colonies  were  the  chief  means 
by  which  Rome  held  and  controlled  acquired  territory. 

But  the  feeling  that  Rome  was  bent  upon  conquest  roused  new 
enemies.  First  the  Etruscans  and  the  Umbrians  joined  Samnium ; 
several  lesser  tribes  followed;  all  Italy  seemed  aflame  with  war.  At 
this  crisis  the  consul  Fabius,  commander  against  the  Etruscans, 
abandoning  his  communications,  plunged  boldly  through  the  track- 
less Ciminian  forest.  Rome  feared  for  her  army,  which  had  dis- 
appeared from  sight ;  then  came  the  happy  news  that  it  had  emerged 
beyond  the  forest  and  was  plundering  the  rich  fields  of  central 
Etruria.  This  movement,  followed  by  a  great  victory  of  Papirius  in 
Samnium,  broke  the  coalition  (309  B.C.).  The  consuls  of  succeed- 
ing years  gained  fresh  victories,  ravaged  Etruria,  and  captured  the 
strongholds  of  Samnium.  The  war  ended  in  304  B.C. ;  though 
the  Samnites  had  suffered  great  losses,  they  remained  free,  and  re- 
newed the  former  treaty. 

237.  The  Third  Samnite  War  (298-290  B.C.).  —  Rome  contented 
herself  with  imposing  these  easy  terms,  as  she  wished  to  settle  and 


Third  Samnite  War 


291 


to  organize  the  territory  won  in  the  war.  She  aimed  to  cut  Sam- 
nium  off  from  Umbria  and  Etruria  by  strongly  fortified  Latin  colo- 
nies and  by  military  roads  through  central  Italy. 

The  work  of  organization  might  have  continued  for  years,  had  not 
an  unforeseen  event  cut  it  short.  The  whole  Celtic  race  was  in 
commotion ;  hordes  of  these  people  invaded  Greece,  Asia  Minor, 
and  Italy  at  nearly  the  same  time.  Those  who  came  into  Italy 
swept  with  them  the  earlier  Gallic   settlers   in    the  Po  Valley.     As 


Roman  Soldiers  Marching 


they  invaded  Etruria,  the  common  people  revolted  against  the 
oppressive  nobles,  welcomed  the  barbarians  as  their  saviours,  and 
gladly  joined  them  in  the  war  upon  Rome.  The  Lucanians,  the 
Umbrians,  and  some  lesser  tribes  added  their  forces.  The  Samnites 
inspired  and  directed  the  coalition.  It  was  a  grand  democratic 
uprising  against  Rome,  the  stronghold  of  aristocracy. 

To  hold  his  northern  alhes  faithful,  the  Samnite  commander  broke 
through  the  Roman  barrier  which  extended  across  central  Italy,  and 


292  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

reached  Etruria  at  the  head  of  a  great  army.  Rome  exerted  her- 
self to  the  utmost  to  meet  this  formidable  league.  Never  had 
Italy  seen  armies  so  great  or  a  military  spirit  so  stubborn  as  in 
this  war,  which  was  to  determine  the  fate  of  the  peninsula. 

The  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Sen-ti^num  in  Umbria  (295 
B.C.).  The  Gallic  war  chariots  furiously  charged  the  Roman  left 
commanded  by  the  consul  De'ci-us ;  the  clatter  of  hoofs  and  the 
rolling  of  wheels  terrified  the  Roman  horses  and  put  even  the  sol- 
diers to  disorderly  flight.  Then  at  the  dictation  of  a  pontiff  who 
stood  by  his  side,  Decius  solemnly  devoted  himself  and  the  enemy 
to  ruin  and  death  :  "  I  drive  before  me  terror  and  flight,  blood 
and  death,  the  rage  of  the  gods  of  heaven  and  hell.  May  the 
breath  of  the  furies  infect  the  foemen's  arms  !  May  the  Gauls  and 
the  Samnites  sink  with  me  to  perdition  ! "  ^  As  he  said  these  words, 
he  dashed  on  horseback  into  the  thickest  crowd  of  Gauls  and  per- 
ished on  their  spears.  Though  this  religious  act  had  little  effect  on 
the  barbarians,  it  rallied  the  Romans.  Strengthened  by  a  force 
which  Fabius,  the  other  commander,  sent  from  the  right  wing,  they 
advanced  to  the  attack ;  their  javelins  pierced  the  bulwark  of 
Gallic  shields ;  the  barbarians  fled.  At  the  same  time  Fabius  de- 
feated the  Samnites.  By  this  victory  Rome  broke  the  league  of 
her  enemies.  Deserted  by  their  allies,  the  Samnites  held  out  reso- 
lutely for  five  more  years.  At  last  Man'i-us  Cu'ri-us  Den-ta'tus,  a 
peasant  who  by  personal  merit  had  raised  himself  to  the  consul- 
ship, compelled  them  to  sue  for  peace.  They  were  now  dependent 
allies  of  Rome. 

The  strife  between  the  plain  and  the  mountains  began  in  the  wars 
with  the  Aequians  and  the  Volscians  as  early  at  least  as  the  begin- 
nings of  the  republic.  In  time  it  culminated  in  a  fierce  struggle 
between  Rome  and  Samnium,  which,  with  brief  interruptions,  raged 
for  more  than  half  a  century.  The  long  conflict  was  now  ended. 
It  had  desolated  Italy  from  Etruria  to  Lucania.     Cities  and  villages 

1  Livy  X.  28. 


Pyrrhus  293 

were  in  ruins ;  pastures  and  cornfields  had  become  a  lonely  waste  ; 
thousands  of  warriors  had  fallen  in  battle  and  thousands  of  men, 
women,  and  children  once  free  were  now  slaves  of  the  Romans. 
Civilization  had  triumphed,  yet  at  a  great  cost;  the  war  whetted 
the  Roman  appetite  for  plunder  and  fostered  slavery,  the  curse  of 
ancient  society. 

238.  The  War  with  Tarentum  or  War  with  Pyrrhus  (281-272 
B.C.).  —  Rome  next  designed  to  win  control  of  all  southern  Italy. 
She  openly  broke  her  treaty  with  the  Tarentines,  who  called  on 
Pyrrhus,^  king  of  Epeirus,  for  help.  This  king,  a  brilHant  military 
genius,  came  with  a  small  but  strong  body  of  troops  who  were 
skilled  in  the  arms  and  tactics  of  the  Macedonian  phalanx.^  He 
first  met  the  enemy  at  JJer-a-ckVa  (280  B.C.).  Seven  times  the 
light  battalions  of  Rome  threw  themselves  against  his  "  hedge  of 
spears,"  only  to  be  repulsed  each  time  with  heavy  loss.  Then  his 
trained  elephants,  charging  the  weakened  enemy,  breached  their 
lines  like  a  volley  of  artillery.  The  Romans  were  shrinking  before 
the  "gray  oxen,"  as  they  called  these  enormous  beasts,  when  a 
sudden  dash  of  the  Thessalian  horse  completed  their  ruin.  AUies 
now  began  to  join  the  victorious  general,  who  pushed  on  till  he 
came  within  forty  miles  of  Rome.  So  great  had  been  his  own 
losses  in  the  recent  battle,  however,  that  he  was  anxious  to  make 
peace  with  the  enemy,  whose  bravery  and  discipline  he  admired. 
Cin'e-as,  his  ambassador,  spoke  eloquently  in  the  senate;  the  com- 
mons, too,  preferred  peace,  that  they  might  settle  the  lands  acquired 
in  the  Samnite  wars.  But  Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  now  old  and 
blind,  was  carried  on  a  htter  into  the  senate-house,  to  raise  his  voice 
against  these  shameful  proceedings :  "  Let  Pyrrhus  return  home, 
and  then  we  may  make  peace  with  him."  In  these  words  he  set 
forth  the  principle  that  thereafter  Rome  would  take  care  of  the  in- 
terests of  Italy.  Failing  to  win  his  cause  by  eloquence  or  bribery, 
Cineas  returned  to  his  master  with  the  report  that  the  Roman  senate 
1  §  162.  2  §  186.     . 


294  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

was  an  assembly  of  kings.  Pyrrhus  won  another  battle  at  As'cu-lum 
(279  B.C.),  so  dearly  that  he  remarked  to  his  friends,  "Another  such 
victory  will  ruin  us."  Then  he  crossed  over  to  Sicily  to  aid  his  coun- 
trymen against  the  Carthaginians  ;  but  even  with  his  brilliant  successes 
there,  he  failed  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  the  island.  Returning 
with  a  few  veterans  to  Italy,  he  was  defeated  at  Ben-e-ven'tum  (275 
B.C.),  by  Dentatus,  and  thereupon  withdrew  to  his  home. 

Pyrrhus  was  noble,  generous,  and  brave.  When  his  troops  saw 
the  splendid  figure  of  their  commander  leading  in  the  hottest  of  the 
battle,  or  mounted  in  their  front  on  the  rampart  of  a  besieged  city, 
hewing  down  the  foe  with  his  sword,  they  thought  him  more  than 
human.  But  his  genius  was  only  for  war ;  he  knew  not  how  to  com- 
plete or  to  organize  his  conquests  ;  he  failed  to  attach  to  himself  the 
peoples  he  had  come  to  assist.  The  ease-loving  Greeks  of  Italy  and 
Sicily  would  have  none  of  the  discipline  to  which  he  subjected  them. 
Refusing  the  rule  of  this  chivalrous  king  and  failing  to  unite  in 
one  state,  they  had  nothing  left  but  submission  to  Rome.  After  the 
departure  of  Pyrrhus  Tarentum  surrendered,  and  soon  Rome  became 
mistress  of  all  Italy  south  of  the  Rubicon. 

239.  The  Organization  of  Roman  Rule  in  Italy.  —  Within  this  ter- 
ritory were  communities  of  every  grade  of  privilege,  ranging  from 
full  Roman  citizenship  to  subjection.  First  there  were  the  thirty- 
three  tribes,  —  soon  to  be  increased  to  thirty-five,  —  containing  the 
full  Roman  citizens  and  occupying  much  of  the  country  which  lies 
between  the  Apennines  and  the  sea  and  extends  from  Caere  to 
For'mi-ae.  Although  these  citizens  generally  lived  on  their  farms  or 
in  villages,  they  had  a  few  larger  towns,  which  enjoyed  local  self- 
government.  Such  towns  were  municipia  of  the  highest  class. 
Equally  privileged  were  the  Roman  colonies  founded  mainly  on  the 
coast  for  the  protection  of  the  seaboard.  Municipia  of  the  second 
class  enjoyed  self-government  and  citizenship,  except  the  right  to 
vote  and  to  hold  office  at  Rome.  A  third  class  of  municipia,  ruled 
by  prefects  sent  them  from  Rome,  were  called  pre'fec-tures.     Com- 


Organization  of  Italy 


295 


munities  were  reduced  to  this  class  generally  as  a  punishment  for 
rebellion  or  for  other  grave  misconduct.  These  were  the  various 
grades  of  Roman  citizenship  ;  we  shall  now  review  the  allies. 

Of  the  allied  communities,  the  nearest  to  the  Romans  in  race,  in 


^'    '<.,ffi^^    COLONIES 


MILUARY  ROADS 

OF 

ITALY 


•  Roman  Colon}/.  •  Latin  Colony. 

>  Other  Cities  Military  Road. 

The  numbers  are  the  dates 


(B.  C.)  of  founding. 


Lon^tude     12°         East        from  14'      Greenwich 


M-.  lioi^Md.  Dd.  IS" 


ENSRAVEO  BY  BORMAt    li  CO.,  N.Y. 


privileges,  and  in  friendship  were  the  Latins.  First  among  them 
were  those  which  remained  of  the  original  Latin  towns,  as  Tibur  and 
Praeneste ;  next  the  Latin  colonies  founded  in  various  parts  of  Italy 
usually  in  the  interior.     The  colonists  were  Romans  or  Romanized 


296  Rome  becomes  Supreme  in  Italy 

Latins,  who  prided  themselves  on  their  near  relations  with  the  mother 
city.  They  not  only  held  the  country  about  them  in  allegiance  to 
the  central  government,  but  served  at  the  same  time  as  a  means  of 
spreading  the  Latin  language  and  civilization  throughout  the  penin- 
sula. A  network  of  military  roads  connected  them  with  one  another 
and  with  the  governing  city.  Inferior  to  the  Latins  were  those  called 
simply  the  Italians,  as  for  instance  the  Samnites.  All  the  allied  states, 
while  exempt  from  taxation,  furnished  troops  for  the  Roman  army, 
with  the  exception  of  the  naval  allies,  who  provided  ships  and  crews. 
Rome  reserved  to  herself  the  right  to  declare  war,  to  make  peace, 
and  to  coin  money,  while  she  granted  to  the  allies  the  privilege  of 
trading  with  her  but  generally  not  with  one  another. 

This  gradation  of  rights  gave  even  the  lowliest  community  hope  of 
bettering  its  condition ;  it  isolated  the  allies  from  one  another  and 
bound  them  singly  to  the  central  power.  The  system  here  described 
extended  northward  only  to  the  Ae'sis  River ;  for  the  Se-no'nes,  a 
tribe  of  Gauls  occupying  the  Umbrian  coast,  now  under  Roman  rule, 
were  not  allies  but  subjects,  who  paid  taxes,  or  tribute.  Indeed  it 
was  chiefly  in  opposition  to  the  Gauls  that  the  Italians,  led  by  Rome, 
had  come  to  look  upon  themselves  as  one  people,  —  the  nation  of 
the  gown  against  the  nation  wearing  trousers.  This  federal  system, 
based  upon  Italian  nationality  and  directed  by  Rome,  assured  to  the 
peninsula  domestic  peace  and  to  the  leading  city  a  place  among  the 
great  states  of  the  world.  The  foremost  powers  of  the  East  at  this 
time  were  Egypt,  —  with  which  Rome  allied  herself  in  273  B.C., — 
Macedonia,  and  the  Seleucid  empire;  of  the  West,  Carthage  and 
Rome. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.    The  Roman  Legion. — Botsford,  Rome,  pp.  45-48;   Ihne,  Early  Rome, 
pp.  195-197;   Shuckburgh,  History  of  Rome,  pp.  214-218. 

II.    The  Second   Samnite   War.  —  Botsford,  Rome,  pp.  54-59;    Story   of 
Rome,  ch.  iii;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  xi;    Ihne,  History  of  Rome,  Bk.  III.  ch.  x. 
III.    Pyrrhus.  —  Plutarch,  Pyrrhus  ;  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  iii. 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE  PLEBEIANS   WIN  THEIR   RIGHTS 

First  Period  of  the  Republic  —  Internal  History 

240.  The  Magistrates.  —  While  Rome  was  gaining  the  supremacy 
in  Italy,  important  changes  were  taking  place  in  her  government. 
In  5.09  B.C.  the  monarchy  gave  way  to 
the  republic.  In  place  of  a  life-long 
king  two  consuls  (colleagues)  with  equal 
power  were  elected  annually  by  the  as- 
sembly.^ As  each  consul  had  a  right  to 
veto  any  public  act  of  the  other,  the  two 
rulers  by  checking  each  other  hindered 
their  office  from  growing  too  powerful 
for  the  good  of  the  state.  They  enjoyed 
most  of  the  authority  of  the  king, 
together  with  his  trappings  and  his 
attendants,  as  the  curule  chair  ^  and  the 
lictors.  But  in  capital  cases  the  consuls 
were  compelled  as  judges  to  grant  an 
appeal  to  the  assembly ;  over  the  soldiers 

in  the  field,  however,  they  exercised  the     curule  Chair  and  Fasces 
same  power  as  the  king  had  possessed.^      (Relief  on  a  cippus,  Avignon) 
The    command   of  the   army   usually   alternated   daily.      Often   in 
dangerous  wars  or  seditions  this  double  rule  was  a  disadvantage  to  the 

1  §  220. 

2  Cf.  §  224.  The  curule  magistrates  were  those  who  sat  in  curule  chairs.  In 
the  republican  period  they  were  the  consuls,  the  dictator,  the  censors,  the  prae- 
tors, and  the  curule  aediles.  If  a  man  elected  to  one  of  these  offices  was  not 
already  a  noble,  the  position  ennobled  him  and  all  his  descendants;  §  247. 

3  §  224. 

297 


298  The  Plebeians  ivin  their  Rights, 

state.  In  such  a  case,  at  the  request  of  the  senate,  one  of  the 
consuls  nominated  a  dictator,  who,  placing  the  state  under  martial 
law,  ruled  with  absolute  power.  He  appointed  a  master  of  horse  to 
command  the  cavalry.  His  term  was  limited  to  six  months ;  and  it 
was  an  honor  to  him  to  bring  the  government  safely  through  the 
crisis  and  resign  his  command  within  the  fewest  possible  days. 

The  consuls  had  assistants.  Two  quaes 'tors,  appointed  by  them, 
kept  the  treasury  in  the  temple  of  Saturn  on  the  Forum.  Two  other 
quaestors  detected  crimes,  and  two  judges  of  treason  {du-um^vi-ri per- 
dii-el-li-o^nis)  tried  cases  of  treason  and  other  grave  offences  against 
the  state,  while  a  single  judge  sufficed  for  private  cases.  The  quaestors 
served  for  a  year ;  the  consuls  selected  judges  for  trials  as  they  arose. 

The  supervision  of  the  state  religion  passed  from  the  king  to  the 
chief  pontiff.  He  appointed  the  Vestals,  and  the  priests,  including 
the  "sacrificial  king"  {rex  sa-cro^runi).  This  priest-king  now  per- 
formed that  part  of  the  public  worship  which  the  king  had  attended  to 
in  person.  In  title  the  first  man  in  the  state,  he  was  the  weakest  in 
real  power,  as  he  could  hold  no  political  office. 

241.  The  Senate  and  the  Assemblies.  —  All  important  places  of 
honor  and  trust  —  military,  political,  and  religious  —  were  filled  by 
patricians,  especially  by  senators.  .  Now  enlarged  to  three  hundred 
members,  the  senate  continued  to  exercise  all  the  powers  it  had  held 
under  the  king.  It  even  gained  by  the  downfall  of  the  king  \  for  the 
consuls  felt  themselves  under  greater  obligations  to  consult  it  and  to 
abide  by  its  decisions.  It  was  composed  of  life  members,  who  were 
taken  from  the  leading  families  and  were  men  of  experience  and 
ability.  For  this  reason  it  was  more  influential  than  the  consuls,  who 
at  the  close  of  their  year  of  office  could  be  called  to  account  for 
their  administration.  As  the  senate  controlled  both  the  magistrates 
and  the  assemblies,  it  was  the  chief  power  in  the  republic. 

In  place  of  the  old  gathering  of  the  curiae,  a  new  assembly,  the 
comitia  cen-tu-ri-aUa,  gradually  developed  from  the  Servian  army.' 

1  §§  224,  227. 


Comitia  Centiiriata 


299 


In  the  new  comitia,  accordingly,  the  citizens  were  grouped  into  cen- 
turies, each  century  with  a  single  vote.  There  were  in  all  a  hundred 
and  ninety-three  centuries.  As  in  the  army,  they  were  divided  into 
knights  and  infantry ;  and  the  infantry  were  subdivided  into  five 
classes  according  to  the  amount  of  their  property.  The  centuries  of 
which  this  assembly  was  composed  did  not  necessarily  contain  a  hun- 
dred men  each,  but  varied  in  size.  A  century  of  juniors  was 
larger  than  one  composed  of  seniors,  while  that  of  the  proletarians 
(the  landless)  was  by  far  the  largest  of  all.  Meeting  in  the  Cam 'pus 
Mar'ti-us  outside  the  city,  the  assembly  of  centuries  elected  the 
magistrates,  heard  appeals  in  capital  cases,  voted  on  proposals  for 
laws  and  for  wars,  and  ratified  the  treaties  made  by  the  consuls. 

ORGANIZATION   OF  THE   COMITIA   CENTURIATA 


I,  Class 
II.       " 

III.  " 

IV.  " 


Cavalry  ........  18         " 

Substitutes  for  the  killed  and  wounded  .  .  2  " 
Musicians  and  workmen  .  .  .  •  4  " 
Proletarians I         " 

Total 193  centuries 


Juniors 
(17-46  years) 

Seniors 
(above  46  years) 

.     40  centuries 

40 

centuries 

.     10         " 

10 

« 

.     10         " 

10 

« 

.     10 

10 

(< 

.     14 

14 

« 

84  centuries 

84 

centuries 

168  centuries 

The  knights  voted  first,  then  the  five  classes  in  their  order  till  a  majority  was 
reached  for  or  against  the  proposition.  If  the  knights  and  the  highest  class,  who 
together  formed  the  majority  of  centuries,  agreed,  they  decided  the  question,  so 
that  the  voting  proceeded  no  further.  It  rarely  happened  that  all  the  centuries 
were  called  upon  to  give  their  votes. 

The  comitia  curiata  continued  to  meet  to  confer  the  imperium  upon  the  newly 
elected  magistrates  and  to  attend  to  other  such  formalities.  It  had  no  longer  a 
real  authority. 


300  The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 

In  the  earlier  assembly  all  enjoyed  an  equal  vote ;  but  the  comitia 
centuriata  gave  more  power  to  the  wealthy  and  less  to  the  poor.  In 
estimating  the  importance  of  any  Roman  assembly,  however,  we  must 
bear  in  mind  that  the  presiding  magistrate  alone  had  the  right  to 
propose  measures  and  to  present  candidates  for  election ;  that  he  and 
those  he  invited  monopolized  the  speaking ;  that  the  common  mem- 
bers had  merely  the  right  to  vote.  Then  if  the  result  displeased  the 
magistrates  or  the  nobles,  they  could  annul  it  by  having  the  augurs 
declare  that  some  religious  rite  connected  with  the  business  had  not 
been  duly  observed,^  or  the  senate  could  refuse  its  sanction. 

242.  The  First  Secession  of  the  Plebs  (494-493  B.C.).  — In  most 
respects  the  common  people  lost  by  the  overthrow  of  monarchy. 
The  later  kings  had  freed  many  of  the  poor  from  clientage"  and 
had  shielded  them  from  the  oppression  of  the  nobles.  But  now  that 
the  poor  no  longer  had  a  champion,  the  patricians  began  to  reduce 
the  small  farmer  to  the  condition  of  client  from  which  the  kings  had 
freed  him.  They  exacted  illegal  rents;  arrears  they  regarded  as 
debts  bearing  heavy  interest.  The  creditor  had  a  right  to  seize  the 
delinquent  debtor  and  his  children,  to  hold  them  as  slaves  till  they 
had  worked  off  the  debt,  or  to  sell  them  into  actual  servitude  to 
foreigners.  A  harsh  creditor  sometimes  threw  his  debtors  into  his 
private  prison  and  scourged  them  in  the  hope  of  influencing  their 
kinsmen  to  redeem  them.  Livy,  the  historian,  tells  us  that  once  "  a 
certain  aged  man  ran  into  the  Forum  with  all  the  badges  of  his  mis- 
eries upon  him.  His  clothes  were  squalid,  his  pale,  emaciated  body 
was  still  more 'shocking,  while  his  long  beard  and  hair  gave  him  a 
wild,  savage  look.  In  spite  of  his  wretchedness,  people  recognized 
him  as  a  centurion  ^  and  pityingly  spoke  of  the  distinctions  he  had 
gained  in  war.  He  himself  showed  a  breast  scarred  in  honorable 
battles.      When  asked  whence  came  that  wretched  garb  and  that 

1  The  plebeian  assembly,  however,  — mentioned  near  the  end  of  the  following 
paragraph,  —  was  free  from  the  auspices. 

2  §  223,  compare  the  Attic  hectemori;  §  74.     ^  Captain  of  a  century;  §  227. 


Tribunes  of  the  Plebs  30 1 

ghastly  appearance,  he  said  to  the  crowd  which  had  gathered  about 
him, '  While  I  served  in  the  Sabine  War,  the  enemy  pillaged  my  land, 
burned  my  house,  and  drove  my  cattle  away.  I  borrowed  money  to 
pay  my  taxes ;  the  debt  increased  till  it  robbed  me  of  my  forefathers' 
estate,  and  then  the  mischief  reached  my  body,  for  my  creditor  put 
me  not  into  slavery  but  into  a  house  in  which  he  scourges  and  slays 
his  victims.'  He  then  showed  his  back  disfigured  by  fresh  blows."  ^ 
Though  the  debt  came  probably  not  from  taxes,  which  were  light  in 
early  times,  but  from  the  exactions  of  landlords,  we  may  believe  that 
Livy  has  given  us  a  true  picture  of  the  miseries  of  the  poor.  The 
people  revolted  against  such  injustice ;  the  whole  army,  deserting  the 
commanders,  marched  off  in  good  order  to  a  hill  afterward  known  as 
the  Sacred  Mount,  and  threatened  to  found  a  new  city  there,  which 
should  be  free  from  patrician  control.  The  senate,  helpless  without 
the  support  of  the  plebeian  army,  sent  them  an  ambassador. 

By  an  agreement  drawn  up  on  the  Sacred  Mount  (493  B.C.)  the 
plebeians  were  to  have  two  annual  officers  of  their  own,  called 
trib^unes,  whose  persons  were  to  be  sacred,  and  who  were  to  protect 
all  plebeians  who  felt  themselves  mistreated  or  oppressed.  Any  per- 
son, even  a  consul,  who  injured  a  tribune  or  hindered  him  in  the 
exercise  of  his  duties,  might  be  slain  by  any  one  as  a  man  accursed. 
The  law  forbade  the  tribune  to  be  absent  from  the  city  over  night 
and  compelled  him  to  leave  his  door  open  always,  that  the  injured 
and  oppressed  might  find  refuge  with  him  at  any  hour. 

The  plebeians  had  two  other  officers,  named  ae'di/es,  who  assisted 
the  tribunes.    Meeting  by  curiae  under  the  presidency  of  the  tribunes, 
they  elected  their  officers  and  passed  resolutions  which  were  binding- 
only  on  themselves.     Thus  organized,  they  maintained  the  liberties 
they  had  and  gradually  gained  more  rights. 

243.  The  Progress  of  the  Plebeians  (493-471  B.C.).  — The  plebeians 
soon  found  an  earnest  helper  in  one  of  the  patricians,  Spurius  Cas- 
sius,-  the  most  eminent  statesman  of  his  time.     While  he  was  consul, 
1  Livy  ii.  23.  2  g  229. 


302  The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 

in  486  B.C.,  he  proposed  an  agrarian  law,  the  contents  of  which  we 
do  not  know.  He  may  have  wished  to  take  some  of  the  pubhc  land 
from  the  rich,  who  were  holding  it,  and  to  distribute  it  among  the 
poor.  The  nobles  would  not  permit  his  measure  to  become  a  law. 
They  asserted  that  he  had  offered  it  merely  to  win  popularity,  —  that 
his  real  object  was  to  make  himself  king.  When,  therefore,  his  term 
of  office  expired,  the  quaestors  prosecuted  him  for  treason,  and  he 
was  condemned  to  death. 

The  fate  of  Cassius  shows  how  helpless  the  plebeians  still  were,  and 
how  strong  were  their  oppressors.  Though  the  nobles  could  not 
control  the  plebeian  assembly  through  the  auspices,  they  with  their 
clients  attended  the  meetings  to  impede  the  business.  Among  these 
dependents  were  many  who  owned  no  land.  To  destroy  the  influence 
of  the  latter  class,  Piib-liVi-us-  Vo'ie-ro,  a  tribune  in  471  B.C.,  induced 
the  senate  and  the  assembly  of  centuries  to  pass  a  law  which  pro- 
vided that  the  plebeian  comitia  should  vote  by  tribes,  each  of  the 
twenty-one  tribes  to  cast  a  single  vote.  As  only  landowners  were 
enrolled  in  the  tribes,  the  landless  were  excluded  from  the  assembly. 
The  newly  organized  gathering,  called  the  coviitia  tri-huUa,  had  as 
yet  no  authority  over  the  state,  but  met  simply  for  the  transaction  of 
plebeian  business.  In  the  same  year  the  number  of  tribunes  was 
doubled,  and  somewhat  later  was  increased  to  ten. 

244.  The  Struggle  for  Written  Laws  (462-452  B.C.).  —  Up  to  this 
time  the  laws  were  unwritten.  The  patricians,  who  were  alone  ac- 
quainted with  them,  handed  them  down  orally  from  father  to  son. 
This  exclusive  knowledge  they  used  for  the  oppression  of  the  com- 
mons ;  the  patrician  judge  decided  cases  in  favor  of  men  of  his  own 
rank,  and  no  plebeian  could  quote  the  law  as  proof  of  the  injustice. 
In  462  B.C.  Ter-en-til'i-us,  a  tribune,  began  to  urge  the  codification 
of  the  laws  in  the  interest  of  the  common  people.  Though  the 
patricians  were  successful  in  opposing  him,  the  tribunes  of  the  fol- 
lowing years,  taking  up  his  cause,  carried  on  the  struggle  without 
interruption.      Their  aims   were   heartily   favored    by   one   of    the 


The  Decemvirs  303 

patricians,  Appius  Claudius,  *a  man  of  rare  intelligence  and  ability. 
Under  the  influence  of  Appius  and  the  tribunes  the  senate  yielded, 
and  sent  a  committee  to  some  of  the  Greek  states  of  Italy  to  examine 
their  codes  of  law.  It  is  possible  that  this  committee  went  even  to 
Athens  to  look  over  the  laws  of  Solon,^  some  of  which  were  still 
in  force.  On  their  return  the  centuries  resolved  that  ten  men 
{de-cem^vi-ri),  with  the  power  of  consuls,  should  be  elected  for 
the  purpose  of  writing  the  laws,  and  that  during  their  term  of  one 


An  As 

(A  bronze  coin  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  weighing  lo'^  oz.     Front,  head  of  Janus; 

back,  prow  of  a  galley) 

year  they  should  have  absolute  control  of  the  government ;  all  other 
ofifices,  including  the  tribunate  of  the  plebs,  were  to  be  suspended. 

245.  The  Decemvirs  (251-449  B.C.) .  —  Though  plebeians  were  eligi- 
ble to  the  new  board  of  ten,  the  assembly  filled  it  with  patricians. 
The  ablest  and  most  influential  of  the  decemvirs  was  Claudius ;  the 
others  simply  carried  out  his  plans.  Before  the  year  ended  they  had 
engraved  ten  tables  of  the  law,  which,  after  ratification  by  the  senate 
and  people,  they  set  up  in  the  Forum,  where  all  could  read  them. 

As  they  had  not  finished  writing  the  laws  and  as  their  government 
gave  satisfaction  to  all  alike,  it  was  decided  to  elect  decemvirs  for 
the  following  year.     On  the  new  board  were  Claudius  and  three  — 

^§79. 


304  The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 

possibly  five  —  plebeians.  Their  liberal  policy,  and  especially  their 
efforts  to  promote  manufacturing  and  commerce,  angered  the  peas- 
ants and  most  of  the  patricians.  As  the  senate  and  assembly  refused, 
accordingly,  to  consider  the  two  tables  engraved  in  the  second  year, 
Claudius,  with  his  colleagues,  determined  to  remain  in  office  till  they 
secured  the  ratification  ;  for  the  constitution  compelled  no  magistrate 
to  retire  against  his  will.  Hereupon  their  enemies  accused  them  of 
acting  Hke  tyrants  and  of  attempting  to  maintain  themselves  in  power 
for  life.  Inflamed  by  the  ex- tribunes,  the  plebeians  seceded  again 
to  the  Sacred  Mount,  and  thus  compelled  the  senate  to  depose  the 
decemvirs  contrary  to  law.  Claudius  and  one  of  his  colleagues  were 
thrown  into  prison,  where  they  were  probably  murdered ;  the  other 
members  of  the  board  fled  into  exile.  Then  Va-le'ri-us  and  Ho-ra'- 
ti-us,  consuls  in  449  B.C.,  secured  the  ratification  of  the  two  tables. 
Intermarriage  between  patricians  and  plebeians  was  now  prohibited 
by  law,  as  it  always  had  been  by  custom.  With  this  exception  the 
Twelve  Tables  equalized  the  private  rights  of  all  and  continued  to  be 
the  fountain  of  justice  for  centuries.  As  a  part  of  their  education 
thereafter  Roman  boys  had  to  commit  them  to  memory,  —  a  text- 
book more  useful  than  entertaining. 

246.  The  Laws  of  Valerius  and  Horatius  (449  B.C.).  —  Up  to  this 
time  the  resolutions  of  the  comitia  iributa,  ,the  plebeian  assembly 
of  tribes,  were  binding  on  the  plebo  only.^  But  Valerius  and  Hora- 
tius, who  were  friendly  to  the  lower  class,  had  a  law  passed  which 
gave  their  assembly  legislative  power.  With  the  previous  consent  of 
the  senate  the  resolutions  of  the  comitia  tributa  were  henceforth  to 
have  the  force  of  law  for  the  whole  people. 

It  was  a  great  gain  for  the  tribunes,  who  alone  had  presided  over 
this  assembly.  Soon,  however,  state  officers  began  to  call  it  for  the 
election  of  such  minor  officials  as  the  quaestors,^  and  occasionally  for 

^  §  243. 

2  The  quaestors  were  at  first  appointed  by  the  consuls  (§  240),  but  soon  after 
the  decemvirs  they  came  to  be  elected  by  the  tribes. 


Intermarriage 


305 


other  business.     About  the  same  time  it  was  agreed  that  the  tribunes 

should  place  their  bench  at  the  door  of  the  senate-house,  through 

which  they  could  hsten  to  the  proceedings  within.     Thereafter  if  the 

senate  passed  an  act  to  which  they  had  no  objection,  they  signed  it, 

thus  abandoning  their  right  to  oppose  it  in  the  assembly.     But  if  the 

consul   proposed  a  measure  which  displeased  them,  their    "  Veto,^' 

shouted    through    the    door, 

caused   the    measure    to   be 

dropped.     This  simple  word 

of  theirs    prevailed    against 

the  magistrates,   the   senate, 

and   the   assembhes.      With 

their  power  thus   increased, 

the    tribunes    resumed    the 

struggle  for  equality  of  rights. 

247.  The  Canuleian  Law 
(445  B.C.);  the  Consular 
Tribunes  (444-367  B.C.). — 
A  few  years  after  the  con- 
sulship of  Valerius  and  Hora- 
tius,  a  law  of  the  tribune 
Can-u-lei'us  permitted  mar- 
riage between  the  two  ranks. 
Those  wealthy  and  influential  plebeians  who  alone  were  in  a 
position  to  profit  by  this  reform  looked  upon  intermarriage  with 
the  patricians  as  a  stepping-stone  to  office.  They  reasoned 
rightly ;  for  immediately  after  the  passage  of  the  Canuleian  law, 
the  patricians  formed  a  plan  of  admitting  them  to  office,  though 
not  to  the  consulship.  It  was  agreed  that  whenever  the  senate 
so  determined,  mihtary  tribunes  ^   with    consular   power  —  or   more 

1  Up  to  this  time  they  were  purely  military  officers  appointed  by  the  consuls. 
Six  military  tribunes  commanded  each  legion.  The  change  mentioned  in  the  text 
consisted  in  the  occasional  election  of  from  three  to  six  additional  "military 
tribunes  with   consular  power"  to  take  the  place  of  the  consuls  for  the  year. 


y 

*» '^^"^^fij^^S^^^ 

Ik. 

<— 

^ 

^^^^r 

■■p 

w' 

^^^^^^K« 

^^HK   ^i^. 

L 

HP  .'«-^'^^2t^'«| 

Household  Gods 
(In  a  house  at  Pompeii) 


3o6  TJie  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 

briefly,  consular  tribunes  —  should  be  elected  for  the  year  in 
place  of  consuls,  and  that  both  ranks  should  be  alike  eligible  to 
the  office.  Their  reason  for  this  arrangement  is  clear :  the  consuls 
were  highly  honored  magistrates,  who  at  the  close  of  their  term 
became  influential  members  of  the  senate.  Besides  other  distinc- 
tions, they  and  their  descendants  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  setting  up 
in  their  halls  waxen  masks  of  their  ancestors  and  of  having  these 
images  carried  in  procession  at  their  family  funerals.  This  peculiar 
form  of  ancestor  worship  distinguished  the  nobles  from  the  commons. 
In  other  words,  the  consulship  ennobled  forever  the  family  of  the 
occupant.  Now  as  the  consular  tribunate  ^  conferred  no  such  honor, 
the  patrician  senate  was  willing  to  allow  the  plebeians  occasionally  to 
hold  this  office.  The  plebeian  candidates,  however,  were  so  often 
defeated  that  at  length  the  leading  men  of  the  party  came  to  regard 
the  consular  tribunate  as  a  disadvantage  to  their  cause. 

248.  Other  New  Magistracies ;  Spurius  Maelius.  —  All  the  powers 
of  the  consuls  did  not  pass  to  their  substitutes,  the  consular  tribunes ; 
for  in  443  B.C.  the  Romans  created  two  new  patrician  magistrates,  the 
censors^  whose  chief  duty  was  to  make  a  register  of  the  citizens  and 
their  property  and  to  assign  each  man  to  his  tribe  and  class,  —  a 
work  hitherto  performed  by  the  consuls.  They  also  let  out  the 
privilege  of  collecting  the  taxes  to  the  highest  bidders  and  attended 
to  the  erection  of  public  buildings.  Like  the  consuls,  they  were 
chosen  by  the  comitia  centuriata,  and  were  curule  magistrates.  They 
were  elected  at  intervals,  usually  of  five  years,  and  were  required  to 
complete  the  census  within  eighteen  months  after  their  entrance  into 
office. 

Soon  after  the  institution  of  the  censorship,  there  was  a  famine  at 
Rome.  On  this  occasion  Spu'ri-us  Mae'li-us,  a  wealthy  plebeian, 
with  his  own  money  bought  up  grain  from  the  neighboring  states 
and  distributed  it  free  among  the  suffering.     His  generosity  made 

1  With  the  exception  of  the  consular  tribunate,  all  curule  offices  conferred 
nobility  (§  240,  n.  2). 


The  Land  System  307 

him  so  popular  that  he  might  easily  have  won  the  consular  tribunate, 
had  he  offered  himself  as  a  candidate.  The  patricians,  however, 
prevented  this  by  charging  him  with  attempting  to  make  himself 
king ;  it  was  with  this  end  in  view,  they  asserted,  that  he  had  striven 
for  popularity.  Though  the  charge  was  utterly  groundless,  the  senate 
proclaimed  him  a  traitor,  whom  any  one  might  kill  as  a  man  accursed. 
Ser-vil'i-us  A-ha'la,  a  patrician,  undertook  the  deed.  Meeting  Mae- 
lius  in  the  Forum,  he  called  him  aside  under  pretence  of  wishing  to 
speak  with  him,  and  then  stabbed  him  with  a  dagger.  The  Romans 
of  after  time  looked  upon  Maelius  as  a  despicable  traitor  and  Servilius 
as  a  citizen  whom  all  should  imitate. 

Notwithstanding  such  misfortunes  to  their  party,  the  plebeian 
leaders  began  to  meet  with  greater  success  in  their  struggle  for  office. 
In  421  B.C.  two  miHtary  quaestors  were  instituted  to  attend  to  the 
financial  business  of  the  army.^  At  the  same  time  it  was  agreed  that 
plebeians  also  should  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  quaestor,  whether 
civil  or  military. 

249.  The  Licinian-Sextian  Laws  (367  B.C.).  —  But  the  leaders  of 
the  commons  desired  especially  to  have  the  office  of  consur  thrown 
open  to  them.  Many  plebeians,  too,  felt  oppressed  by  debts  and 
were  discontented  with  the  way  in  which  the  authorities  disposed  of 
most  of  the  public  land. 

When  they  acquired  land  in  war,  they  either  (i)  granted  a  part 
forthwith  to  settlers,  or  (2)  leased,  or  (3)  sold  it.  To  these  ways  of 
disposing  of  the  land  the  poor  did  not  object ;  but  (4)  the  larger 
part  was  left  unsurveyed,  and  the  authorities  proclaimed  that  all  who 
wished  might  work  it  on  condition  of  handing  over  to  the  government 
a  tenth  of  the  grain  and  a  fifth  of  the  fruit  produced  each  year. 
From  those  who  kept  flocks  on  these  lands,  a  share  of  the  animals, 
both  oxen  and  sheep,  was  required.  In  spite  of  the  liberal  form  of 
the  proclamation,  however,  it  is  clear  that  the  patricians  and  wealthy 

^  Other  quaestorships  were  afterward  instituted  to  manage  the  finances  of  the 
provinces  (§  273).  • 


3o8 


The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 


plebeians  alone  exercised  the  privilege  of  "  occupying  "  or  "  possess- 
ing" portions  of  the  unsurveyed  land.  They  bought,  sold,  and 
bequeathed  it  till  in  time  they  came  to  look  upon  it  as  their  own. 
Not  satisfied  with  this  advantage,  a  rich  proprietor  often  ejected  his 

poor  neighbors  from  their  small  farms, 
which  he  then  annexed  to  his  estate. 
There  is  no  wonder  that  the  poor  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  unjust  working  of 
this  system. 

Marcus  Manlius,  a  noble-hearted 
patrician,  tried  by  his  private  means 
to  remedy  the  distress,  and  set  before 
the  rich  an  example  of  personal  kind- 
ness and  benevolence.  But  the  trib- 
unes of  the  plebs  prosecuted  him 
for  aiming  to  make  himself  king  and 
had  him  put  to  death  as  a  traitor 
(384  B.C.).  They  were  determined 
that  none  but  themselves  should  aid 
the  commons  and  so  reap  the  rewards 
of  popularity.  A  few  years  after  the 
death  of  Manlius,  accordingly,  the 
tribunes  Li-cin'i-us  and  Sex'ti-us  pro- 
posed a  reform  bill,  which  they  urged 
all  discontented  plebeians  to  support. 
After  a  long  struggle  the  bill  became 
a  law  in  367  B.C.  Its  provisions  were 
as  follows :  — 

(i)  There  shall  be  no  more  consular  tribunes,  and  one  of  the  two 
consuls  shall  henceforth  be  a  plebeian. 

(2)  Interest  already  paid  on  debts  shall  be  deducted  from  the 
principal,  and  the  balance  of  the  debt  shall  be  paid  in  three  equal 
annual  instalments. 


An  Old  Shei'iieruess 

(Palace  of  the  Conservatori,  Rome; 

found  on  the  Esquiline) 


The  Licinian-Sextian  Laws  309 

(3)  No  one  shall  occupy  more  than  five  hundred  Ju'ge-ra^  of  the 
public  land.  Probably  provision  was  made  for  distributing  the 
surplus  among  the  poor  in  seven-acre  lots  by  a  committee  appointed 
for  the  purpose. 

(4)  No  one  shall  pasture  more  than  a  hundred  cattle  or  five  hun- 
dred sheep  on  the  pubhc  land.^ 

250.  The  Effects  of  the  Licinian-Sextian  Law.  —  The  second  clause 
of  the  law  was  but  a  superficial  remedy  for  the  distress  of  the  poor ; 
it  did  nothing  to  remove  the  cause  of  poverty. 

Licinius  was  himself  fined  somewhat  later  for  violating  the  third 
clause.  The  last  two  clauses  were  soon  allowed  to  become  a  dead 
letter,  the  tribunes  made  so  little  effort  to  enforce  them.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  their  sole  interest  was  in  the  first  clause,  and  that  they 
added  the  others  simply  to  buy  support. 

The  patricians  were  still  eager  to  retain  in  their  own  hands  as  much 
authority  as  possible.  The  senate  accordingly  would  not  permit  the 
first  clause  to  go  into  effect  till  the  people  had  consented  to  the  insti- 
tution of  three  new  patrician  magistrates  :  the  praeUor^  who  was 
judge  in  civil  cases,  and  two  curule  aediies,  who  were  to  supervise 
the  streets  and  public  buildings,  the  markets,  and  the  public 
games. 

The  opening  of  the  consulship  to  plebeians  gradually  enlarged  the 
nobility.  Henceforth  it  consisted  not  only  of  patricians  but  also  of  all 
plebeians  who  were   admitted  to  a  curule  office,  —  themselves  called 

1  A  jugerum  is  a  little  less  than  two-thirds  of  an  acre. 

2  In  the  course  of  the  struggle  over  this  law  the  two  tribunes  secured  the  pas- 
sage of  another  law  which  raised  the  number  of  "  Keepers  of  the  SibylUne  Books  " 
from  two  to  ten  and  provided  that  five  should  be  plebeians  (cf.  §  220).  Admis- 
sion to  this  priestly  college  prepared  the  way  for  admission  to  the  consulship. 

2  When,  in  242  B.C.,  a  second  praetorship  was  instituted,  the  distinction  first 
arose  between  the  praetor  w-ba'nus  and  the  praetor  per-e-gri' nus.  The  first  had 
charge  of  cases  which  concerned  citizens  only,  while  the  second  attended  to  those 
which  affected  an  alien.  Other  praetorships  were  afterward  added  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  provinces  (§  273).  The  office  was  first  occupied  by  a  plebeian  in 
337  B.C. 


3IO  TJie  Plebeians  ivin  their  Rights 

"new  men,"  —  together  with  their  descendants.  In  other  words,  the 
patricians  and  the  plebeians  ceased  to  be  the  political  parties  ;  there- 
after the  parties  were  ( i )  the  nobles,  who  were  office-holders  and  their 
descendants,  and  (2)  the  commons,  who  were  the  other  citizens. 

Finally  the  passing  of  the  law  introduced  an  era  of  good  feeling, 
which  Camillus  commemorated  by  a  new  temple  to  Con-cor'di-a  at 
the  end  of  the  Forum  beneath  the  Capitoline  Mount. 

Understanding  that  the  fewer  they  were  the  more  honor  would  be 
theirs  to  enjoy,  the  nobles  strenuously  opposed  the  admission  of  new 
members.  They  preferred  to  have  one  of  their  number  hold  the  con- 
sulship four  or  five  times,  and  other  high  offices  in  addition,  rather 
than  to  receive  new  men  into  their  privileged  society.  But  when  a 
law^  was  passed  that  no  one  should  hold  the  same  office  within  a 
period  of  ten  years,  or  more  than  one  office  at  a  time,  a  greater 
number  of  new  men  was  necessarily  elected,  and,  in  consequence, 
the  nobility  became  more  representative  of  the  people  as  a  whole. 
Before  the  fourth  century  b.c.  closed,  plebeians  had  gained  admis- 
sion to  all  the  curule  offices  and  finally  to  the  colleges  of  augurs  and 
pontiffs. 

251.  The  Assemblies;  the  City  Plebs.  —  While  the  leaders  of  the 
plebs  were  winning  poHtical  rights,  the  people  in  their  assemblies 
were  striving  for  legal  freedom  fi-om  the  control  of  the  senate.  A 
law  of  Publilius  Philo  (339  b.c.)  compelled  the  senators,  before  the 
voting  began,  to  give  their  sanction  to  bills  brought  before  the  comi- 
tia  centuriata.  The  Hor-ten'si-an  Law  of  287  b.c.  made  unneces- 
sary the  consent  of  the  senate  to  measures  brought  by  the  tribunes 
before  the  assembly  of  tribes.'  Both  assemblies  were,  therefore,  con- 
stitutionally free  from  the  control  of  the  senate.  Though  one  would 
naturally  suppose  that  these  acts  opened  the  way  to  hasty  legislation, 
such  was  not  the  case.  The  senate  controlled  the  magistrates,  and 
through  them  the  assemblies. 

1  The  Genucian  Law,  342  B.C. 

2  Cf.  §  276;  Botsford,  Rome,  p.  88,  n.  i. 


Appius  Claudius  Caecus  311 

The  explanation  of  this  fact  is  to  be  found  (i)  in  the  changed  character  of  the 
plebeian  tribunate.  Though  constitutionally  open  to  all  plebeians,  this  office  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  few  great  famihes,  who  passed  it  down  from  father  to 
son.  As  these  families  entered  the  nobility,  they  still  held  the  tribunate,  and 
now  made  it  a  tool  of  the  senate.  From  this  time  the  tribunes,  usually  young 
nobles,  had  seats  in  the  senate,  which  employed  them  accordingly  as  ministers 
for  checking  other  officers  and  for  bringing  measures  before  the  people.  The 
magistrates  who  presided  over  the  various  assemblies  were  usually  ready  to  obey 
the  senate  ;  but  if  any  one  of  them  dared  offer  a  resolution  which  displeased  the 
senate,  it  was  generally  easy  to  find  a  tribune  to  intercede  against  him  and  thus 
prevent  the  measure  from  being  put  to  vote.  (2)  If  this  method  failed,  the  senators 
might  gain  their  point  by  asking  the  augurs  to  declare  the  omens  unfavorable  to 
the  proposed  measure.  Hence  it  was  that  after  losing  the  constitutional  right  to 
control  the  assemblies,  the  senate  could  govern  them  even  more  effectually 
through  the  magistrates,  —  especially  the  plebeian  tribunes,  —  and  through  the 
auspices. 

Formally  the  government  was  now  a  democracy  ;  but  in  fact  the 
senate  J  a  purely  aristocratic  body,  exercised'  more  authority  than  ever 
before. 

It  is  important  to  bear  in  mind  that  those  plebeians  who,  since  the 
beginning  of  the  republic,  had  been  winning  the  right  to  place  men 
of  their  own  rank  in  office  and  to  make  laws  in  their  own  assembly 
were  all  landowners,  who  alone  belonged  originally  to  the  tribes. 
Excluded  from  the  tribes,  and  consequently  from  the  comitia  tributa, 
were  the  various  classes  of  landless  people  :  laborers  for  hire,  tenants, 
artisans,  and  tradesmen.  But  in  312  B.C.  Appius  Claudius  Caecus^ 
as  censor  enrolled  these  inferior  citizens  in  the  various  tribes  for  the 
double  purpose  of  giving  them  full  poHtical  rights  and  of  compelling 
them  to  serve  in  the  army ;  for  the  Second  Saranite  War  was  then  at 
its  crisis.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  began  the  great  military  road 
from  Rome  to  Capua  and  a  splendid  aqueduct,  which  supphed  his 
city  with  abundance  of  fresh  water.  These  magnificent  works,  as 
well  as  his  political  reforms,  greatly  benefited  the  industrial  and 
commercial  classes.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  however,  as  the  govern- 
ment no  longer  needed  the  military  aid  of  the  landless,  the  censor 

.    M236. 


312 


The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 


Fabius  put  them  into  the  four  city  tribes,  which  he  degraded  by  order- 
ing them  to  vote  last.     Thus  the  possessors  of  land  remained  superior 

to  them  in  honor  and  in  privileges. 

252.  Civilization ;  State  Disci- 
pline.—  While  the  Romans  were 
becoming  masters  of  Italy  and  im- 
proving their  laws  and  their  con- 
stitution, they  were  also  growing 
richer.  About  the  time  of  the 
decemvirs  they  began  to  coin  bronze, 
and  long  afterward  silver.  The  nobles  reaped  the  profits  of  large 
tracts  of  the  conquered  land  and  acquired  a  great  number  of  slaves. 


A  Denarius 

(A  silver  coin  struck  soon  after  286 

B.C.    Front,  head  of  Roma ;  back, 

Castor  and  Pollux  on  horseback) 


.-ESCULAPIUS 

(National  Museum,  Naples) 


Character  313 

Following  the  example  of  Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  they  began  to 
expend  money  on  useful  public  works  and  to  improve  the  appearance 
of  their  city,  especially  by  building  many  temples.  They  adopted 
several  Greek  deities,  among  them  Apollo,  the  prophet-god ;  Aphro- 
dite, goddess  of  love,  whom  they  identified  with  their  own  Venus ; 
and  Aes-cu-la'pi-us,  god  of  heaHng.  But  they  had  as  yet  little 
thought  of  cultivating  their  minds.  They  possessed  no  literature,  and 
with  the  exception  of  their  temples,  no  art. 

The  early  Romans  were  distinguished  for  their  patience  and  energy. 
Their  virtue,  the  fruit  of  a  simple  life,  increased  in  strength  and  in 
severity  throughout  the  period.  This  growth  was  owing  to  the  care 
with  which  the  republican  government  supervised  the  citizens. 
The  magistrates  had  power  to  punish  not  only  for  crimes  but  for 
every  offence  against  order,  however  slight,  and  even  for  immorality, 
including  lazy  or  luxurious  habits.  While  all  officers  enjoyed  this 
authority,  it  became  the  especial  duty  of  the  censors  to  see  that  every 
citizen  subjected  himself  to  the  severe  discipline  prescribed  by  the 
state. 

Some  of  the  most  eminent  men  of  the  age  were  content  with  the 
frugal  Hfe  of  the  peasant.  One  of  them,  Manius  Curius  Dentatus,^ 
who  prepared  his  own  food  in  wooden  dishes,  insisted  that  seven 
jugera  of  land  were  enough  for  any  citizen. 

253.  The  Effects  of  Discipline.  —  The  aim  of  education  in  the 
family  and  in  public  life  was  to  repress  the  freedom  of  the  individual 
in  the  interest  of  the  state,  to  make  a  nation  of  brave  warriors  and 
dutiful  citizens.  The  highest  results  of  this  stern  training  were 
reached  in  the  Samnite  Wars,  —  a  period  known  thereafter  as  the 
golden  age  of  virtue  and  of  heroism.  A  citizen  of  this  time  was,  in 
the  highest  degree,  obedient  to  authority,  pious,  frugal,  and»generally 
honest.  But  though  he  was  willing  to  sacrifice  his  life  for  the  good 
of  the  state,  he  was  equally  ready  to  enrich  himself  at  the  expense 
of  his  neighbors ;  the  wealthy  did  not  hesitate  to  sell  the  poor  into 


314  The  Plebeians  win  their  Rights 

slavery  for  debt,  till  they  were  forbidden  to  do  so  by  law.  Their 
hard,  stern  souls  knew  neither  generosity  nor  mercy.  Severe  toward 
the  members  of  their  family,  cruel  in  the  treatment  of  slaves,  and  in 
their  business  transactions  shrewd  and  grasping,  the  Romans  of  the 
time,  however  admirable  for  their  heroic  virtues,  were  narrow,  harsh, 
and  unlovable.  Greed  was  one  of  their  strongest  motives  to  con- 
quest. Not  for  glory,  —  much  less  for  the  good  of  their  neighbors,  — 
did  they  extend  their  power  over  Italy ;  it  was  rather  that  more  of 
the  peasants  might  be  supplied  with  farms  and  that  the  nobles  might 
be  given  larger  tracts  of  the  public  land  and  a  greater  number  of 
places  of  honor  and  profit  to  use  and  to  enjoy. 

As  long  as  they  remained  poor  and  under  strict  discipline,  they 
were  moral.  In  the  following  period  they  were  to  gain  greater  free- 
dom from  the  control  of  their  magistrates  and,  at  the  same  time, 
power  and  wealth.  These  new  conditions  were  to  put  their  virtue 
and  even  their  government  to  the  severest  test. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  Government  of  the  Early  Republic.  —  Botsford,  Roirie,  pp.  66-71; 
Ihne,  Early  Rome,  chs.  x-xiii;   Abbott,  Roman  Political  Institutions,  pp.  24-29. 
II.    The  Decemvirs.  —  Botsford,  Rome,  pp.  76-79;   Ihne,  Early  Rome,  ch. 
xviii;   Duruy,  History  of  Rotne,  i.  pp.  327-340. 

III.   Marcus  Manlius.  —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  iv. 


& 


,  Carthage 


.r^ri} 


THE  EXPANSION 

OF    XFTE 

ROMAN  POWER 

To  the  time  of  the  Gracchi. 

6CALE  OF  MILES 

100    60 '  0  100  200  300  iOO 

For  Chapterg  V,  VI. 
For  Italy  see  Page.  I 


/   _0'     ^i         OF    I     VThapsas  yti 

l.S~:^^^'^uk — • — 

,lis  Minor 


^■^''^"AQI^,,^;^ 


'  Roman  Power  in  264.  B.  C. 

Acquired  241-218  B.  C. 

Acquired  201-133  B.  C. 
'  Allies  of  Rome  in  133  B.  C. 
I  Carthaginian  Posessions  264  B.  C, 
\ 


ENGRAVED  BY  BORMAV  &    CO. 


W.  Bott/irrI,  Dtl.     40* 


'  1) 


Messana 
(Modern  Messina) 


CHAPTER   V 


THE   EXPANSION   OF  THE   ROMAN   POWER    (264-133  B.C.) 
(Second  Period  of  the  Republic  —  External  History) 


254.  Rome  and  Carthage.  —  On  the  northern  coast  of  Africa,  oppo- 
site Rome,  was  the  Punic  city  of  Carthage.^  Not  only  did  the 
country  about  it  produce  abundant  harvests,  but  it  was  well  situated 
for  trade  with  the  East  and  the  West,  and  with  Sicily  and  Italy. 
These  advantages  made  the  city  wealthy  and  prosperous.  In  time  it 
became,  too,  a  political  power.^  On  the  coasts  and  islands  of  the 
western  Mediterranean  Carthage  built  up  a  great  empire.  She  was 
about  to  wrest  all  Sicily  from  the  Greeks  when  Pyrrhus  came  as  their 
champion.^  He  tried  in  vain  to  drive  her  from  the  island.  As  he 
departed  he  is  said  to  have  exclaimed  regretfully,  "  What  a  fair  battle- 
field we  are  leaving  to  the  Romans  and  the  Carthaginians  !  "  These 
two  nations  were  then  allied  against  him,  but  he  knew  well  that  they 
would  soon  dispute  the  possession  of  Sicily.     Quickly  the  Cartha- 

1  §§  22,  116,  157-162.  The  adjective  "Punic,"  which  applies  to  Carthage,  is 
derived  from  the  Latin  word  for  Phoenician. 

2  §116.  3  §238. 

3»5 


3i6  The  Expansion  of  the  Romaii  Power 

ginians  regained  the  whole  island  with  the  exception  of  the  territory 
belonging  to  Mes-sa'na  and  Syracuse.  If  they  could  conquer  these 
two  cities,  they  would  naturally  invade  Italy.  Rome,  the  protector 
of  the  Italians,  was  anxiously  watching  her  rival's  movements. 

An  Asiatic  race,  the  Carthaginians  were  inferior  to  the  Romans  in 
character  and  civilization.  Their  public  men  were  corrupt ;  they 
oppressed  their  subjects  with  heavy  taxes,  and  gave  them  no  hope 
of  ever  having  equal  rights  with  themselves.  Their  religion,  too,  was 
inhuman  and  immoral.  Such  being  the  case,  it  would  have  been 
unfortunate  for  any  large  part  of  Europe  to  fall  permanently  under 
their  rule.  It  was  the  task  of  Rome  to  protect  the  higher  and  better 
civilization  of  Europe  from  this  danger. 

The  resources  of  the  two  nations  were  quite  different.  With  her 
magnificent  navy  Carthage  controlled  the  sea.  Her  wealth  enabled 
her  to  enlist  great  armies  of  mercenaries,  who  however  often  proved 
treacherous  to  the  city  they  served.  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
only  a  few  ships ;  but  her  soldiers  were  the  hardiest  and  most  stub- 
born fighters  in  the  world,  and,  still  better,  they  were  devoted  to  their 
country.  Nor  was  the  government  of  Rome  despotic  like  that  of 
Carthage.  Italy  was  a  strong  federation  of  kinsmen ;  each  city 
managed  its  own  affairs,  but  all  acknowledged  Rome  absolute  mistress 
of  their  military  resources.  The  struggle  between  the  two  powers 
was  to  be  long  and  severe ;  no  one  knew  which  would  conquer. 

The  immediate  cause  of  war  was  as  follows.  Some  Campanian 
mercenaries,  released  from  the  service  of  Syracuse,  seized  Messana 
(Greek  Messene).  They  killed  the  men  and  divided  the  women,  chil- 
dren, and  property  among  themselves.  For  a  time  the  Mam'er-tines 
("sons  of  Mars  "),as  these  robbers  called  themselves,  enjoyed  their 
ill-got  homes  and  levied  tribute  on  many  towns  of  Sicily ;  but 
threatened  by  both  Greeks  and  Carthaginians,  they  appealed 
to  Rome  for  aid  on  the  ground  of  kindred  blood.  Although 
the  senate  felt  it  would  be  unjust  to  aid  the  Mamertines,  it  feared 
that  if  the  Carthaginians   should  conquer   them    and    gain   control 


The  First  Punic  War  317 

of  all  Sicily,  they  would  not  hesitate  to  lay  hands  on  Italy.  A 
less  worthy  motive  to  war  was  the  desire  of  the  senators  to  extend 
their  power  and  with  it  their  field  for  trade  and  speculation.  The 
assembly  was  persuaded  to  vote  for  war,  and  accordingly  one  of  the 
consuls  skilfully  brought  an  army  into  Messana,  though  the  Cartha- 
ginians and  Syracusans  were  besieging  it  by  land  and  sea. 

255.  The  First  Punic  War  (264-241  B.C.);  Opening  Events.^ 
After  driving  the  besiegers  away,  the  Romans  made  an  alliance  with 
Hi'e-ron,  king  of  Syracuse.  The  cities  of  the  interior  readily  yielded, 
as  they  found  greater  security  under  Rome  than  either  Syracuse  or 
Carthage  had  given  them.  To  drive  the  Carthaginians  from  the 
coast  towns  it  was  necessary  to  build  a  fleet.  For  though  the 
Greek  allies  of  Rome  could  furnish  a  few  triremes,  no  one  in  Italy 
had  yet  attempted  quin'que-remes,  —  vessels  with  five  banks  of  oars, 
—  such  as  made  up  the  strength  of  the  enemy's  navy.  But  using 
a  stranded  Carthaginian  quinquereme  as  a  model,  the  Romans,  with 
their  usual  courage  and  energy,  began  to  build  a  fleet.  While  some 
were  busy  with  this  work,  others  trained  the  crews  by  having  them 
sit  in. benches  along  the  shore  and  practise  rowing  in  the  sand. 
When  they  had  completed  their  fleet,  they  put  to  sea  and  engaged 
the  enemy  off  My'lae  (260  B.C.).  Their  ships  were  clumsy  and  their 
sailors  awkward,  but  they  boarded  the  enemy's  vessels  by  means  of 
drawbridges  which  they  had  recently  invented,  and  thus  gained  the 
victory.  This  success  increased  their  fervor  for  war.  On  the  return 
of  Du-il'i-us,  the  commander,  Rome  gave  him  an  enthusiastic  wel- 
come as  her  first  naval  hero. 

256.  From  the  Invasion  of  Libya  to  the  Defeat  at  Drepana  (256- 
249  B.C.).  —  The  Romans  then  built  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  and 
thirty  vessels,  and  placing  on  board  nearly  a  hundred  and  forty 
thousand  men,  they  set  sail  for  Libya.  Off  Ec'no-mus  on  the  Sicilian 
coast  they  met  and  defeated  a  still  larger  fleet  of  the  enemy,  after 
which  they  continued  on  their  way  to  Africa.  There,  under  the  con- 
sul  Reg'u-lus,  they  gained  victories  and  captured  towns,  till  Xan- 


3i8  The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

thip'pus,  a  Lacedaemonian,  taught  the  Carthaginians  to  offer  battle 
in  the  plain,  where  they  could  use  their  elephants  and  their  great 
force  of  cavalry  to  advantage.  The  result  was  the  destruction  of 
the  Roman  army  and  the  capture  of  Regulus. 

Other  misfortunes  followed ;  but  in  250  B.C.  a  great  victory  at 
Fa-nor^mus  gave  the  Romans  nearly  all  Sicily.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  government  of  Carthage  sent  Regulus,  who  was  still  a 
prisoner,  to  Rome,  to  arrange  a  peace,  promising  him  liberty  if  he 
should  succeed.  He,  however,  urged  the  senate  to  persevere  in 
the  war.  Then  returning  to  Carthage  in  accordance  with  his  oath, 
he  is  said  to  have  suffered  death  by  torture. 

At  this  time  the  Romans  were  besieging  Lil-y-bae'um  on  the  west 
coast  of  Sicily.  Farther  to  the  north  was  Drep^a-na,  where  Ad-her'- 
bal,  a  Punic  admiral,  was  stationed  with  his  fleet.  In  249  B.C.  the 
consul  Fublius  Claudius  sailed  from  Lilybaeum  to  Drepana  to  sur- 
prise Ad  herbal.  But  the  admiral,  far  from  being  caught  napping, 
met  the  enemy  and  inflicted  upon  him  an  overwhelming  defeat. 
The  Romans  tried  to  account  for  this  disaster  by  a  story  that  when 
Claudius  was  planning  the  attack,  he  received  word  that  the  sacred 
chickens  would  not  eat,  —  an  omen  which  signified  that  the  gods 
forbade  the  enterprise.  Haughtily  exclaiming  that  if  the  fowls 
would  not  eat,  at  least  they  would  have  to  drink,  he  threw  them 
into  the  sea.  His  impiety  together  with  his  lack  of  skill  is  given  as 
the  cause  of  this  great  misfortune. 

257.  Hamilcar  Barca  (247-241  B.C.).  —  While  the  Romans  were 
besieging  Lilybaeum,  Carthage  sent  out  a  general  who  was  to  prove, 
in  himself  and  in  his  sons,  the  most  dangerous  enemy  Rome  ever 
met.  This  was  Ha-mil'car,  surnamed  Bar'ca  (the  "Lightning"),  a 
man  of  extraordinary  genius  for  war.  He  occupied  Mount  Erc'te, 
above  Panormus,  which  was  then  held  by  a  Roman  army.  On  the 
top  of  the  mountain  he  fed  cattle  and  raised  corn  to  support  the 
handful  of  troops  who  performed  wonders  under  the  spell  of  his 
genius.     From  the  little  harbor  beneath  him  his  light  ships  harassed 


Hamilcar  319 

the  Italian  coasts,  while  from  the  eagle's  perch  above  he  used  to 
swoop  down,  rapid  as  the  lightning,  upon  the  Romans  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, and  as  easily  retire  to  the  nest  which  no  enemy  dared  explore. 

After  maintaining  himself  for  three  years  in  this  position,  he 
suddenly  abandoned  it  for  a  post  on  the  side  of  Mount  E'ryx,  where 
he  could  cooperate  with  his  friends  at  Drepana.  But  with  his  small 
force  he  could  accomplish  Uttle.  Neither  nation  in  fact  had  any 
longer  the  means  of  supporting  a  fleet  or  a  strong  army  in  service. 
Without  a  navy  Rome  could  not  hope  to  gain  complete  possession 
of  Sicily.  Under  these  circumstances  the  wealthier  citizens  offered 
their  private  means  for  the  building  of  new  war- ships.  With  two 
hundred  vessels  thus  provided  for,  the  consul  Cat'u-lus,  at  the  Ae- 
ga'ti-an  islands,  met  a  new  Carthaginian  fleet  bringing  supplies  to 
Sicily,  and  totally  defeated  it  (241  B.C.). 

As  the  Carthaginians  could  carry  on  the  war  no  longer,  they  gave 
Hamilcar  full  power  to  make  peace.  He  agreed  that  they  should 
give  up  Sicily,  pay  the  Romans  within  ten  years  an  amount  equivalent 
to  three  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars,  and  release  all  prisoners  with- 
out ransom.  After  continuing  twenty-three  years,  the  First  Punic 
War  came  to  an  end  in  241  B.C.  Some  years  later  Sicily  became  a 
Roman  province,  —  that  is,  a  subject  country  ruled  by  a  Roman 
magistrate. 

258.  Hamilcar  in  Spain  (237-229  B.C.)  ;  Hannibal. — As  Carthage 
could  not  pay  her  mercenaries  for  their  service  in  the  war,  they 
mutinied,  and  were  joined  by  the  Libyans,  who  revolted  against  their 
harsh  taskmasters.  While  the  whole  strength  of  Carthage  was  en- 
gaged in  this  war  (241-237  B.C.),  the  Romans  treacherously  seized 
Sardinia ;  and  when  she  remonstrated,  they  imposed  upon  her  a 
heavy  fine.  Sardinia  together  with  Cor'si-ca  became  the  second 
Roman  province. 

Hamilcar's  soul  burned  with  hatred  of  the  city  which,  by  force 
and  fraud,  had  robbed  his  fatherland  of  its  naval  supremacy  and  its 
fairest  possessions.     He  began  to  think  how  he  might  lead  an  army 


320  The  Expansion  oj  the  Roman  Poiver 

into  Italy  and  attack  Rome.  But  as  he  could  not  depend  upon 
mercenaries,  he  planned  to  create  in  Spain  a  province  which  should 
supply  both  troops  •  and  provisions  for  another  war.  When  he  was 
about  to  set  out  for  Spain,  he  is  said  to  have  led  his  son  Han'ni-bal, 
then  a  boy  of  nine  years,  to  the  altar  and  made  him  swear  undying 
enmity  to  Rome.  Hannibal  went  with  his  father,  and  was  true  to 
his  oath. 

hi  Spain  Hamilcar  occupied  nine  years  in  forming  a  Carthaginian 
province  more  by  diplomacy  than  by  war  ;  he  taught  the  native  tribes 
to  live  together  in  peace  under  his  rule  and  to  develop  the  resources 
of  their  country.  While  he  was  engaged  in  this  work,  his  skill  and 
his  money  created  a  new  political  party  at  Carthage,  —  a  vigorous 
democracy,  which  opposed  the  peace-loving  capitalists  and  supported 
its  leader  in  his  far-reaching  plans  for  war.  "  Then  he  died  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  his  great  achievements ;  for  he  lost  his  life  in 
a  battle  in  which  he  showed  a  conspicuous  and  even  reckless  bra- 
very. As  his  successor,  the  Carthaginians  appointed  his  son-in-law 
HaskJrubal."  ^ 

Hasdrubal  continued  the  wise  policy  of  his  predecessor  with  won- 
derful skill  in  gaining  over  the  tribes  and  in  adding  them  to  his 
empire.  When  after  eight  years  of  such  service  he  was  murdered 
by  a  Celt,  the  soldiers  with  loud  enthusiasm  carried  Hamiibal  to 
the  general's  tent  and  proclaimed  him  commander  (221  B.C.).  As 
they  looked  upon  this  young  man,  "  the  veterans  imagined  that 
Hamilcar  in  his  youth  was  restored  to  them ;  they  noticed  the  same 
vigor  in  his  frame,  the  same  animation  in  his  eyes,  the  same  features 
and  expression  of  the  face.  .  .  .  His  courage  in  meeting  dangers 
and  his  prudence  in  the  midst  of  them  were  extreme.  Toil  could 
neither  exhaust  his  body  nor  subdue  bis  mind,  and  he  could  endure 
hunger  and  cold  alike.  He  ate  and  drank  no  more  than  nature 
demanded.  Working  day  and  night,  he  thought  of  sleep  only  when 
there  was  nothing  else  to  do ;  then  wrapping  himself  in  his  military 

1  Polybius  ii.  i. 


Hannibal 


321 


cloak,  he  would  lie  on  the  ground  among  the  watches  and  the  outposts 
of  the  army.  Though  he  dressed  as  a  plain  officer,  his  arms  and  his 
horses  were  splendid."^ 

259.  The  Second  Punic  War  (218-201  B.C.);  Invasion  of  Italy 
(218  B.C.).  —  When  Hannibal  felt  himself  prepared,  he  attacked  Sa- 
gun'tum,  a  city  of  Spain  in  alHance  with  Rome,  and  took  it  after  a 
siege  of  eight  months.  This  act  gave  the  Romans  a  pretext  for  war. 
But  while  they  were 
preparing  to  invade 
both  Spain  and  Libya, 
Hannibal,  with  a  well- 
trained  army  of  fifty 
thousand  infantry,  nine 
thousand  cavalry,  and 
a  number  of  elephants, 
crossed  the  Pyrenees 
and  marched  rapidly 
through  Gaul.  Re- 
cently the  Romans  had 
conquered  the  Celts 
of  northern  Italy.  As 
this  whole  nation  was 
indignant  with  Rome 
on  account  of  injuries 
received,  they  eagerly 
supported  Hannibal  in 
his  march  through  their 
country.  It  was  not  till  the  crossing  of  the  Rhone  that  he  met  with 
opposition  from  the  natives.  When,  however,  he  began  the  ascent 
of  the  Alps  the  real  difficulties  of  his  journey  appeared  ;  for  the  way 
was  narrow  and  rough,  and  the  mountaineers  attacked  him.  From 
the  higher  ground,  which  secured  their  own  safety,  they  rolled  stones 

1  Livy  xxi.  4. 


"  Hannibal  " 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 


322  The  Expaftsion  of  the  Roman  Pozver 

and  hurled  missiles  upon  the  troops  and  upon  the  long  train  of  pack 
animals.  Many  soldiers  fell,  and  many  beasts  of  burden  were  either 
disabled  or  lost,  so  that  the  army  suffered  for  want  of  provisions.  At 
length  with  great  toil  and  peril  Hannibal  reached  the  summit,  where 
he  rested  his  men  and  cheered  them  with  some  such  words  as  these  : 
"  Here  on  the  summit  of  the  Alps,  we  hold  the  citadel  of  Italy ;  below 
us  on  the  south  are  our  friends,  the  Gauls,  who  will  supply  us  with 
provisions  from  their  bountiful  lands  and  will  help  us  against  their 
foes ;  and  yonder  in  the  distance  lies  Rome  !  " 

But  when  he  reached  the  plain  below,  he  had  less  than  half  the 
army  with  which  he  had  set  out  from  Spain.  And  those  who  sur- 
vived were  worn  out  with  fatigue,  hunger,  and  exposure  to  the  cold. 
Their  horses  were  lame,  their  clothes  in  tatters ;  they  seemed  more 
like  savages  than  well-disciplined  troops.  With  such  forces  he  had 
come  to  attack  a  nation  which  numbered  seven  hundred  thousand 
men  of  military  age.  And  yet  it  was  to  be  no  one-sided  contest. 
An  army  of  trained  soldiers,  full  of  the  spirit  of  their  great  commander, 
opposed  a  raw  militia.  A  born  genius  for  war,  Hannibal  had  served  an 
apprenticeship  under  his  illustrious  father ;  as  general  he  had  subdued 
fierce  tribes  of  Spaniards  and  Gauls  and  had  overcome  the  Alps 
themselves.  Compared  with  him,  though  he  was  still  young,  the 
ablest  Roman  generals  were  tyros. 

260.  The  Battle  of  the  Ticinus  and  of  the  Trebia  (218  B.C.). — 
The  Romans,  who  had  been  dreaming  of  conquests,  were  astonished 
to  hear  that  Hannibal  was  in  the  valley  of  the  Po.  He  soon  made 
them  feel  that  the  fight  was  to  be  for  their  homes  and  their  country. 
In  a  light  cavalry  battle  on  the  Ti-ci  'nus,  a  tributary  of  the  Po,  he 
easily  routed  the  consul  Scip'i-o.  Discovering  that  the  Punic  horse- 
men were  far  superior  to  his  own,  Scipio  withdrew  to  the  south  bank 
of  the  Po,  and  sought  the  protection  of  the  hills  near  the  Treb'i-a 
River.  Here  his  colleague,  Sem-pro'ni-us,  with  another  army,  joined 
him  and  took  chief  command  ;  for  Scipio  had  been  wounded  in  the 
battle. 


Victories  of  Hannibal  323 

One  stormy  morning  in  December,  Hannibal,  after  giving  his  men 
a  good  breakfast  and  plenty  of  oil  for  their  bodies,  sent  out  a  band 
of  cavalry  to  tempt  the  enemy  across  the  river.  Sempronius,  who 
was  eager  for  battle,  that  he  might  win  for  himself  the  glory  of  victory, 
readily  led  his  army  out  before  breakfast  through  the  swollen  Trebia. 
Hungry  and  numbed  with  cold,  the  Romans  were  doomed  to  de- 
feat. The  Carthaginian  horse  routed  their  wings,  while  Hannibal's 
brother  Mago,  an  impetuous  fighter,  assailed  them  from  an  ambush  in 
the  rear.  The  struggle,  though  long,  ended  in  the  complete  over- 
throw of  the  Romans.  Ten  thousand  of  their  best  infantry  fought 
their  way  through  the  enemy  and  escaped.  Nearly  all  the  rest  were 
killed  or  captured,  and  Hannibal  held  their  camp.  This  great  suc- 
cess led  the  Gauls,  who  had  hitherto  wavered,  to  cast  their  lot  with 
the  victor. 

News  of  the  misfortune  depressed  Rome.  Throughout  the  winter 
the  citizens  could  talk  of  nothing  but  evil  omens.  Meanwhile  the 
government  was  preparing  to  resist  the  invader.  One  of  the  consuls, 
Gaius  Fla-min'i-us,  a  great  favorite  of  the  people  and  an  enemy  of  the 
senate,  posted  himself  with  an  army  at  Ar-re'ti-um  in  Etruria.  Ser- 
vil'i-us,  the  patrician  consul,  took  command  of  another  army  at  A-rim'i- 
num.  Thus  the  consuls  lay,  each  with  his  army,  guarding  the  two 
principal  roads  which  connected  the  Po  Valley  with  central  Italy. 

261.  The  Battle  of  Lake  Trasimene;  Hannibal  and  Fabius  (217 
B.C.) .  —  But  Hannibal  surprised  them  by  taking  an  unusual  route  over 
the  Apennines  far  to  the  west.  In  crossing  the  marshes  north  of 
the  Ar'nus  River,  his  troops  suffered  terrible  hardships.  For  four 
days  and  three  nights  they  waded  continually  through  mud  and  water. 
When  at  length  Hannibal  reached  dry  ground  in  Etruria  and  found 
Flaminius  still  guarding  Arretium,  he  passed  the  enemy  without  notic- 
ing him,  and  took  the  highway  for  Rome,  plundering  as  he  went. 
Flaminius  could  but  follow  ;  for  he  felt  he  must  gain  a  victory  to  bring 
success  to  his  political  party  in  its  conflict  with  the  senate.  Unwarily 
he  fell  into  a  trap  at  Lake  Tras'i-mene,  where  he  was  killed  and  his 


324  The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Poiver 

army  annihilated.  When  news  of  this  calamity  reached  Rome,  and 
the  praetor  announced  to  the  people,  *'  We  have  been  beaten  in  a 
great  battle,"  the  Romans,  long  unused  to  misfortune,  gave  way  to 
unmanly  grief  and  alarm.  With  the  advice  of  the  senate,  however, 
they  elected  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  dictator ;  for  the  surviving  con- 
sul was  too  far  away  to  make  the  appointment,  according  to  custom. 

Instead  of  attacking  Rome,  Hannibal  crossed  the  peninsula  to  the 
Adriatic  coast  and  moved  gradually  southward,  gathering  vast  booty 
from  the  country  through  which,  he  passed.  Fabius  ivould  not  risk 
a  battle,  but  dogged  the  footsteps  of  the  invader,  cut  off  foraging 
parties,  and  trained  his  own  men  to  face  the  enemy  in  light  engage- 
ments. As  this  policy  did  not  prevent  the  Carthaginians  from  march- 
ing and  plundering  wherever  they  pleased,  it  proved  extremely 
unpopular  and  brought  the  severest  criticism  upon  the  dictator.  Yet 
his  persistence  in  avoiding  battle  saved  Rome  for  the  year  from 
another  defeat. 

262.  The  Battle  of  Cannae  (216  B.C.).  —  Unusual  efforts  were 
made  to  levy  and  train  troops  for  the  following  summer.  The  new 
consuls,  Ae-mil'i-us  and  Var'ro,^  led  a  force  of  more  than  eighty  thou- 
sand men,  including  allies,  against  Hannibal.  This  was  the  largest 
single  army  Rome  had  ever  put  into  the  field,  while  the  force  of  the 
enemy  numbered  about  fifty  thousand.  The  two  armies  met  at  Can'- 
nae  on  the  Au'fi-dus  River  in  Apulia.  Varro,  who  held  chief  com- 
mand on  the  day  of  battle,  massed  his  maniples  -  in  a  heavy  line,  in 
the  hope  of  overcoming  by  sheer  weight.  While  the  superior  cavalry 
of  the  enemy  routed  his  wings,  his  centre,  a  solid  phalanx,  drove  in 
the  opposing  Iberians  and  Celts,  but  then  found  itself  assailed  on 
all  sides,  —  Gauls  and  Iberians  in  front,  with  a  violent  wind  driving 
clouds  of  dust  in  the  face,  veteran  Libyans  on  both  flanks,  and  in  the 
rear  a  tempest  of  cavalry.  Too  crowded  to  keep  rank  or  even  to 
use  their  weapons,  the  Romans  fell  like  sheep  under  the  knives  of 
butchers.  Seven-eighths  of  their  army,  including  Aemilius,  eighty 
1  §  277.  2  §  232. 


Changed  Character  of  the  War  325 

senators,  and  many  other  eminent  men,  perished.  Varro,  who 
survived,  collected  the  remnants  of  the  army,  amounting  to  scarcely 
ten  thousand  men. 

News  of  this  defeat  brought  intense  agony  to  Rome.  Every  house- 
hold mourned  its  dead,  while  all  feared  for  the  city  and  for  their 
own  lives.  But  the  senate  met  the  crisis  in  a  manly  spirit.  It  en- 
couraged the  people,  posted  guards  about  the  city,  and  did  every- 
thing possible  to  save  the  state. 

On  the  evening  after  the  battle  Ma-har'bal,  leader  of  the  Punic 
horsemen,  said  to  his  commander,  "  Send  me  in  advance  with  the 
cavalry,  follow  with  the  army,  and  five  days  hence  we  shall  dine  in 
Rome ! "  Hannibal  knew,  however,  that  with  his  present  force  he 
could  take  Rome  neither  by  storm  nor  by  siege ;  but  through  the 
revolt  of  the  allies  he  hoped  to  cause  the  ruin  of  the  capital. 

263.  Changed  Character  of  the  War.  —  With  the  battle  of  Cannae 
the  character  of  the  war  changed.  Nearly  all  the  aUies  of  Rome  in 
southern  Italy,  including  the  great  cities  of  Capua  and  Tarentum, 
revolted.  On  the  death  of  Hieron,^  king  of  Syracuse,  Sicily  also  for- 
sook Rome.  Philip  V,-  king  of  Macedon,  who  watched  jealously  the 
interference  of  the  senate  in  the  Greek  peninsula,  allied  himself  with 
the  victorious  Carthaginian.  Though  none  of  these  allies  gave  mate- 
rial help,  Hannibal  felt  himself  bound  to  protect  his  Italian  friends. 
The  pohcy  of  defence  to  which  he  was  thus  forced  gradually  wasted 
his  army,  robbed  him  of  the  prestige  of  success,  and  in  the  end 
caused  his  failure.  The  greatest  of  all  obstacles  in  his  way  were 
the  fortified  Latin  colonies  distributed  over  Italy,  which  continued 
faithful  to  Rome.  These  strongholds  he  was  unable  to  take.  The 
Romans,  on  the  other  side,  following  the  policy  of  Fabius,  ventured 
no  more  pitched  battles  with  Hannibal  in  Italy. 

But  they  made  great  efforts  to  regain  Sicily.  After  a  long  siege 
Marcellus  took  Syracuse.  His  soldiers  plundered  it  and  killed  many 
of  the  people,  including  Ar-chi-me'des,  a  famous  mathematician 
1  §  255.  2  §§  202,  266. 


326 


The  Expansion  of  the  Rotna^i  Power 


whose  engines  had  been  used  in  the  defence  of  the  city.  Next 
the  Romans  surrounded  Capua  with  three  armies.  In  the  hope 
of  diverting   a   part   of  this   force,  so    as    to    relieve  the    besieged 

alHes,  Hannibal  suddenly 
marched  upon  Rome  and 
pitched  his  camp  three 
miles  from  the  city. 
The  inhabitants  imagined 
that  their  terrible  enemy 
had  destroyed  the  armies 
at  Capua  and  would 
soon  hold  the  citadel  of 
Rome.  Fortunately  new 
recruits  poured  in  from 
the  country  to  man  the 
walls.  As  Rome  defended 
herself  without  relaxing 
the  siege  of  Capua,  Han- 
nibal gave  up  hope  of 
saving  this  city.  When 
it  fell,  the  Romans 
scourged  and  beheaded 
the  senators,  and  dis- 
persed the  people  among 
the  Latin  colonies  or  sold  them  into  slavery,  —  a  warning  to  all  who 
meditated  revolt.  Tarentum  was  afterward  taken  and  suffered  a 
similar  punishment. 

264.  The  Scipios  in  Spain ;  the  Battle  of  the  Metaurus  (207  B.C.). 
—  Meantime  important  events  were  happening  in  Spain.  For  years 
Hasdrubal,  the  brother  of  Hannibal  who  had  been  left  in  command 
of  that  country,  proved  inferior  to  the  Romans  under  the  brotliers 
Publius  and  Gnae'us  Scipio.  At  length,  however,  with  reenforce- 
ments  from  Carthage,  he  overwhelmed  and  destroyed  the  separate 


Marckli.us' 


The  Crisis  327 

armies  of  these  two  generals,  who  died  bravely  with  their  men.  The 
victor  was  in  a  fair  way  to  win  all  Spain  back  to  Carthage  when  the 
Romans  sent  thither  as  proconsuP  Publins  Scipio,  son  of  the  deceased 
general  of  the  same  name.  The  new  commander,  though  still  in  his 
twenties,  showed  real  genius  for  war.  Soon  after  his  arrival  he  sur- 
prised and  captured  New  Carthage,  the  chief  city  and  arsenal  of  the 
enemy  in  Spain.  Hasdrubal,  however,  skilfully  eluded  him,  and  with 
a  large  army  and  abundant  treasures  set  out  by  land  for  Italy  to 
reenforce  his  brother. 

The  crisis  of  the  war  came  in  207  B.C.,  when  Hasdrubal,  descend- 
ing from  the  Alps  and  drawing  in  his  train  a  host  of  Gauls  and  Ligu- 
rians,  marched  southward  to  meet  Hannibal.  If  the  two  great 
enemies  of  Rome  should  unite,  she  could  no  longer  hope  for  vic- 
tory ;  for  her  country  was  desolate  from  end  to  end ;  her  faithful 
colonies,  exhausted  by  war,  were  beginning  to  refuse  aid ;  her  last 
armies  were  in  the  field.  Fortunately  for  her  the  messengers  who  bore 
to  Hannibal  the  news  of  his  brother's  coming  were  taken  by  the  con- 
sul Gains  Claudius  Nero,  commander  of  the  army  in  southern  Italy, 
opposed  to  Hannibal.  Stealthily  hurrying  to  the  north,  Claudius 
united  his  army  with  that  of  his  colleague,  Marcus  Liv'i-us  Sal-i-na'- 
tor ;  and  the  two  consuls  surprised  and  destroyed  Hasdrubal  with  his 
army  on  the  Me-tau'rus  River.  As  Claudius  returned  southward  he 
carried  with  him  the  head  of  the  defeated  Carthaginian,  which  he 
directed  to  be  thrown  into  the  camp  of  Hannibal,  —  to  inform  him 
of  his  misfortune.  In  the  ghastly  features  of  his  brother,  Hannibal 
read  his  own  fate  and  the  doom  of  his  city. 

After  this  battle,  while  Hannibal  still  maintained  himself  in  southern 
Italy,  Publius  Scipio  reconquered  Spain.  The  story  of  this  campaign 
abounds  in  the  romantic  adventures  and  the  chivalrous  acts  of  the  com- 
mander, —  the  first  Roman  whom  we  may  admire  both  for  the  kind- 
ness and  generosity  of  his  character  and  for  the  brilliancy  of  his  mind. 

1  An  officer  who  held  the  rank  and  power  of  a  consul  outside  of  Rome.  The 
first  proconsul  was  appointed  in  326  B.C. 


328  The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

265.  The  Battle  of  Zama  (202  B.C.);  the  End  of  the  War (201  B.C.). 

—  Master  of  Spain,  he  returned  to  Rome,  whence  as  consul  he  in- 
vaded Africa  and  threatened  Carthage.  Hannibal  quitted  Italy  in 
obedience  to  his  country's  call ;  and  adding  raw  recruits  to  his  small 
veteran  force,  he  met  Scipio  at  some  distance  from  Za'ma,  a  town 
nearly  south  of  Carthage.  Here  was  fought  the  last  battle  of  the 
long  war.  By  a  happy  inspiration,  Scipio  placed  the  maniples  of 
the  second  and  third  divisions  behind  those  of  the  first,  thus  forming 
columns  with  open  lanes  between,  through  which  the  enemy's 
elephants  could  make  their  way  without  disturbing  the  ranks.^  For 
the  first  time  Hannibal  suffered  defeat  in  a  pitched  battle,  —  a  defeat 
which  made  further  resistance  hopeless. 

By  the  terms  of  treaty  which  followed,  Carthage  agreed  to  surrender 
Spain,  and  to  pay  Rome  two  hundred  talents^  of  silver  a  year  for 
fifty  years ;  to  give  up  all  her  elephants  and  all  her  war-ships  except 
ten  triremes ;  to  wage  no  war  outside  of  Libya,  and  in  Libya  none 
without  the  consent  of  Rome.  With  sorrow  the  Queen  of  the  Waters 
saw  her  great  fleet  sink  in  flames.  Even  more  galling  was  the  clause 
of  the  treaty  which  forbade  her  waging  war  in  Libya ;  for  it  left  her 
helpless  against  Rome's  ally,  Mas-i-nis'sa,  king  of  Numidia,  who 
plundered  Carthaginian  territory  to  the  extent  of  his  pleasure.  Such 
was  Rome's  policy  toward  a  fallen  enemy. 

266.  The  First  and  Second  Macedonian  Wars  (215-205,  200- 
196  B.C.).  —  After  the  Second  Punic  War  the  Romans  began  to 
interfere  seriously  in  the  affairs  of  Greece. 

They'  had  already  carried  on  two  short  wars  with  the  Il-lyr'i-an 
pirates,  in  the  course  of  which  they  had  taken  a  few  Greek  cities 
into  their  aUiance.  It  was  these  dealings  with  Greece  which  induced 
Philip  V  of  Macedon^  to  cast  his  lot  with  Hannibal  after  the  battle 
of  Cannae.  This  first  conflict  with  Macedon  (215-205  B.C.)  brought 
Rome  into  aUiance  with  Aetolia,  Athens,  and  other  important  states 
of  Greece. 

i§232.  2§„9^n.  2.  ^§263. 


Macedonian  Wars  329 

No  sooner  was  the  Roman  senate  free  from  the  struggle  with 
Carthage  than  it  forced  upon  the  people  a  second  war  with  Philip  in 
behalf  of  the  allies  whom  he  was  assailing.  The  consul  Flam-i-ni'- 
nus  led  against  him  a  strong  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men. 
Though  Phihp  had  about  the  same  number,  most  of  his  troops  were 
boys.  The  whole  civiHzed  world  was  interested  in  the  conflict  be- 
tween the  legion  and  the  phalanx.  On  level  ground  the  phalanx,  a 
massive  body,  was  unconquerable,  but  among  the  hills  it  could  be 
easily  broken.  The  legion,  on  the  contrary,  was  light  and  flexible, 
developed  especially  with  a  view  to  fighting  the  mountaineers  of 
central  Italy.  At  Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae  ("  Dogs'  Heads  "),  a  low  range 
of  hills  in  Thessaly,  the  armies  met,  and  after  a  sharp  struggle  the 
legion  was  victorious  (197  B.C.).  The  success  of  Rome  was  due 
to  her  military  organization,  to  the  poor  quality  of  the  opposing 
troops,  and  above  all,  to  the  superior  Aetolian  cavalry  in  her  service. 

The  king  was  compelled  to  cede  his  various  Greek  possessions  to 
the  victor.  But  as  the  Roman  commons  disliked  to  extend  their 
empire  to  the  East,  the  senate  decided  to  be  generous.  Accord- 
ingly at  the  Isthmian  festival  of  the  following  spring,  by  the  direction 
of  Flamininus  and  his  colleagues,  who  were  peace  commissioners, 
a  herald  proclaimed  to  the  assembly  the  freedom  of  all  the  Greeks 
who  had  been  ruled  by  Philip.  "  After  the  games  were  over,  in  the 
extravagance  of  their  joy,  they  nearly  killed  Flamininus  by  the  exhi- 
bition of  their  gratitude.  Some  wanted  to  look  him  in  the  face  and 
call  him  their  preserver ;  others  were  eager  to  touch  his  hand.  Most 
threw  garlands  and  fillets  upon  him  ;  and  among  them  they  nearly 
crushed  him  to  death."  ^  Though  Flamininus  wished  well  for  Greece, 
his  gift  of  freedom  was  a  fair  delusion.  The  Greeks  still  had  many 
noble  qualities ;  but  they  could  not  keep  peace  among  themselves  — 
the  only  guaranty  of  their  freedom.  As  their  protector  and  peace- 
maker, Rome  could  hardly  avoid  depriving  them  of  their  hberty. 

267.   The  Asiatic  War  (192-189  B.C.).  —  The  great  power  of  the 

1  Polybius  xviii.  46. 


330  The  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

East  at  this  time  was  the  empire  of  the  Seleucidae/  now  ruled  by 
An-ti'o-chus  III.  It  included  nearly  all  that  part  of  the  former  Per- 
sian empire  which  lay  in  Asia  and  Asia  Minor.  To  prevent  Rome 
from  gaining  further  influence  in  the  East,  Antiochus  invaded  Greece, 
and  in  his  turn  played  the  game  of  freeing  that  country.  He  had 
been  encouraged  to  war  by  Hannibal,  whom  the  Roman  senate  had 
forced  into  exile,  and  who  was  now  at  the  court  of  the  Seleucid  king. 
Jealousy  and  littleness  of  mind  prevented  Antiochus  from  intrusting 
the  command  of  the  army  to  Hannibal.  Driven  from  Europe,  the 
king  suffered  an  overwhelming  defeat  at  Mag-ne^sia^  in  Asia  Minor, 
at  the  hands  of  Lucius  Scipio,  brother  of  Africanus  (190  B.C.).  As 
a  result  of  this  unsuccessful  war,  he  gave  up  all  his  possessions  west 
of  Mount  Taurus.  Rome  left  the  states  of  Asia  Minor  independent 
under  her  protectorate.  Hannibal  fled  to  Bi-thyn'ia,  where  he  died 
by  poison  to  escape  the  Romans.  Antiochus  was  stoned  to  death 
by  his  own  people  ;  and  his  great  empire  rapidly  dwindled  to  the 
petty  kingdom  of  Syria.- 

268.  The  Condition  of  Greece ;  the  Third  Macedonian  War  (171- 
167  B.C.). — Meantime  the  states  of  Greece  constantly  accused  one 
another  before  the  Roman  senate,  and  constantly  invited  that  body 
to  setde  their  quarrels.  Accordingly  we  find  one  committee  of  the 
senate  after  another  coming  to  Greece  to  arbitrate  disputes  and  to 
look  after  the  interests  of  the  republic.  Their  respect  for  Greek 
culture,  however,  did  not  prevent  them  from  fostering  disunion, — 
from  undermining  the  Achaean  League.'^  To  rid  themselves  of  a 
troublesome  Hellenic  patriot,  these  "  lovers  of  Greece "  sometimes 
resorted  even  to  assassination. 

Such  was  the  stata  of  affairs  when  Philip  died  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Per'seus.  More  amiable,  though  less  able,  than  his  father, 
he  cherished  the  noble  ambition  of  championing  Hellas  against 
barbarian  Rome.  His  clever  diplomacy  and  the  desire  of  the 
Greeks  for  independence  were  rapidly  bringing  them  into  touch 
1  §  199.  2  §  294.  ^  §  201. 


End  of  Greek  Freedom  331 

with  Macedon,  when  Rome,  to  prevent  this  dreaded  union,  declared 
war  against  Perseus  (171  B.C.). 

The  principal  commander  on  the  Roman  side  was  Lucius  AemiHus 
Pau'lus/  a  man  of  rare  honesty  and  ability.  He  met  and  conquered 
Perseus  at  PyiVna,  a  city  of  Macedon  (168  B.C.).  "Aemilius  had 
never  seen  a  phalanx  till  he  saw  it  in  the  army  of  Perseus  on 
this  occasion ;  and  he  often  admitted  to  his  friends  at  Rome 
afterward  that  he  had  never  beheld  anything  more  alarming  and 
terrible;  and  yet  he,  as  often  as  any  man,  had  been  not  only  a 
spectator  but  an  actor  in  many  battles."^  The  king  escaped,  but 
was  taken  later,  and  after  following,  with  his  young  children,  in  the 
triumphal  procession  of  the  conqueror,  he  died  in  prison,  either  by 
his  own  hand  or  by  the  cruelty  of  the  jailer.  At  the  close  of  the 
war  the  Romans  imposed  an  annual  tribute  on  the  Illyrians  for 
having  aided  Perseus.^  Macedon  they  divided  into  four  repubhcs, 
which  they  prohibited  from  all  intercourse  with  one  another.  Thus 
a  great  state  perished.  The  cities  yielded  to  the  victor  shiploads  of 
furniture,  precious  metals,  and  works  of  art.  In  addition,  the  troops 
plundered  Epeirus  for  siding  with  the  king ;  they  carried  thence  vast 
spoil  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  who  were  sold 
into  slavery.  Nevertheless  they  grumbled  at  their  commander  for 
allowing  them  so  Httle. 

269.  The  End  of  Greek  Freedom  (146  B.C.).  — For  Greece  there 
was  to  be  no  more  freedom.  Those  who  sympathized  with  Perseus 
in  the  war  were"  sent  to  Rome  for  trial.     Among  them  were  a  thou- 

1  Son  of  Aemilius,  who  died  at  Cannse  (§  262), 

2  Polybius  xxix.  17. 

8  Trouble  with  the  Illyrians  began  long  before.  In  229-228  B.C.  Rome  pun- 
ished them  for  piracy,  and  compelled  them  to  keep  their  hands  off  Corcyra  and 
Epidamnus.  Rome's  treaties  with  these  two  Hellenic  states  were  her  first  diplo- 
matic dealings  with  Greece.  In  219  B.C.  she  waged  a  second  war  with  the  Illy- 
rians in  behalf  of  her  Greek  allies,  who  were  already  increasing  in  number.  But 
it  was  not  till  this  piratical  nation  had  cast  its  lot  with  Perseus  that  the  Romans 
determined  to  annex  it,  and  even  then  (167  B.C.)  they  did  not  organize  it  as  a 
province;   §  272,  n.  i. 


332  T/ie  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

sand  men  from  the  Achaean  League  alone,  including  Po-lyb'i-us,  the 
statesman  and  historian.  Far  from  being  given  a  trial,  however, 
they  were  detained  sixteen  years  among  the  towns  of  Etruria.  The 
influence  of  Polybius  procured  the  release  of  the  three  hundred  who 
then  remained. 

When  these  exiles  returned  home  they  excited  their  whole  nation 
against  the  city  which  had  treated  them  so  unjustly.  At  the  same 
time  the  Greeks  were  again  quarrelling  among  themselves,  and  a 
rebellion  was  breaking  out  in  Macedon.  These- circumstances  led 
the  senate  again  to  interfere.  Me-tel'lus  united  the  Macedonian 
republics  in  the  province  of  Mac-e-do'ni-a.  Mum'mi-us  defeated 
the  Achaean  army.  He  then  entered  Corinth,  the  chief  offender, 
killed  most  of  the  men  he  found,  and  enslaved  the  women  and 
children.  After  plundering  the  city,  he  burned  it  to  the  ground. 
At  last  the  Greeks  realized  that  though  they  retained  the  form  of 
liberty,  the  Roman  senate  was  their  master.  It  ruled  them  mainly 
through  the  governor  of  Macedonia.  Politically  they  were  dead ; 
their  dissensions  had  ruined  them.  If  the  Romans  should  govern 
them  well,  they  would  thereby  justify  the  conquest. 

270.  The  Third  Punic  War  (149-146  B.C.).  — In  the  same  year 
the  Romans  destroyed  Carthage.  For  the  beginning  of  the  trouble 
which  led  to  this  event  we  must  go  back  to  the  close  of  the  Second 
Punic  War.  The  treaty  with  Hannibal  had  forbidden  Carthage, 
without  the  consent  of  Rome,  to  defend  herself  against  attack. 
Taking  advantage  of  this  condition,  Masinissa,^  king  of  Numidia,  an 
ally  of  Rome,  continually  plundered  the  territory  of  Carthage  and 
seized  some  of  her  best  lands.  In  answer  to  her  complaints  Rome 
sent  out  various  commissioners,  who  in  every  case  were  instructed  to 
give  secret  encouragement  to  the  plunderer.  As  a  member  of  such 
a  commission,  Cato,  a  narrow-minded  statesman,  of  whom  we  shall 
hear  more,  brought  home  a  startling  report  of  the  wealth  and  pros- 
perity of  Carthage.    In  his  opinion  the  city  of  Hannibal  still  menaced 

1  §  265. 


Carthage  Destroyed 


333 


Rome.  Indeed  he  is  said  to  have  ended  every  speech  in  the  senate, 
whatever  the  subject,  with  the  words,  "  Carthage  must  be  destroyed  !  " 
He  easily  convinced  the  capitaHsts,  who  wished  for  a  monopoly  of 
the  world's  commerce,  and  who  formed  a  majority  of  the  senate. 
Accordingly  the  consuls  sailed  for  U'ti-ca  with  an  immense  army. 
To  avoid  war  the  Carthaginians  were  ready  for  every  concession. 
First  they  handed  over  three  hundred  children  as  hostages.  The 
mothers,  who  gave  them  up,  "  clung  to  the  Httle  ones  with  frantic 


Storming  a  City 

cries  and  seized  hold  of  the  ships  and  of  the  officers  who  were 
taking  them  away."  ^  "  If  you  sincerely  desire  peace,"  said  the  con- 
suls on  their  arrival  at  Utica,  "  why  do  you  need  arms  ?  Surrender 
them  ! "  After  vain  protests  the  people  gave  up  their  armor.  "  We 
congratulate  you  on  your  promptness,"  the  consuls  continued;  "now 
yield  Carthage  to  us  and  settle  wherever  you  like  within  your  own 
land,  ten  miles  from  the  sea;  for  we  are  resolved  to  destroy  your 

city." 

1  Appian,  Foreign  Wars,  viii.  77. 


334  ^^^  Expansion  of  the  Roman  Power 

At  first  the  people  were  overcome  with  grief;  but  finally  they 
resolved  to  defend  their  city  to  the  last  drop  of  blood.  As  they  had 
to  make  new  weapons,  they  converted  even  the  temples  into  work- 
shops, and  the  women  gave  their  hair  for  bowstrings.  They  gallantly 
repulsed  the  attacks  of  the  consuls,  and  for  three  years  defended 
themselves  like  heroes.  At  last  Scipio  Ae-mil-i-a'nus^  forced  a  pas- 
sage through  the  walls.  His  soldiers  massacred  the  inhabitants,  then 
plundered  and  burned  the  city.  After  they  had  destroyed  this 
innocent  people,  the  authorities  of  Rome  cursed  the  ground  on  which 
the  city  stood,  that  it  might  never  be  rebuilt.  The  territory  it  ruled 
they  made  into  the  province  of  Africa. 

271.  Ligurian,  Gallic,  and  Spanish  Wars. — The  story  of  the  con- 
quest of  Greece  and  Carthage,  just  told,  illustrates  the  character  of 
Roman  warfare  during  the  half-century  which  followed  the  peace 
with  Hannibal.  In  the  same  period,  wars  with  the  Ligurians  and  the 
rebellious  Celts  of  northern  Italy  ended  in  the  thorough  conquest  of 
Cis-al'pine^  Gaul.  Spain,  subdued  in  the  Second  Punic  War,  was 
made  into  two  provinces.  But  the  people  of  this  country  so  loved 
liberty  and  were  so  obstinate  that  the  Romans  had  to  reconquer  them 
several  times.  While  doing  so,  they  showed  themselves  false  and 
cruel :  they  violated  treaties,  and  massacred  troops  who  had  sur- 
rendered under  agreement.  The  siege  of  Nu-man'ti-a,  a  rebellious 
town  of  Spain,  was  a  repetition  of  the  siege  of  Carthage,  —  it  revealed 
the  immorality  of  the  common  soldiers,  the  baseness  of  the  generals, 
and  still  worse,  the  alarming  degradation  of  the  senate.  Scipio,  the 
destroyer  of  Carthage,  had  the  honor  of  stamping  out  this  rebellion 
(133   B.C.). 

272.  Summary.  —  In  these  conquests  the  chief  motive  of  the 
citizen-soldiers  was  a  desire  for  lands  and  booty ;  the  object  of  the 

1  Son  of  Aemilius  Paulus  (§  268),  but  adopted  into  the  family  of  the  Scipios. 

2  The  prefix  cis-  means  "  on  this  side  of."  Naturally  the  Romans  thought 
of  Gaul  south  of  the  Alps  as  Cisalpine,  whereas  the  country  of  the  Gauls  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Alps  they  termed  Transalpine. 


Summary  335 

nobles  was  power  and  wealth.  The  senate,  which  guided  Rome's" 
foreign  policy,  was  not  only  clever  but  in  some  degree  just  and 
liberal.  •  It  rewarded  faithful  friends,  however  feeble  they  might  be. 
At  the  same  time  it  bestowed  favors  upon  the  strong,  whether  deserv- 
ing or  not,  while  it  wreaked  merciless  vengeance  upon  those  who 
were  at  once  erring  and  weak.  Often  by  dividing  the  strong  and  by 
sowing  quarrels,  it  broke  the  power  of  enemies  and  prepared  the 
way  to  easy  victory. 

The  Romans  now  ruled  most  of  the  territory  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean between  Mount  Taurus  and  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.  They  had 
seven,  or  possibly  nine,  provinces^  under  governors  sent  from  the 
capital,  many  subject  states,  and  many  allies  in  various  stages  of 
dependency.  Less  than  a  century  and  a  half  had  elapsed  since 
Rome,  as  the  head  of  Italy,  entered  on  her  career  of  foreign  conquest ; 
outside  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica,  she  had  acquired  all  this 
power  in  a  lifetime.  Within  another  century  and  a  half,  she  will 
round  out  her  empire  so  as  to  include  all  the  countries  which 
surround  the  Mediterranean.  But  these  two  cycles  of  conquest 
bring  with  them  momentous  changes  in  the  character  of  her  govern- 
ment and  in  the  condition  of  her  citizens. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.    Hamilcar.  —  Smith,  Rome  and  Carthage,  pp.  84-108;   Morris,  Hannibal, 
pp.  69-98. 

II.   Hannibal's  March  from  Spain  to  Italy.  —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch. 
v;    Smith,  Rome  and  Carthage,  pp.  1 14-126;    Morris,  Hannibal,  pp.  99-116.     . 

III.  Scipio  Aemilianus  (the  destroyer  of  Carthage),  his  Character  and 
Achievements. — See  Indices  of  the  various  histories  of  Rome;  also  the  Index 
of  Polybius;   of.  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  v. 

1  Cisalpine  Gaul,  conquered  in  191,  may  not  have  been  organized  as  a  province 
before  81  B.C.  Illyricum,  on  the  opposite  coast  of  the  Adriatic,  was  subdued  in 
167  B.C.,  and  became  a  province  at  some  unknown  time  afterward.  The  province 
of  Asia  —  in  western  Asia  Minor  —  was  formed  in  133  B.C.  The  other  provinces, 
already  mentioned  in  the  text,  were  Sicily  and  Sardinia  with  Corsica  (227  B.C.),  the 
t  wo  Spains(  1 97  B.C.),  and  Africa  and  Macedonia  (146  B.C.);  §§257,  258,271. 


A  Street  in  Pompeii 
(Present  appearance) 


CHAPTER   VI 

THE  GROWTH   OF   PLUTOCRACY  (264-133  B.C.) 
Second  Period  of  the  Republic  —  Internal  History 

273.  The  Expansion  of  Rome;  the  Province.  —  As  long  as  a  city- 
state,  like  Rome,  remained  so  small  that  all  the  citizens  could  attend 
the  assembly  and  take  part  in  public  affairs,  the  government  worked 
well.  But  when  the  state  outgrew  these  limits,  the  citizens  who  were 
near  at  hand  managed  the  government  in  their  own  interest  to  the 
injury  of  those  who  were  farther  away.  For  this  reason  the  more 
territory  Rome  acquired,  the  more  unjust  and  oppressive  became  her 
government. 

Her  early  supremacy  in  Italy  was  on  the  whole  fair  and  just ;  the 
Italians  were  her  allies,  and  while  she  insisted  on  having  their  sup- 
port in  her  wars,  she  permitted  most  of  the  communities  to  manage 
their  own  local  affairs. 

336 


The  Province 


337 


But  when  the  Romans  acquired  their  first  territory  outside  of  Italy, 
they  made  it  into  a  province.^  Some  years  after  the  First  Punic  War 
the  senate  made  a  province  of  Sicily  and  another  of  Sardinia  and 
Corsica.  Later  it  added  Hither  and  Farther  Spain,  Macedonia, 
Africa,  and  Asia,  thus  building  up  a  great  empire?  After  creating 
four  praetors  as  governors  of  provinces,  in  addition  to  the  two  who 
attended  to  jurisdic- 
tion at  home,"  it 
filled  the  remaining 
governorships  with 
proconsuls  and  pro- 
praetors.'* During 
his  year  of  com- 
mand the  governor 
had  absolute  author- 
ity. He  was  at 
once  general,  judge, 
and  chief  executive, 
and  through  his 
quaestor^  he  con- 
trolled the  finances 
of  his  province.  His 
subjects  paid  an 
annual  tribute,  but 
had  not  the  right  to 
enter  the  army,  for 
military  service  would  have  given  them  not  only  an  independent 
spirit  but  also  a  means  of  regaining  their  freedom. 

274.   The  Character  of  Roman  Rule.  —  Some  advantages  came  to 

1  §  257.  2  §  272,  n.  I.  3  §  250,  n.  3. 

*  A  proconsul  or  propraetor  was  an  officer  who  held  the  power  of  a  consul  or 
praetor  in  some  special  command  outside  of  Rome.  As  a  rule  consuls  and  prse- 
-tors,  at  the  close  of  their  terms,  became  proconsuls  and  propraetors;   §  264,  n.  i, 

'  §  248. 


A  Proconsul 

(National  Museum,  Naples;  from  Pompeii) 


33^  The  Growth  of  Plutocracy 

the  provinces  from  Roman  rule.  Usually  they  enjoyed  peace.  The 
cities  of  a  province  retained  their  own  laws  and  self-government  in 
local  affairs.  The  less  civilized  subjects,  too,  profited  greatly  by 
adopting  the  customs  and  ideas  of  their  masters. 

In  spite  of  these  advantages  their  condition  was  anything  but  happy. 
With  rare  exceptions  Rome  forbade  commercial  intercourse  among 
the  cities  of  a  province,  and  even  restricted  trade  between  one  prov- 
ince and  another.  The  object  of  the  senate  in  imposing  these 
restrictions  was  to  place  the  commerce  and  industry  of  the  empire  in 
the  hands  of  the  Romans  themselves.  By  impoverishing  all  but  the 
favored  few,  this  policy  gradually  sapped  the  life-blood  of  the 
wretched  subjects.  In  place  of  native  merchants  a  horde  of  greedy 
money-lenders,  speculators,  and  traders  poured  from  the  capital  over 
all  the  provinces ;  and  while  their  citizenship  ^  at  Rome  protected 
them,  they  unjustly  acquired  most  of  the  property  in  the  subject 
countries  and  reduced  the  people  to  debt  and  misery.  Driving  the 
peasants  from  their  farms,  these-  speculators  built  up  vast  estates 
worked  by  slaves.  The  system,  too,  which  Rome  followed  of  letting 
out  the  collection  of  taxes  to  contractors,  was  full  of  evil.  The 
knights,  ^  whose  wealth  enabled  them  to  take  these  contracts,  com- 
pelled the  provincials  to  pay  many  times  their  due. 

Rarely  did  a  governor  try  to  check  these  wrongs.  As  a  rule  he  was 
himself  cruel  and  oppressive.  Not  content  with  the  wealth  of  his 
subjects,  a  rapacious  governor  seized  their  works  of  art,  including  the 
statues  of  the  gods  they  worshipped,  and  even  sold  many  freemen 
into  slavery.  The  rapid  change  of  officers  increased  the  evil.  In  his 
short  term  the  governor  expected  to  make  three  fortunes  :  the  first, 
to  pay  the  debts  he  had  contracted  in  bribing  his  way  to  power ;  a 
second,  to  satisfy  his  judges  in  case  of  prosecution  on  his  return  to 
Rome ;  and  a  third,  to  enable  him  to  live  in  luxury  for  the  remainder 

1  Roman  citizens  in  the  provinces  enjoyed  many  privileges  and  rights  not  pos- 
sessed by  the  provincials,  and  were  not  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  local  courts, 

2  §§232,  276. 


The  Decline  of  Italy 


339 


of  his  days.  Though  a  special  court  was  established  for  the  trial  of 
extortion  committed  in  the  provinces,  it  accomplished  no  good ;  for 
the  judges  were  of  hke  mind  with  the  culprits.  Thieves  and  plun- 
derers sat  in  judgment  on  thieves  and  plunderers ;  a  year  or  two 
would  reverse  the  role  of  the  two  parties.  Thus  the  provincials 
found  no  protection  from 
injustice.  To  them  the 
"  peace  of  Rome  "  meant 
slavery,  decay,  and 
death. 

275.  The  Decline  of  Italy. 
—  Italy  was  to  experience 
a  similar  dechne.  As  long 
as  Rome  treated  the  Italians 
justly,  they  were  satisfied 
with  her  rule.  At  first  they 
sided  with  her  against  Han- 
nibal, but  after  the  battle  of 
Cannae  many  in  the  south 
of  the  peninsula  deserted  to 
him.^  When  Rome  recon- 
quered them,  she  treated 
them  not  as  erring  kinsmen 
but  as  subjects  and  slaves. 
She  seized  large  tracts  of 
their  land;  she  degraded 
many  of  them  from  the 
serfs. 

Rome  injured  the  Italians  still  more  by  restricting  their  trade  with 
one  another.  The  great  commercial  cities  of  Capua  and  Tarentum 
disappeared;  in  the  streets  of  the  once  prosperous  Greek  towns 
which  still  remained,  merchants  gave  place  to  beggars. 

^  §  263. 


Ceres  (Demeter) 
(Goddess  of  Agriculture) 

condition    of   allies    to    that    of   state 


340  The  Growth  of  Plutocracy 

The  farming  class  suffered  equally  with  the  traders  ;  for  as  Rome 
now  drew  her  food  supply  from  the  provinces,  —  cheap  produce  of 
slave  labor,  —  the  Italian  peasants  could  find  no  market  for  their 
grain.  Those  who  lost  their  little  farms  through  poverty  or  by  any 
other  means  usually  flocked  to  Rome,  to  swell  the  numbers  of  a  worth- 
less, dangerous  mob.  The  system  of  great  estates  worked  by  slaves 
spread  itself  over  Italy.  The  large  proprietors  forcibly  seized  the 
farms  of  their  poor  neighbors.  Although  the  peasants  who  did  their 
own  work  failed,  slave  labor  was  as  profitable  in  Italy  as  in  the  prov- 
inces. "Thus  the  nobles  became  enormously  rich,  and  while  the 
race  of  slaves  multiplied  throughout  the  country,  the  Italians  dwindled 
in  numbers  and  in  strength,  oppressed  by  penury,  taxes,  and  military 
service."^  Such  was  the  condition  of  Italy  at  the  close  of  the  great 
period  of  foreign  conquest  (264-133  B.C.)  treated  in  the  preceding 
chapter. 

Had  the  Italians  been  able  to  secure  representation  in  the  Roman 
senate,  they  might  by  this  means  have  protected  their  property  and 
their  freedom.  Such  a  measure  was  suggested,  but  the  senate  was 
too  selfish  and  short-sighted  to  consider  it.  In  fact  the  Romans  were 
reversing  their  former  policy  of  liberality  toward  strangers.  So 
highly  did  they  esteem  the  privileges  and  honors  they  enjoyed  as  an 
imperial  people,  that  henceforth  they  refused  to  bestow  the  citizen- 
ship upon  others  except  in  the  rarest  cases.  Exalted  by  conquest  to 
the  position  of  aristocrats,  even  the  common  people  looked  down 
upon  the  Italians  as  inferiors. 

276.  Roman  Citizens ;  the  Government  and  the  Nobility.  —  The 
competition  of  slave  labor  ruined  the  Roman  peasants  as  well  as  the 
Italian.  In  the  capital,  too,  skilled  industry  and  business  were  in  the 
hands  of  wealthy  persons  or  of  corporations  of  knights,  who  relied 
mainly  on  the  labor  of  slaves  and  the  business  cleverness  of  freed- 
men.^  The  many  peasants  and  tradesmen  who  lost  their  honest 
livelihood  turned  to  begging  and  robbery  or  became  clients  of  the 
^  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  i.  7.  2  §  ^55^ 


The  Government  341 

great  nobles.  It  is  now  easy  to  understand  how  it  was  that  while  in 
theory  conquest  was  making  the  Roman  citizens  lords  of  the  earth, 
it  was  really  bringing  most  of  them  to  misery  and  rendering  them 
unfit  even  to  govern  themselves. 

According  to  the  constitution  as  amended  by  Hortensius/  the  full 
citizens  of  Rome,  plebeians  and  patricians,^  were  all  equal,  and  the 
government  was  in  their  hands.  The  equality  and  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  however,  were  empty  forms.  In  fact  the  assembly  was  com- 
posed of  those  who  lived  in  and  near  the  city,  as  distance  prevented 
most  of  the  citizens  from  attending.  Hence  the  city  population, 
which  was  fast  becoming  a  rabble,  alone  exercised  the  right  to  vote. 
Again,  a  member  of  an  assembly  could  not  propose  a  law  or  a  candi- 
date for  office,  or  speak  on  any  subject;^  he  could  merely  vote  for 
or  against  the  candidates  and  the  measures  offered  by  the  presiding 
officer,  who  rarely  failed  to  enforce  his  will  upon  the  comitia.  In 
other  words,  the  magistrates  controlled  the  assembHes.  But  while 
they  enjoyed  great  authority  in  dealing  with  the  people,  or  in  command- 
ing armies  and  governing  provinces  at  a  distance  from  Rome,,  they 
acknowledged  the  senate  as  their  master.''  The  senate  was  thei'efore 
the  supreme  power  in  the  state. 

Some  years  before  the  beginning  of  the  Punic  Wars,  the  right  to 
revise  the  list  of  senators  was  transferred  from  the  consuls  to  the  cen- 
sors. These  magistrates  were  obliged  (i)  to  enroll  all  who  had 
filled  curule  offices  with  honor,  (2)  to  consider  for  the  places  still 
vacant  the  names  of  the  less  important  ex- magistrates ;  and  (3)  in 
case  these  candidates  did  not  suffice,  they  were  permitted  to  use  their 
pleasure  in  choosing  from  the  whole  body  of  respectable  citizens. 

The  senators  were  not  all  equal ;  for  those  who  had  held  no  curule 
office  were  placed  by  the  censors  in  an  inferior  class,  and  were  called 
upon  to  vote  though  not  to  speak.  The  curule  ex- magistrates,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  grouped  in  higher  classes  according  to  the  offices 
they  had  filled,  and  were  at  Hberty  not  only  to  vote,  but  also  to 
1  §  251.  2  §  250.  8  §  241.  4  §  241. 


342 


The  Growth  of  Plutoci'acy 


debate  and  to  suggest  measures.  This  knot  of  ex-magistrates  controlled 
the  entire  senate  and,  through  it,  Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces.  It 
seemed  just  that  experienced. statesmen  should  have  more  authority 

than  the  assembly  of  plain  citi- 
zens, who  knew  nothing  of  the 
condition  of  the  world  beyond 
the  borders  of  their  own  litde 
neighborhood. 

The  families  to  which  these  ex- 
magistrates  belonged  formed,  in 
the  beginning,  a  nobility  of  merit. 
But  from  the  end  of  the  Second 
Punic  War  we  see  the  nobles  rap- 
idly declining  in  character  and  in 
ability.  They  became  an  heredi- 
tary caste,  consisting  of  a  few 
great  houses,  and  rarely  admitted 
new  men  to  their  privileged 
circle.  They  kept  all  the  higher 
offices  for  themselves,  and  passed 
them  in  rotation  among  the 
members  of  their  families. 

A  young  noble,  after  service  as 
an  officer  in  the  army,  and  per- 
haps after  enriching  himself  as 
Aedile  a   provincial    quaestor,   secured 

(Giving  the  signal  at  the  games)  election  to  a  curule   aedileship. 

In  this  position  it  was  his  duty  to  entertain  the  people  with 
costly  religious  festivals  and  shows,  chiefly  at  his  own  expense ; 
in  this  way  he  gained  their  favor  and  their  votes  for  the  higher 
offices.  With  this  legal  and  pious  system  of  corruption,  he  had 
little  need  of  resorting  to  open  bribery.  Thence  he  advanced  to 
the  praetorship  and  to  the  consulship.     As  praetor,  propraetor,  or 


Flaminius  343 

proconsul,^  he  governed  a  province,  where  he  ghitted  himself  with 
spoil,  and  where  irresponsible  power  made  him  haughty  and  brutal. 
If  he  won  distinction  in  this  career  of  honors  the  people  showed 
their  appreciation  by  electing  him  to  the  censorship  —  the  crown  of 
glory  of  the  nobility.  To  complete  our  understanding  of  the  nobles 
of  this  period,  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  that  they  were  capi- 
talists, who  sought  office  not  merely  for  honor,  but  also  as  a  means 
of  absorbing  the  riches  of  the  world.  The  nobility  of  merit  became 
a  narrow,  self-seeking  plutocracy.  ^ 

The  nobles  and  other  wealthy  men  filled  the  eighteen  centuries  of 
knights  in  the  comitia  centuriata.''  Still  other  men  of  means  who 
might  be  required  to  furnish  their  own  horses  for  service  in  the 
cavalry  were  also  called  knights.  The  class  so  named,  originally 
including  the  senators,  were  the  capitalists,  who  took  government 
contracts  for  collecting  taxes  and  for  building  public  works,  and 
who  had  in  hand  most  of  the  commerce  and  industry  of  the  Roman 
world. 

277.  Gaius  Flaminius.  —  The  selfish  poHcy  of  the  senate  provoked 
opposition.  Against  its  wishes  Gaius  Flaminius,  tribune  of  the  plebs 
in  232  B.C.,  carried  through  the  assembly  a  law  for  dividing  the  public 
lands  in  Pi-ce'num  among  the  citizens.  A  few  years  later  when  war 
broke  out  with  the  Gauls  of  the  Po  Valley,  the  people  elected  him 
consul,  that  he  might  win  more  lands  for  them.  He  extended  the 
rule  of  Rome  to  the  Alps,  and  as  censor  built  a  road,  named  after 
him  the  Flaminian  Way,  from  the  capital  to  Ariminum,  to  give  easy 
access  to  the  new  territory.  The  people  were  colonizing  this  country 
when  the  invasion  of  Hannibal  interrupted  their  work.  Naturally 
their  thoughts  turned  once  more  to  Flaminius,  their  champion. 
Elected  consul  for  217  B.C.,  he  took  command  against  the  invader, 
but  was  defeated  and  killed  at  Trasimene.'*     Rome  lost  in  him  an 

1  §  273,  n.  4. 

2  Government  by  the  wealthy,  or  the  ruling  class  in  such  a  state. 

3  §  241.  4  §261. 


344 


The  Growth  of  Plutocracy 


able  statesman  and  a  great  builder ;  and  though  the  aristocrats  called 
him  a  demagogue,  his  character  and  motives  were  nobler  than  theirs. 
Varro,  the  next  champion  of  the  people,  commanded  at  Cannae, 
where  he  disgraced  his  party  by  defeat.^  Opposition  to  the  senate, 
accordingly,  ceased  ;  and  for  the  remainder  of  the  period  ^  the  nobles 
were  to  govern  in  their  own  way. 

278.    Scipio  Africanus.  —  Scipio  Africanus  was  of  a  very  different 
stamp.     The  conquest  of  Spain  and  the  victory  at  Zama  made  him 

the  greatest  man  in  Rome.  For 
fifteen  years  he  was  foreman  of  the 
senate ;  he  was  consul  twice,  and 
censor.  It  was  his  firm  conviction 
that  Rome  should  not  organize  the 
conquered  countries  into  provinces, 
but  should  hold  them  as  dependent 
allies ;  for  he  saw  that  the  need  of 
garrisoning  the  provinces  would 
soon  exhaust  the  strength  of  Italy. 
In  keeping  with  this  principle  he 
planted  in  Italy  several  colonies 
whose  military  strength  was  to  be 
reserved  for  the  defence  of  the 
peninsula.  Thus  the  chief  of  the 
nobles  carried  on  the  colonial  policy 
of  Flaminius. 

But     he     had     many    enemies. 
Accustomed   to  absolute  command 
in  the  field,  at  Rome  he  acted  the 
king.     He  used  his  immense  influ- 
ence for  the  political  advancement  of  his  family,  and  trampled  upon 
the  law  to  protect  a  brother  from  trial  for  embezzlement.     Finally 
the  tribunes  of  the  plebs  prosecuted  him  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
1  §  262.  2  Second  period  of  the  republic,  264-133  B.C. 


"PuBLius  Cornelius  Scipio  Afri- 
canus " 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 


Cato  345 

received  bribes,  and  that  he  had  been  extravagant  and  tyrannous. 
Without  replying  to  the  charges,  he  is  said  to  have  spoken  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Tribunes  of  the  people,  and  you,  Romans,  on  the  anniversary 
of  this  day  I  fought  a  pitched  battle  in  Africa,  with  Hannibal  and 
the  Carthaginians,  with  good  fortune  and  success.  As,  therefore,  it 
is  but  decent  that  a  stop  be  put  for  this  day  to  wrangling  and  liti- 
gation, I  will  immediately  go  to  the  Capitol,  there  to  return  my 
acknowledgments  to  Jupiter,  supremely  good  and  great,  to  Juno, 
Minerva,  and  the  other  deities  presiding  over  the  Capitol  and 
Citadel ;  and  will  give  them  thanks  for  having,  on  this  day  and  at 
many  other  times,  endowed  me  both  with  the  will  and  with  the 
ability  to  perform  extraordinary  services  to  the  state.  Such  of  you 
also,  Romans,  as  it  suits,  come  with  me  and  beseech  the  gods  that 
you  may  have  commanders  like  myself."  ^  The  whole  assembly 
followed  him  with  enthusiasm.  But  though  he  was  a  man  of  culture, 
fond  of  literature  and  of  luxury,  his  talents  were  chiefly  military. 
Unable  to  cope  with  his  pohtical  enemies,  he  retired  into  the  country 
to  private  life. 

279.  Marcus  Porcius  Cato.  —  Marcus  Porcius  Cato,  his  chief 
antagonist,  was  narrow,  unsympathetic,  and  close-fisted,  but  strictly 
moral  —  a  model  of  the  older  Roman  virtue.  He  was  a  peasant  by 
birth,  and  drew  the  inspiration  of  his  life  from  the  memories  of 
Manius  Curius  Dentatus,^  the  great  peasant-statesman  of  the  good 
old  time,  whose  modest  cottage  stood  near  his  father's  farm. 
Accordingly  "  he  worked  with  his  slaves,  in  winter  wearing  a  coarse 
coat  without  sleeves,  in  summer  nothing  but  his  tunic ;  and  he  used 
to  sit  at  meals  with  them,  eating  the  same  loaf  and  drinking  the  same 
wine."  ^ 

By  the  patronage  of  a  rich  neighbor,  but  more  by  ability  and  hon- 
esty, this  thrifty  peasant  rose  to  the  highest  offices  of  the  state. 
"  When  he  was  governor  of  Sardinia,  where  former  rulers  had  been 
in  the  habit  of  charging  their  tents,  bedding,  and  wearing  apparel  to 
1  Livy  xxxviii.  51.  2  §  252.  ^  Plutarch,  M.  Cato,  3. 


346 


The  Growth  of  Plutocracy 


the  province,  and  likewise  making  it  pay  large  sums  for  their  enter- 
tainment and  that  of  their  friends,  he  introduced  an  unheard-of  sys- 
tem of  economy.  He  charged  nothing  to  the  province,  and  visited 
the  various  cities  without  a  carriage,  on  foot  and  alone,  attended  by 
one  public  servant,  who  carried  his  robe  of  state  and  the  vessel  for 
making  libations  at  a  sacrifice.     With  all   this  he  showed  himself 

so  affable  and  simple  to 
those  under  his  rule,  so 
severe  and  inexorable 
in  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  so  vigilant 
and  careful  in  seeing 
that  his  orders  were 
executed,  that  the 
government  of  Rome 
was  never  more  feared 
or  more  loved  in  Sardinia 
than  when  he  ruled  that 
island."  1 

In  his  home  policy  he 

assailed     with     untiring 

energy    the   luxury,   the 

refinement,  and  the  cul- 

SACRiKiciNG  A  Pic.  ^urc  represented  by  the 

(National  Museum,  Naples)  Scipios  ;     it    was    chiefly 

his  influence  which  overthrew  this  powerful  family.  The  nobles  feared 
and  hated  the  red-haired,  gray-eyed,  savage-tusked  "  new  man,"  who 
rebuked  their  follies  and  their  sins.  Chosen  censor  in  spite  of  their 
opposition,  he  expelled  from  the  senate  a  number  of  disreputable 
members,  taxed  luxuries  unmercifully,  administered  the  public  works 
and  let  out  the  public  contracts  without  favoritism.  The  people, 
therefore,  placed  his  statue  in  the  temple  of  Health,  with  this  inscrip- 
1  Plutarch,  M.  Cato,  6. 


Culture 


34; 


tion,  "  This  statue  was  erected  to  Cato  because,  when  censor,  find- 
ing the  state  of  Rome  corrupt  and  degenerate,  he,  by  introducing 
wise  regulations  and  virtuous  disciphne,  restored  it."  The  praise  is 
too  great.  Cato  could  not  understand  how  corrupt  his  fellow-citizens 
were  becoming ;  much  less  did  he  find  a  remedy  for  the  evil. 

280.  Culture,  Religion,  and  Marals.  —  In  this  period  the  Romans 
began  to  compose  poetry,  history,  and  oratory.^  Their  useful  public 
works,  as  sewers,  bridges, 
roads,  and  aqueducts,  were 
the  best  in  the  world.  They 
produced  little  sculpture  and 
painting,  but  preferred  to 
import  shiploads  of  art  as 
plunder  from  the  cities  of 
Sicily  and  Greece.  Without 
appreciation  of  real  beauty, 
the  nobles  took  pleasure  in 
adorning  their  houses  and 
villas  with  stolen  statues. 

Along  with  foreign  art 
came  the  ideas,  the  religion, 
and  the  morals  of  strangers. 
They  began  to  worship  the 
Greek  Di-o-ny'sus,  or  Bac'- 
chus,  god  of  the  vine  and  of 
life,  including  future  life,  and  the  Phrygian  Cyb'e-le,  Mother  of  the 
Gods,  whom  noisy  processions  honored  in  the  streets  with  drums, 
trumpets,  and  cymbals,  with  war-dances  and  bloody  tumults.  In 
this  way  many  sober  men  and  women  became  fanatics. 


A  Bacchante 

(National   Museum,   Naples;    a  fresco   from 

Pompeii) 


1  We  have  a  few  of  the  comedies  of  Plautus  and  Terence,  who  lived  in  this 
period,  and  mere  fragments  of  the  remaining  Roman  literature.  Polybius,  a  Greek 
statesman  of  the  age,  wrote  an  able  history  of  the  expansion  of  the  Roman  power. 
Considerable  parts  of  his  work  have  come  down  to  us,  and  are  very  valuable. 


34^  The  Growth  of  Plutocracy 

Morals^  already  declining,  were  corrupted  by  Eastern  influence  ; 
for  the  unimaginative  Roman,  who  saw  little  beauty  in  Greek  myth- 
ology and  art,  welcomed  the  baser  pleasures  of  an  advanced  civili- 
zation. At  the  same  time  Greek  scepticism  ^  unsettled  his  religious 
faith,  the  foundation  of  his  moral  conduct.  It  is  not  to  be  assumed 
that  all  the  Romans  were  now  vicious.  The  peasant  who  escaped 
economic  ruin  was  still  sound  at  heart ;  and  even  the  circle  of  aristo- 
crats produced  the  pure-minded  Scipio  Aemilianus  and  the  noble, 
self-sacrificing  spirit  of  the  two  Grac'chi,  who  were  to  be  the  leaders 
of  the  coming  age  of  revolution.  But  in  the  city  corruption  was 
almost  universal.  Crowds  of  beggar  clients  attended  the  noble,  and 
voted  for  him  in  return  for  the  loaves  he  doled  out  to  them,  or  for 
the  shows  of  buffoons,  beasts,  and  gladiators  with  which  he  amused 
them  from  time  to  time.  The  rending  of  flesh  and  the  flow  of  blood 
gave  this  rabble  its  keenest  delight.  As  to  the  higher  ranks,  the 
greed  of  the  capitalist  and  the  insolence  of  the  noble,  already  de- 
scribed, were  surpassed  only  by  the  impurity  of  their  lives,  while 
among  all  classes  in  the  state  and  empire  mutual  fear  and  hatred 
lurked.     This  condition  of  affairs  called  loudly  for  reform. 

Topics  for  Heading 

I.  A  Roman  Province.  —  How  and  Leigh,  History  of  Rome,  pp.  310-313; 
Abbott,  Roman  Political  Institutions,  pp.  88-91;  (jreenidge,  Roman  /''ublic  Life, 
ch.  viii;   Arnold,  Roman  Provincial  Administration,  chs.  i,  ii. 

II.  The  Government  of  Rome  in  the  Time  of  the  Punic  Wars. — Tighe, 
Development  of  the  Roman  Constitution  (primer),  ch.  vii;  How  and  Leigh,  chs. 
xxviii,  xxix;  Abbott,  pp.  150-265,  and  Greenidge,  pp.  152-288  (not  restricted  to 
the  time  of  the  Punic  Wars  but  generally  applying  to  that  period). 

III.  Roman  Character.  —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  vi;  Duruy,  History 
of  Rome,  ii.  pp.  258-338. 

IV.  Marcus  Porcius  CatO.  —  Plutarch,  M.  Porcius  Cato  ;  Botsford,  Story  of 
Rome,  ch.  vi;   see  Indices  of  the  various  histories  of  Rome. 

1  §  156. 


the:  EXPANSIOlf 

OF  XHE 

ROMAN  POWER 

FROM 

THE  GRACCHI  to  the  Death  of  AUGUSTUS. 
133B.  C.  to  14  A.  D. 

SCALE  OF  MILES  "* 


\. 


\. 


\. 


100   60      0  100  200  300  400 


For  Chapters  VII -IX. 
For  Rome  see  Page  35 


Roman  Power  in  133  B.  C. 
Acquired  133  B.  C-  14  A.  D. 
Allies  of  Rome,  14  A,  D. 

\ 


The 
of  a 
oth( 


CNSRAVEO  BY  SORMAY  &   CO.,    N.Y. 


East  30 


40°  Greenwich 


/  I  r,  ',,  0 


I  r,  II 
-,  I  J  f. 


Italian  Oxen 


CHAPTER   VII 


THE   REVOLUTION— (I)  THE   GRACCHI,   MARIUS,    AND   SULLA 

(133-79  B.C.) 

Third  Period  of  the  Republic  —  First  Epoch 


281.  The  Gracchi.  —  The  brothers  Tiberius  and  Gaius  Gracchus, 
though  plebeian,  belonged  to  the  highest  nobility.^  Their  father  had 
filled  all  the  great  offices ;  Cornelia,  the  mother,  was  daughter  of  the 
Scipio  who  conquered  Hannibal.  Their  education  as  well  as  their 
birth  and  connections  fitted  them  for  a  splendid  career.  The  gifted 
mother  taught  them  eloquence  ;  Greek  tutors  instructed  them  in  the 
philosophy  and  the  political  ideas  of  Hellas.  Both  married  into 
noble  families.     When  as   young  men  they  served  in    military  and 

1  §  250. 
349 


350      The  Revolution  —  (/)  The  Gracchi,  Mai'iiis,  and  Sulla 


B 

1 

1^^ 

m 

Youth  Reading  at  a  Bookcase 
(Relief  on  a  sarcophagus) 


provincial  offices,  the  allies,  the  dependents,  and  even  the  enemies 
of  Rome  respected  and  loved  them  for  the  kindness  of  their  fore- 
fathers and  for  their  own  high 
character ;  for  they  had  inherited 
a  generous  sympathy  with  the 
peasants,  the  provincials,  and  even 
the  slaves. 

282.  The  Agrarian  Law  of  Tibe- 
rius Gracchus  (133  B.C.).  — Tibe- 
rius, who  was  nine  years  older  than 
his  brother,  saw  how  miserable  was 
the  condition  of  the  lower  classes. 
Resolving  to  do  all  he  could  for 
their  improvement,  he  became  a 
tribune  of  the  plebs  for  the  year 
133  B.C.  With  the  approval  of  the 
consul  Mu'ci-us  Scaev'o-la,  the  most  eminent  jurist  of  the  age,  he 
proposed  to  reenact  the  Agrarian  law  of  Licinius  and  Sextius '  as 
follows ;  — 

(i)  No  one  shall  have  the  use  of  more  than  five  hundred  jugera 
of  the  public  land. 

(2)  No  one  shall  pasture  more  than  a  hundred  cattle  or  five  hun- 
dred sheep  on  the  public  land. 

He   added   as   a   third   clause  a  law  passed   after   the   time  of 
Licinius :  — 

(3)  Of  the  laborers  on  any  farm,  a  certain  proportion  shall  be 
freemen. 

To  these  clauses  he  joined  the  following :  — 

(4)  The  sons  —  not  exceeding  two  —  of  present  occupiers  may 
each  hold  two  hundred  and  fifty  jugera  of  pubhc  land. 

(5)  A  committee  of  three,  appointed  by  the  tribes,^  shall  divide  the 
surplus  among  the  needy  in  lots  of  thirty  jugera  each. 

1  §  249.  2 1  251. 


Tiberius  Gracchus  35 1 

His  plan  was  to  rescue  as  many  families  as  possible  from  idleness 
and  poverty,  and  to  fill  the  country  with  thrifty  peasants  in  place  of 
slaves.  By  giving  the  poor  an  opportunity  to  earn  a  living,  he  hoped 
to  make  them  honest,  useful  citizens.  But  the  rich,  who  for  genera- 
tions had  bought,  sold,  and  bequeathed  the  public  land,  like  private 
property,  declared  his  bill  a  scheme  of  robbery.  When  accordingly 
he  brought  it  before  the  assembly,  they  induced  Octavius,  a  tribune, 
to  veto  it,  and  thus  they  prevented  it  from  passing. 

With  the  advice  of  Tiberius  the  assembly  deposed  the  obstinate 
tribune.  As  this  step  was  unconstitutional,  it  began  a  7-evolution, 
which  was  to  last  a  hundred  years.  The  aim  of  the  revolution  was  to 
substitute  the  assembly  for  the  senate,  democracy  for  aristocracy ;  it 
was  to  end  in  the  establishment  of  the  imperial  government. 

After  the  deposition  of  Octavius,  the  agrarian  measure  passed 
without  opposition.  It  was  so  well  carried  out  that  after  four  years 
the  census  roll  showed  an  increase  of  nearly  eighty  thousand  citizens 
fit  for  military  service.  To  stop  the  decHne  of  the  population  and  to 
add  so  many  useful  citizens,  was  the  work  of  a  great  patriot  and 
statesman. 

283.  The  Death  of  Tiberius  Gracchus  (133  B.C.)  ;  the  Democratic 
Outlook.  —  But  Tiberius  offered  himself  for  reelection  to  the  tribu- 
nate, —  another  unconstitutional  step.  On  election  day  his  peasant 
supporters  were  busy  with  their  harvests ;  and  when  the  voting 
began,  a  crowd  of  senators  and  other  opponents  of  the  reformer 
dispersed  the  assembly.  Two  of  the  tribunes,  turning  traitor, 
killed  Tiberius  with  clubs.  Three  hundred  of  his  followers  were 
murdered  along  with  him,  and  their  bodies  were  thrown  into  the 
Tiber.  Thus  the  senate  resorted  to  mob  violence,  by  which  it 
encouraged  lawless  conduct.  Some  time  afterward  Scipio  Aemili- 
anus,  the  destroyer  of  Carthage,  put  a  stop  to  the  distributions  of 
land,  and  brought  reform  to  a  standstill. 

Though  depressed  for  a  time,  the  democratic  leaders  soon  regained 
courage.     One  of  them  proposed  to  give  the  Itahans  the  citizenship 


352      The  Revolution  —  (/)  The  GraccJii,  Marhis,  and  Sulla 


in  order  to  have  them  as  supporters  of  the  land  law.  This  offer  the 
Italians  would  gladly  have  accepted,  had  not  the  senate  put  a  stop  to 
the  measure.  Another  leader  passed  a  law  permitting  the  people  to 
reelect  a  tribune  in  case  of  a  lack  of  candidates.  More  important 
still,  Gaius  Gracchus  was  coming  to  the  front.  When  the  people 
heard  him  defending  a  friend  in  the  law  court,  they  were  wild  with 

delight ;  for  they  saw  that  other 
orators  were  mere  children  com- 
pared with  him,  and  they  felt  that 
his  magnificent  talents  were  to  be 
used  in  their  behalf.  For  a  time 
he  avoided  politics,  but  his  fate 
called  him  to  finish  a  brother's 
work ;  he  dreamed  that  Tiberius 
appeared  to  him  one  night  and 
said  :  "  Why  hesitate,  Gaius?  It  is 
your  destiny,  as  mine,  to  live  and 
die  for  the  people." 

284.  Gaius  Gracchus  Tribune 
(123,  122  B.C.).  —  He  was  candi- 
date for  the  tribuneship  for  the 
year  123  B.C.  Though  the  nobles 
opposed  him,  all  Italy  gathered  to 
his  support ;  on  election  day  the 
people  overflowed  the  Campus 
Martius  and  shouted  their  wishes 
from  the  house-tops.  When  his  year  of  office  had  expired,  they 
elected  him  to  a  second  term. 

As  his  brother  had  failed  through  rehance  on  the  peasants,  who 
could  rarely  leave  their  work  for  politics,  one  of  his  first  objects  was 
to  secure  a  faithful  body  of  supporters  such  as  might  always  be  on 
hand.  For  this  purpose  he  passed  a  law  providing  for  the  monthly 
distribution  of  public  grain  among  the  citizens  at  half  the  market 


An  Old  Fisherman 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


Gains  Gracchus  353 

price.  In  doing  this  he  introduced  no  new  principle ;  for  the  senate 
had  often  supplied  the  populace  with  cheap  or  free  grain,  and  each 
noble  supported  a  throng  of  clients.  He  merely  detached  the  peo- 
ple from  their  several  patrons  and  enlisted  them  in  the  support  of 
his  reforms.  Thus  he  organized  the  army  of  the  revolution,  which 
even  the  strongest  emperors  could  not  disband.  His  system  wrought 
mischief  in  draining  the  treasury  and  in  encouraging  idleness ;  the 
completion  of  his  great  reforms,  however,  would  probably  have  cor- 
rected the  evil. 

Gains  had  thought  out  a  complete  plan  of  reform.  For  the  gov- 
ernment, he  would  always  have  one  of  the  tribunes  an  able  man,  like 
himself,  with  a  power  limited  only  by  the  will  of  the  people.^  This 
tribune  should  control  the  other  magistrates  and  the  senate  itself. 
For  the  economic  improvement  of  the  empire.  Gains  would  plant 
manufacturing  as  well  as  farming  colonies  in  Italy  and  the  provinces, 
to  restore  to  them  the  prosperity  which  the  nobles  had  destroyed. 
He  would  give  the  full  citizenship  to  the  Latins  and  at  least  the  suf- 
frage to  the  Italian  aUies. 

His  great  mistake  was  in  supposing  that  the  city  mob  had  the 
virtue  necessary  for  the  support  of  his  reforms.  Angered  by  his  pro- 
posal to  give  the  citizenship  to  the  Italians,  it  turned  against  him. 
When  the  senate  tried  to  prevent  him  from  planting  a  colony  at  Car- 
thage, both  parties  resorted  to  violence.  The  consul  O-pim'i-us, 
armed  by  the  senate  with  absolute  power,^  overthrew  the  Gracchan 
party,  and  killed  Gains  with  three  thousand  of  his  supporters. 

In  setting  aside  the  authority  of  the  senate,  and  in  accustoming  the 
people  to  the  rule  of  one  man,  Tiberius  and  Gains  had  unintention- 

1  Compare  the  office  of  general  at  Athens  under  Pericles;    §  131. 

2  In  the  Second  Punic  War  the  dictatorship  had  fallen  into  disuse,  to  be  re- 
vived some  time  after  the  Gracchi  by  Sulla.  Meanwhile  the  senate  found  a  new- 
way  of  proclaiming  martial  law;  by  passing  the  resolution,  "  Let  the  consuls  see 
that  the  state  suffers  no  harm,"  it  conferred -upon  the  chief  magistrates  a  power 
equal  to  that  of  dictator.  Opimius  was  the  first  to  receive  this  absolute  authority 
from  the  senate;   Cicero  also  held  it  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline;   §  295. 

2A 


354     -^he  Revolution  —  (/)  The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla 

ally  begun  a  movement  in  the  direction  of  monarchy.  ""  The  people, 
though  humbled  and  depressed  for  a  time,  soon  showed  how  deeply 
they  felt  the  loss  of  the  Gracchi.  For  they  had  statues  of  the  two 
brothers  made  and  set  up  in  public  places,  and  the  spots  on  which 
they  fell  were  declared  sacred  ground,  to  which  the  people  brought 
all  the  first  fruits  of  the  seasons,  and  offered  sacrifices  there  and  wor- 
shipped just  as  at  the  temples  of  the  gods."  ^  They  were  right  in 
enshrining  the  sons  of  Cornelia  as  the  noblest  characters  the  history 
of  their  country  had  brought  to  light. 

285.  Gaius  Marius  ;  the  Jugurthine  War  (i  12-106  B.C.).  —  For  the_ 
happiness  and  safety  of  the  empire  it  was  necessary  that  the  corrupt 
nobility  should  be  overthrown  and  a  juster,  abler  government  set  up 
in  its  place.  Although  Gaius  Gracchus  saw  clearly  what  should  be 
done,  no  political  party  would  support  his  reforms.  The  work  of 
establishing  in  the  army  a  solid  foundation  for  the  new  government 
remained  to  his  successor,  Gaius  Ma'ri-us. 

Born  of  poor  parents  among  the  hills  of  Latium,  Marius  learned  not 
only  to  work  hard,  but  to  be  sober  and  obedient.  At  an  early  age  he 
entered  the  army.  As  a  military  officer,  tribune  of  the  plebs,  and 
afterward  propraetor  of  Farther  Spain,  he  showed  himself  honest  and 
able.  Oh  his  return  from  Spain  he  married  Julia,  of  the  illustrious 
house  of  the  Caesars ;  and  when,  in  109  B.C.,  the  consul  Metellus  went 
to  Africa  to  war  against  the  Numidians,  he  took  Marius  with  him 
as  lieutenant. 

Ju-gur'tha,  grandson  of  Masinissa,^  after  killing  the  rightful  heirs, 
had  himself  usurped  the  throne  of  Numidia.  Though  the  senate  in- 
tervened, he  bought  off  its  embassies  one  after  another.  When 
Rome  made  war  upon  him,  he  bribed  the  first  commander  to  with- 
draw from  Africa ;  and  by  corrupting  the  officers  of  the  second,  he 
compelled  the  surrender  of  the  army  and  sent  it  under  the  yoke. 
Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Metellus,  a  man  of  energy  and  of 
excellent  character,  the  best  noble  of  his  time,  took  command.  He 
1  Plutarch,  G.  Gracchus,  18.  2  §  270. 


Marius  355 

reduced  the  army  to  discipline  and  defeated  Jugurtha ;  after  which 
Marius,  elected  consul,  superseded  his  former  commander  and  ended 
the  war.  Lucius  Cor-ne'li-us  Sul'la,  a  young  aristocrat  who  was 
quaestor  under  Marius,  took  Jugurtha  captive  and  brought  him  to 
Rome,  where  he  perished  in  prison.  This  war,  with  the  events  which 
preceded  it,  shows  the  incompetence  and  the  moral  degradation  of 
the  senate. 

286.  The  Cimbri  and  the  Teutons;  the  New  Army.  —  Marius  had 
not  yet  arrived  in  Rome  when  the  people  reelected  him  consul  to 
protect  the  country  from  an  inroad  of  barbarians.  Two  powerful 
German  tribes,  the  Cim'bri  and  the  Teu'tons,  assailed  Nar-bo-nen'sis, 
the  new  province  Rome  had  established  in  Transalpine  Gaul,  and 
defeated  six  armies  in  succession.  They  threatened  to  invade  Italy, 
but  a  delay  of  three  years  gave  the  Romans  time  to  prepare.  Re- 
elected consul  year  after  year,  Marius  busied  himself  with  reorganizing 
and  training  the  army.  When  at  length  the  Teutons  were  ready  to 
cross  the  Alps  into  Italy,  he  met  them  at  Aq^uae  Sex^ti-ae  in  southern 
Gaul,  and  annihilated  their  great  host  (102  B.C.).  In  like  manner  he 
and  his  colleague,  Catulus,  in  the  following  year  slaughtered  the 
Cimbri  in  northern  Italy,  after  they  had  succeeded  in  crossing  the 
Alps. 

The  army  which  gained  these  great  victories  had  a  new  character. 
Before  the  time  of  Marius  it  was  a  militia ;  the  men  who  waged 
Rome's  wars  had  lands  and  famihes  at  home,  and  thought  of  them- 
selves simply  as  citizens.  But  Marius  enlisted  many  who  owned  no 
property ;  and  by  keeping  them  long  in  the  service  and  under  care- 
ful training,  he  made  them  professional  soldiers.  Such  persons 
placed  all  their  hopes  in  their  commander  and  were  ready  to  follow 
him  in  every  undertaking,  even  against  the  government.  Although 
Marius  was  himself  loyal,  later  generals  used  the  army  to  overthrow 
the  republic. 

287.  Marius,  Saturninus,  and  Glaucia  (100  B.C.). — In  his  sixth 
consulship  (100  B.C.)    Marius   allied   himself  with   Sat-ur-ni'nus,  a 


356     The  Revolution  —  (/)  The  Gracchi,  Mariiis,  and  Sulla 

tribune,  and  Glau'ci-a,  a  praetor,  to  carry  a  law  for  planting  colonies 
of  his  veterans  in  the  provinces.  These  two  men,  though  violent  in 
their  methods,  were  aiming  to  carry  out  the  reforms  of  the  Gracchi ; 
they  represented  the  peasants  in  opposition  to  the  city  rabble,  which 
now  supported  the  senate.  With  their  armed  followers  Saturninus 
and  Glaucia  forced  the  measure  through  the  assembly  of  tribes. 
Soon  afterward  another  riot  broke  out  between  the  rabble  and  the 
peasants.  Then  the  senators  and  the  knights  called  upon  Marius  as 
chief  magistrate  to  put  down  the  sedition.  Reluctantly  he  armed 
some  of  his  forces  to  defend  the  constitution  against  Saturninus  and 
Glaucia,  his  former  associates.  After  some  time  they  surrendered ; 
and  though  their  enemies  demanded  their  death,  "  he  placed  them 
in  the  senate-house  with  the  intention  of  treating  them  in  a  more 
legal  manner.  The  mob  considered  this  a  mere  pretext.  It  tore 
the  tiles  off  the  roof  and  stoned  them  to  death,  including  a  quaestor, 
a  tribune,  and  a  praetor,  who  were  still  wearing  their  insignia  of 
office."^ 

In  casting  his  lot  with  the  nobles,  who  were  his  enemies,  rather 
than  with  his  friend?,  the  reformers,  Marius  made  a  grave  mistake. 
Far  better  would  it  have  been  for  the  Roman  world  had  he  seized 
the  opportunity  to  make  himself  king.  The  time  was  ripe  for  the 
change.  But  lacking  political  wisdom,  he  failed  to  grasp  the  situa- 
tion. In  fact  too  great  success  was  undermining  his  hardy  peasant 
character.  He  missed  his  destiny ;  and  the  fate  of  Rome  passed 
into  other  hands. 

288.  Drusus  (91  B.C.);  the  Social  War  (90-88  B.C.).— The 
senate  now  found  itself  surrounded  by  enemies ;  the  knights,  the 
mob,  and  the  peasants  were  all  openly  or  secretly  hostile.  At  the 
same  time  the  oppressed  Italians  were  on  the  point  of  rebellion. 
These  conditions  led  some  of  the  more  liberal  aristocrats  to  think  of 
winning  the  support  of  the  Italians  by  granting  them  the  citizenship. 
The  leader  of  this  movement,  Marcus  Livius  Dru'sus,  a  young  man  of 
1  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  i.  32. 


The  Social   War  'i^^'j 

great  wealth  and  illustrious  family,  became  a  tribune  of  the  plebs  in 
91  B.C.  His  proposal  for  the  enfranchisement  of  the  Italians  passed 
the  assembly  but  was  annulled  by  the  senate ;  and  soon  afterward 
Drusus  was  murdered.  A  law  was  then  passed  which  threatened 
with  prosecution  any  one  who  dared  aid  the  Italians  in  acquiring  the 
citizenship. 

The  death  of  Drusus  and  the  passing  of  this  act  deprived  the 
Italians  of  their  last  hope  of  obtaining  their  rights  by  peaceable 
means.  It  was  not  that  they  wished  to  vote  at  Rome  ;  for  most  of 
them  lived  too  far  away  for  this.  But  they  needed  the  protection 
which  citizenship  gave ;  their  soldiers  desired  humane  treatment 
at  the  hands  of  the  commanders ;  in  the  affairs  of  peace,  they  asked 
for  the  same  rights  of  property  and  of  trade  which  the  Romans  had 
always  enjoyed ;  but  most  of  all,  they  desired  Roman  officials  and 
private  citizens  to  cease  insulting,  scourging,  and  killing  them  for 
amusement  or  spite.  So  much  citizenship  would  have  meant  to 
them. 

Accordingly,  in  90  B.C.,  the  allies,  chiefly  those  of  Sabellian  race, 
revolted,  and  founded  a  new  state.  As  their  capital,  they  selected 
Cor-fin'i-um,  and  named  it  I-tal'i-ca.  In  the  main  they  patterned 
their  government  after  that  of  Rome  ;  they  gave  the  citizenship  to  all 
who  took  part  with  them  in  the  war  for  freedom ;  and  they  aimed 
to  annex  the  whole  of  Italy.  The  struggle  which  now  began  between 
Rome  and  her  allies  {soUi-i)  is  called  the  Social  War.  As  the 
opposing  forces  were  divided  into  several  small  armies,  the  military 
operations  were  intricate.  Though  fighting  against  great  odds,  the 
Italians  were  so  successful  the  first  year  that,  near  its  close,  Rome 
felt  compelled  to  make  sure  of  those  who  were  still  faithful  by 
giving  them  the  citizenship.  Soon  afterward  the  same  reward  was 
extended  to  those  who  would  return  to  their  allegiance.  These 
concessions  not  only  prevented  the  revolt  from  extending,  but  so 
weakened  it  that,  in  another  year,  the  Romans  broke  the  strength 
of  the  allies. 


35^      The  Revotutio7i  — (/)  The  Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Stilla 

In  addition  to  local  self-government  in  their  own  towns  (muni- 
cipia)  the  Italians  now  possessed  the  Roman  citizenship.  At  last  the 
whole  Italian  nation  south  of  the  Rubicon  River  was  organized  in  one 
great  state.  But  the  new  citizens  were  degraded  by  being  enrolled 
in  eight  new  tribes,  which  voted  after  \k\^  old  thirty-five.  Dissatisfied 
with  their  condition,  the  Italians  still  looked  upon  the  senate  and  the 
city  rabble  as  their  oppressors,  and  they  were  ready  therefore  to  wel- 
come the  strong  man  who,  as  absolute  master,  should  make  these 
enemies  his  footstool.     Hence  the  idea  of  monarchy  grew  apace. 

289.  Marius  and  Sulla.  —  Accordingly  politics  took  a  new  turn ; 
the  questions  of  the  future  were,  who  was  to  be  the  man  of  power, 
and  how  much  authority  was  he  to  snatch  from  the  senate.  The 
first  conflict  came  between  the  veteran  Marius  and  Sulla,  his  quaestor 
of  the  Jugurthine  War.  The  latter,  patrician  though  poor,  was  en- 
dowed with  a  remarkable  talent  for  war,  diplomacy,  and  poHtics. 
"  His  eyes  were  an  uncommonly  pure  and  piercing  blue,  which  the 
color  of  his  face  rendered  still  more  terrible,  as  it  was  spotted  with 
rough,  red  blotches  interspersed  with  white,  ...  a  mulberry  be- 
sprinkled with  meal."  ^  Success  as  a  general  in  the  Social  War 
brought  him  the  consulship  in  88  B.C. 

In  this  year  it  was  necessary  for  Rome  to  send  an  army  against 
Mith-ri-da'tes,  the  powerful  king  of  Pontus,  who  was  attempting  to 
conquer  Asia  Minor.  Although  Sulla  as  consul  had  a  claim  upon 
the  command,  the  popular  party  in  the  assembly  appointed  Marius. 
Sulla  then  led  his  army  to  Rome  and  settled  the  question  with  the 
sword.  Marius  escaped  to  Africa.  This  was  the  first  time  the  army 
appeared  in  politics  —  a  critical  moment  in  the  history  of  the  repub- 
lic. We  are  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  revolution  begun  by  the  Grac- 
chi still  went  on ;  its  leaders,  however,  were  no  longer  tribunes  but 
generals.  After  restoring  the  authority  of  the  senate  and  giving  it 
complete  power  over  the  tribunes,  Sulla  proceeded  with  his  army  to 
the  war  against  Mithridates. 

1  Plutarch,  Sulia,  2. 


Marius  and  Cinna  359 

290.  Marius  and  Cinna  (87  B.C.).  —  No  sooner  had  he  left  Italy 
than  an  armed  conflict  broke  out  between  the  consuls,  Octavius  and 
Cinna,  over  the  enrolment  of  the  Italians  in  the  old  tribes.  In  this 
struggle  ten  thousand  men  lost  their  lives.  Octavius,  leader  of  the 
aristocracy,  drove  Cinna,  champion  of  the  Italians,  from  the  city. 
The  senate  deposed  the  popular  leader  from  the  consulship.  But 
Cinna  quickly  gathered  an  army  of  Italians,  recalled  Marius  from 
banishment,  and  following  the  example  of  Sulla,  marched  against 
Rome.  Marius  returned  from  an  exile  which  had  been  to  him  a 
series  of  adventures  and  of  hair-breadth  escapes.  In  his  old  age, 
the  greatness  of  his  character  had  changed  to  rabid  fury  against  the 
aristocrats.  "  Filthy  and  long-haired,  he  marched  through  the  towns 
presenting  a  pitiable  appearance,  descanting  on  his  battles,  on  his 
victories  over  the  Cimbri,  and  his  six  consulships,"  ^  and  with  grim 
determination  promised  the  ItaHans  their  rights.  His  resolution  was 
unbroken ;  for  he  was  superstitious,  and  he  remembered,  so  at  least 
he  asserted,  that  when  he  was  a  boy,  an  eagle's  nest  containing  seven 
Httle  ones  had  fallen  into  his  lap,  —  an  omen  that  he  should  be  con- 
sul seven  times.  The  two  revolutionary  leaders  entered  the  city  with 
their  bands  of  Italians,  foreigners,  and  runaway  slaves.  They  killed 
Octavius  and  all  the  eminent  aristocrats ;  for  five  days  they  hunted 
down  their  opponents,  massacred  them,  and  plundered  their  prop- 
erty. They  gave  the  ItaHans  their  rights.  Marius  received  his 
seventh  consulship,  but  died  soon  afterward  from  excessive  drinking. 

While  condemning  the  bloody  poUcy  of  Marius  we  should  not  for- 
get that  the  nobles,  by  murdering  the  followers  of  the  Gracchi,  by 
opposing  every  peaceful  attempt  at  reform,  and  by  their  greed  and 
tyranny,  brought  this  terrible  punishment  upon  themselves. 

291.  The  Rule  of  Sulla  (82-79  B.C.).  — Sulla  gained  great  suc- 
cess in  his  war  with  Mithridates  (88-84  B.C.)  ;  but  as  he  saw  that  his 
opponents  at  Rome  were  revelHng  in  power,  he  patched  up  a  hasty 
treaty  of  alliance  with  the  king,  and  returned  home  with  a  large, 

^  Appian,  Civil  Wars,  i.  67. 


360      TJie  Revolution  — (/)  The  Gracchi,  Maritis,  and  Sulla 


well-trained  army  devoted  to  him.  A  civil  war  broke  out  between 
him  and  the  democratic  party,  which  still  held  the  government.  In 
a  fierce  battle  at  the  Col'line  Gate  of  Rome  Sulla  crushed  his  ene- 
mies and  made  himself  master  of  the  government. 

He  then  proceeded  with  reckless  butchery  to  destroy  the  oppo- 
nents of  his  party.  Day  by  day  he  posted  a  list  of  his  victims 
("the  proscribed  "),  whom  any  one  might  slay  and  receive  therefor 

a  reward.  The  goods  of  the 
proscribed  were  confiscated, 
and  their  children  disfranchised. 
The  number  of  persons  thus 
murdered  at  Rome  amounted 
to  nearly  five  thousand,  includ- 
ing senators  and  knights.  Many 
were  the  victims  of  private  ha- 
tred, and  many  more  were  killed 
for  the  sake  of  their  wealth.  At 
the  same  time,  murder  and  con- 
fiscation were  carried  on  over 
all  Italy.  No  one  dared  shel- 
ter a  victim,  not  even  children 
their  parents.  This  Satanic  law, 
while  branding  kindness  and 
affection  as  criminal,  placed  a 
premium  upon  malice,  greed, 
and  murder. 

After  a  time  Sulla  assumed 
the  dictatorship,  an  office  long  disused,  and  put  his  hand  to  the  work 
of  restoring  the  aristocratic  constitution.  As  many  senators  had  per- 
ished through  war  and  proscription,  he  permitted  the  tribal  assembly 
to  elect  new  members  from  his  partisans.  The  whole  number  of 
senators  was  to  be  six  hundred.  By  enacting  that  no  measure  should 
be  brought  before  the  people  without  the  consent  of  the  senate,  —  a 


" Sulla  " 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


Sulla  361 

repeal  of  the  Hortensian  Law,  —  he  gave  that  body  control  over  the 
assemblies.  This  measure,  with  another  which  disqualified  the  trib- 
unes from  holding  higher  offices,  weakened  the  tribunate.  As  a 
consequence  the  assembly  of  tribes  became  far  less  important  than 
that  of  the  centuries.^ 

He  increased  the  number  of  quaestors  and  made  this  office  the 
regular  stepping-stone  to  the  senate.  Instead  of  six  praetors  there 
were  to  be  eight,  two  of  whom  were  still  to  have  the  civil  jurisdiction, 
while  the  remaining  six  were  to  preside  over  the  criminal  courts.  A 
man  had  to  be  quaestor  before  he  could  be  praetor,  and  praetor 
before  consul,  and  he  was  not  permitted  to  accept  the  same  office 
within  ten  years.  The  praetors  and  the  consuls  could  hold  miHtary 
commands  only  in  exceptional  cases ;  their  authority,  wholly  civil, 
was  limited  to  Italy  south  of  the  Rubicon.  But  on  the  expiration  of 
their  office,  they  became  pro-magistrates  with  mihtary  authority  for 
an  additional  year  in  the  provinces.  His  laws  affecting  the  tribunes 
and  the  assemblies  lasted  but  ten  years ;  the  others  were  permanent. 

When  he  had  completed  these  arrangements,  he  retired  into  private 
life.  Soon  afterward  he  died,  and  was  buried  with  pomp  and  splen- 
dor such  as  nations  rarely  display  even  in  honor  of  their  kings. 

He  was  not  yet  in  his  grave  when  his  government  began  to 
totter. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  Lives  and  Private  Character  of  the  Gracchi.  — Plutarch;  Tibe- 
rius Gracchus;  Gaius  Gracchus;  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  vii;  Beesly, 
Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla  ;  chs,  ii,  iii;  see  Indices  of  the  various  histories  of 
Rome. 

II.  The  Public  Lands  of  the  Romans  and  the  Law  of  Tiberius  Gracchus. 
—  The  first  part  of  this  topic  is  to  be  studied  in  the  various  histories  of  Rome 
by  means  of  the  Indices  (see  Agrarian,  Land,  etc.),  and  the  second  part  will  be 
found  in  the  chapters  on  Tiberius  Gracchus. 

III.  Marius.  —  Plutarch,  Marius;  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  vii;  Beesly, 
Gracchi,  Marius,  and  Sulla,  chs.  iv-x. 

1  §§  241,  243,  246,  251. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE   REVOLUTION  —  (II)    POMPEY,   CAESAR,   AND   OCTAVIUS 
(79-27  B.C.) 

Third  Period  of  the  Republic  —  Second  Epoch 

292.  Pompey  (to  70  B.C.).  —  Sulla  was  the  first  to  enforce  his 
will  upon  the  state  by  means  of  the  army.  After  his  time  the  political 
power  fell  more  and  more  into  the  hands  of  the  generals. 

Among  the  rising  officers  of  the  army  Gnaeus  Pom'pey  was  most 
fitted  to  be  the  heir  of  Sulla's  policy.  While  still  a  young  man  he  had 
joined  in  the  civil  war  upon  the  democrats,  and  had  shown  himself 
so  able  an  officer  that  Sulla  hailed  him  as  "  the  Great."  After  the 
death  of  his  patron,  Pompey  showed  himself  still  further  a  champion 
of  the  nobility  by  helping  put  down  a  democratic  rebellion  against 
the  government.  A  good  general  was  now  needed  in  Spain,  and 
the  senate,  according  to  Sulla's  arrangements,  should  have  sent 
thither  as  proconsul  a  man  who  had  already  been  consul.  But  as 
it  could  find  no  able  person  with  this  qualification,  it  gave  the  pro- 
consulship  to  Pompey,  who  had  not  filled  even  the  office  of  quaestor. 

Ser-to'ri-us,  a  democratic  leader,  had  gone  as  governor  to  Spain 
in  the  time  of  the  civil  war.  Regarding  Sulla  as  a  usurper,  he 
claimed  to  represent  the  true  government  of  Rome.  He  was  per- 
haps the  first  Roman  to  sympathize  thoroughly  with  the  governed, 
to  make  their  interests  his  chief  care,  to  give  them  the  genuine  bene- 
fits of  Latin  civilization.  From  love  and  admiration  the  natives  called 
him  Hannibal.  With  the  small  forces  at  his  command  he  routed 
the   Roman   armies   sent   against   him,  including  that  of  Pompey. 

362 


Pompey 


363 


Not  till  Sertorius  was  murdered  by  one  of  his  own  generals  did 
Pompey  succeed  in  putting  an  end  to  the  war  (76  b.c). 

Meantime  in  Italy  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  slaves  were  in 
revolt.  This  insurrection  was  the  work  of  Spar'ta-cus,  a  gladiator, 
who  had  escaped  from  a  "  training  school "  in  Capua.  For  two 
years  he  defied  Rome  and  overthrew  her  armies  (73-71  B.C.).  Then 
the  praetor  Marcus  Licinius  Cras'sus, 
with  eight  legions,  defeated  and  killed 
him  and  dispersed  his  army.  At  the 
last  moment  he  was  slightly  aided  by 
Pompey,  who  had  just  returned  from 
Spain. 

293.  Pompey  as  Consul  (70  B.C.)  ; 
as  Commander  against  the  Pirates  (67 
B.C.). — These  two  generals  were 
eager  for  the  consulship,  and  as  the 
senate  hesitated  on  the  ground  that 
Pompey  had  not  yet  been  quaestor  or 
praetor,  they  turned  for  support  to  the 
people,  promising  them  the  repeal  of 
Sulla's  laws.  Elected  consuls  in  70  B.C., 
they  restored  the  power  of  the  tribunes 
and  took  from  the  senate  the  authority 
Sulla  had  given  it.  Thus  the  aristo- 
cratic government,  after  standing  but 
ten  years,  was  overthrown  by  the  man 
its  founder  had  styled  "  the  Great." 
This  was  a  victory,  not  so  much  of  the  democracy,  as  of  the  army ; 
for  the  tribunes  when  restored  began  to  attach  themselves  to  the 
service  of  the  great  military  leaders. 

For  some  years  pirates  had  been  swarming  over  the  whole 
Mediterranean  Sea.  They  seized  cities,  captured  Roman  nobles, 
whom  they  held  for  ransom,  and  by  cutting  off  the  grain  supply  they 


Pompey  tiij,  (jKiat 

(National  Museum,  Naples; 

found  at  Pompeii) 


364     The  RevohUion  —  (//)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Octavius 

threatened  Rome  with  famine.  As  the  senate  seemed  powerless  to 
check  the  evil,  Ga-bin'i-us,  a  tribune,  proposed  to  give  Pompey  for 
three  years  absolute  command  of  the  Mediterranean,  together  with 
a  strip  of  its  coast,  fifty  miles  wide,  as  far  as  the  Roman  empire 
extended.  He  was  to  have  a  vast  number  of  ships  and  men  and 
could  draw  on  the  treasury  without  limit.  Though  the  senate 
opposed  the  law  because  it  gave  so  much  power  to  one  man,  the 
people  carried  it  with  enthusiasm.  Within  forty  days  after  his 
armament  was  ready,  Pompey  cleared  the  sea  of  pirates.  He 
destroyed  their  hive  in  Cilicia  and  made  of  that  country  a  Roman 
province. 

294.  Pompey  in  the  East  (66-62  B.C.).  —  The  Romans  were  again 
at  war  with  Mithridates,  but  could  make  little  headway  against  him. 
Many  thought  Pompey  the  only  man  able  to  conquer  this  great 
enemy.  The  tribune  Ma-nil'i-us,  accordingly,  carried  a  law  which 
gave  the  command  in  the  East  to  Pompey  in  addition  to  the  power 
he  already  had.  He  easily  drove  the  king  from  Pontus,  the  most 
of  which  he  joined  to  Bithynia,  a  newly  organized  province. 

He  then  annexed  Syria  as  a  province  to  the  empire,  thus  extend- 
ing the  dominion  of  Rome  to  the  Euphrates.  Taking  advantage  of 
a  civil  war  in  Judea,  he  subdued  that  country.  A  few  small  king- 
doms remained  in  and  about  Asia  Minor ;  their  rulers,  though  allies 
in  name,  were  really  vassals  of  Rome.  With  the  great  Parthian  em- 
pire beyond  the  Euphrates  he  made  a  treaty  of  friendship.  Like 
Alexander  the  Great  he  founded  many  Greek  colonies  in  order 
to  extend  the  civilization  of  Greece  throughout  the  East.  These 
arrangements  were  all  admirable.  With  her  dependent  allies  and 
her  provinces,  Rome  now  occupied  the  entire  circuit  of  the  Medi- 
terranean. 

Mithridates,  who  at  the  age  of  eleven  had  become  king  of  Pontus,  was  a 
miracle  of  physical  strength  and  mental  cunning,  but  cruel  and  bloodthirsty. 
He  waged  three  wars  with  the  Romans :  — 

I.  (88-84  B.C.)- — He  aimed  not  only  to  extend  his  kingdom  around   the 


Catiline  365 

Black  Sea,  but  also  to  make  it  include  all  Asia  Minor,  the  western  part  of  which 
belonged  to  Rome.  By  his  order  eighty  thousand  Romans  and  Italians  through- 
out Asia  Minor  were  murdered  in  a  single  day.  Greece  sided  with  him;  his 
armies  occupied  Thrace  and  Macedonia.  Then  Sulla  took  the  field,  and  in  less 
than  three  years  wrested  from  Mithridates  all  his  conquests  (§§  289,  291). 

II.  (83-82  B.C.). — Mu-re'na,  the  successor  of  Sulla,  provoked  a  brief, 
unimportant  war  with  the  king  of  Pontus.     It  was  ended  by  the  order  of  Sulla. 

III.  (74-63  B.C.). — After  preparing  a  great  army  and  fleet,  Mithridates 
began  a  last  desperate .  struggle  with  Rome.  Lucullus,  the  consul  in  chief 
command,  was  successful  for  a  time,  and  then  lost  ground.  Next  Pompey  took 
the  field,  and  Mithridates,  defeated  in  battle,  fled  from  his  kingdom,  and  was 
afterward  killed,  at  his  own  request,  by  a  Gallic  mercenary.  On  the  character 
and  deeds  of  Mithridates,  see  Botsford,  Story  of  Borne,  ch.  viii. 

295.    The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline  (63  B.C.) In  the  absence  of 

Pompey  important  events  were  taking  place  at  Rome.  Cic'e-ro,  a 
native  of  Ar-pi'num,  the  birthplace  of  Marius,  became  consul  in  63 
B.C.  Though  he  was  from  a  municipium  and  a  man  of  moderate 
means,  his  brilliant  oratory  and  administrative  ability  won  for  him 
the  highest  offices  at  Rome.  In  his  consulship  a  conspiracy,  which 
for  some  time  had  been  forming  on  avast  scale,  threatened  to  destroy 
the  government.  The  leader,  Lucius  Cat'i-hne,  was  a  man  of  high 
birth  and  of  splendid  talents,  but  vicious  and  depraved.  He  drew 
to  himself  the  most  desperate  men  in  Italy,  including  all  who  wished 
a  renewal  of  civil  war  and  massacres,  as  well  as  debtors,  gamblers, 
and  assassins.  While  the  head  of  the  conspiracy  was  at  Rome,  its 
members  extended  throughout  the  peninsula.  When  these  anar- 
chists had  their  plans  well  laid  for  killing  the  magistrates  and  the 
nobles  and  for  seizing  the  government,  the  vigilant  consul  discovered 
their  plot  and  denounced  Catiline  before  the  senate.  The  arch- 
conspirator  fled  to  the  army  he  had  been  preparing  in  Etruria,  where 
he  was  soon  afterward  defeated  and  killed.  Cicero  arrested  a  few 
of  CatiHne's  chief  associates  who  remained  in  the  city,  and  by  virtue 
of  the  absolute  power  given  him  by  the  senate,  put  them  to  death 
without  a  trial  (§  284,  n.  2). 

His  success  in  saving  the  state  made  Cicero  for  a  time  the  most 


366     The  Revolution  —  (//  )  Pompey^  Caesar,  and  Octavius 


eminent  man  in  Rome.  The  people  saluted  him  Father  of  his 
Country ;  and  though  he  was  a  "  new  man,"  ^  the  senators  recognized 
him  as  their  leader.  He  loved  his  country  well  and  was  strongly 
attached  to  the  republican  form  of  government.  But  he  had  not 
the  strength  of  will  to  follow  a  policy  of  his  own  or  to  live  up  to  his 
ideals.     Such  in  fact  had  become  the  condition  of  public  affairs  that 

the  statesman,  how-, 
ever  grand,  appears 
strangely  dwarfed 
and  out  of  place ; 
for  the  age  of  gen- 
erals had  come,  they 
were  the  only  strong 
men  and  managed 
the  politicians  as 
their  puppets.  It 
was  in  vain,  therefore, 
that  Cicero  hoped  to 
make  Pompey  a  de- 
fender of  the  republi- 
can constitution. 

296.  The  First 
Triumvirate  —  Cae- 
sar,    Pompey,      and 


ClCKKO 

Mt 


Crassus  (60  B.C.).  — 

(Vatican  Museum,  Rome)  »ii  •        , 

^  '  All    were     anxiously 

awaiting  the  return  of  Pompey  from  the  East.     While  both  nobles 

and   democrats  claimed  him,  some  feared  he  might  overthrow  the 

government  and  make  himself  dictator  by  means  of  his  army,  as  Sulla 

had  done.     But  his  love  for  the  republic,  together  with  a  belief  that 

his   influence   alone   would  bring  him  all  the  honor  and  power  he 

needed,  led  him  to  disband  his  army  and  come  to  Rome  as  a  private 

1  §  250. 


Caesar  367 

citizen.  He  was  bitterly  disappointed.  The  senate,  which  had  always 
distrusted  him,  hesitated  to  sanction  his  arrangements  in  the  East.  The 
great  general  found  himself  as  helpless  in  politics  as  Marius  had  been. 

It  happened,  however,  that  two  eminent  politicians  needed  his  aid. 
One  was  Crassus,  whose  great  wealth  gave  him  influence.  The 
other  was  Gains  Jtt'/i-iis  Cae'sar.  This  young  man,  though  a  patri- 
cian, was  leader  of  the  democratic  party.  He  as  well  as  Crassus 
desired  a  military  command  like  that  which  Pompey  had  held.  The 
motive  of  Crassus  seems  to  have  been  the  enjoyment  of  wealth  and 
power ;  Caesar  aimed  to  be  a  great  general  and  statesman. 

Seeing  Pompey  cast  oif  by  the  senate,  they  came  to  him  with  a 
proposal  that  they  three  should  act  together  for  their  common  inter- 
ests. This  union  of  the  three  men,  though  unofficial,  is  called  the 
First  Tri-um'vi-rate.  Pompey  contributed  to  it  his  military  fame, 
Crassus  the  influence  of  his  wealth,  and  Caesar  his  commanding  in- 
telligence. According  to  agreement  Caesar  received  the  consulship 
in  59  B.C.,  and  in  return  secured  from  the  people  the  ratification 
of  Pompey's  Eastern  arrangements.  As  the  tool  of  the  triumvirs, 
or  at  least  under  their  protection,  the  tribune  Clo'di-us  carried  a 
decree  for  the  banishment  of  Cicero  on  the  ground  that  in  his 
consulship  he  had  put  citizens  to  death  without  a  trial.  The  people 
soon  recalled  him,  however,  and  restored  him  to  honor. 

297.  Caesar  Proconsul  of  Gaul  (58-49  B.C.).  —  At  the  close  of  his 
term  Caesar  as  proconsul  received  for  five  years  the  government  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  Narbonensis,  and  Il-lyr'i-cum.  He  now  held  the 
kind  of  position  for  which  he  had  long  been  striving ;  it  would  give 
him  an  army  through  which  he  might  make  himself  the  greatest 
power  in  the  state.  Before  the  end  of  his  period  of  government  the 
triumvirs  renewed  their  alliance.  Caesar  was  to  have  five  more 
years  of  command  in  Gaul ;  Pompey  and  Crassus  were  to  be  consuls 
in  55  B.C.  and  afterward  to  take  charge  of  some  of  the  best  provinces 
in  the  empire.  In  this  way  these  men  divided  among  them  the 
Roman  world. 


368      The  Revolution  —  {II)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Octavius 

In  the  history  of  the  First  Triumvirate  the  interest  centres  in 
Caesar.  Along  the  southern  coast  of  what  is  now  France,  lay  Nar- 
bonensis,  recently  organized  as  a  Roman  province.  North  of  this 
province  were  the  still  unconquered  Gauls,  chiefly  of  Celtic  race, 
extending  northward  and  westward  to  the  coasts  and  eastward  to  the 
Rhine.  In  civilization  these  people  were  decidedly  inferior  to  the 
Romans,  but  had  learned  to  make  their  living  mainly  by  tilling 
the  soil.  East  of  the  Rhine  were  the  barbarous,  half-nomadic  Ger- 
mans. A  crisis  in  Rome's  relation  with  these  Northern  peoples  was 
now  at  hand,  like  that  with  which  Marius  had  successfully  grappled.  A 
powerful  German  tribe  under  the  chieftain  A-ri-o-vis'tus  had  crossed 
the  Rhine  and  had  seized  some  lands  of  the  Gauls.  This  movement 
was  but  the  beginning  of  a  German  migration,  which  if  unchecked 
would  have  thrown  Gaul  into  commotion,  and  might  have  brought 
both  German  and  Celtic  hordes  into  Narbonensis  and  even  into 
Italy.  A  more  direct  menace  to  Rome  came  from  the  Hel-ve'ti-ans,  a 
great  Celtic  tribe  of  the  Alps,  who  were  abandoning  their  home  in  the 
mountains  for  the  broader  and  more  fertile  lands  of  southern  Gaul. 

298.  The  Conquest  of  Gaul  (58-49  B.C.).  —  Caesar,  who  at  this  time 
had  had  little  experience  in  command,  thus  found  himself  confronted 
by  enormous  difficulties  and  dangers.  But  the  ease  with  which  he 
overcame  everything  in  his  way  marked  him  at  once  as  a  great  master 
of  the  art  of  war.  With  wonderful  rapidity  he  gathered  his  widely 
scattered  forces,  enrolled  new  legions,  and  inspired  his  raw  recruits 
with  the  courage  and  devotion  of  veterans.  He  immediately  defeated 
the  Helvetians  with  great  slaughter,  and  drove  the  remnant  of  their 
host  back  to  their  former  home.  In  the  same  summer  he  won  a 
great  victory  over  the  Germans  and  compelled  them  to  recross  the 
Rhine.  In  the  following  year,  as  the  Bel'gi-ans  of  northern  Gaul 
threatened  to  give  him  trouble,  he  resolved  to  subdue  them.  In  the 
invasion  of  their  country  he  met  httle  opposition  till  he  came  to  the 
Ner'vi-i,  the  most  warlike  and  the  most  powerful  of  the  Belgic 
tribes.     These  people  would  have  nothing  of  Roman  traders  in  wine 


Conquest  of  Gaul  369 

and  other  luxuries,  for  they  wished  to  keep  their  strength  intact  and 
their  martial  fire  alive.  While  Caesar  was  approaching  they  fell 
upon  him  so  fiercely  that  he  could  neither  form  his  line  nor  give 
orders.  Each  soldier  was  left  to  his  own  judgment.  But  the  cool 
courage  of  the  legionaries  and  the  heroism  of  the  commander  won 
the  desperate  fight.  Few  Nervii  survived.  As  a  result  of  the  cam- 
paign all  northern  Gaul  submitted.  Next  year  he  attacked  the 
Ven'e-ti,  who  occupied  a  strip  of  the  western  coast.  A  maritime 
people,  they  built  their  towns  on  headlands  protected  on  all  sides  by 
tide-waters  too  shallow  for  Roman  ships.  They  themselves  put  to 
sea  in  clumsy  flat-bottomed  boats  with  leathern  sails.  Caesar  made 
little  progress  against  them  till  his  small,  light  fleet  met  their  bulky  navy 
in  the  open  sea.  A  happy  thought  occurred  to  the  Romans.  With 
scythes  fastened  to  long  poles  they  cut  the  enemy's  tackle  so  as  to 
disable  his  ships.  Victory  was  then  easy ;  the  Veneti  with  their  allies 
submitted. 

In  the  remaining  years  of  his  command  Caesar  drove  back  another 
horde  of  Germans ;  to  check  their  inroads  he  twice  invaded  their 
country.  His  two  voyages  to  Britain  prepared  the  way  for  the  future 
conquest  of  that  island.  It  was  necessary,  too,  to  crush  fierce  rebel- 
lions among  his  new  subjects ;  but  though  his  conquest  spread  deso- 
lation and  death  over  the  entire  country,  in  the  end  his  just  and 
humane  settlement  of  affairs  attached  the  subjects  loyally  to  him.  All 
Gaul,  at  first  under  one  governor,  afterward  became  four  provinces. 
It  gave  new  strength  to  Rome  and  protected  the  Rhine  frontier 
against  the  dangerous  Germans.  The  new  subjects  not  only  served 
in  the  armies,  but  readily  learned  Latin  and  adopted  the  Roman  dress 
and  customs. 

299.  The  End  of  Crassus  (53  B.C.) ;  Pompey  and  Caesar  clash.  — 
Meanwhile  Crassus  took  command  in  Syria,  his  province.  He  was 
defeated  and  killed  by  the  Parthians,  whom  he  had  needlessly  pro- 
voked to  war.  Pompey,  instead  of  going  to  his  provinces  in  Spain 
and  Africa,  as  the  law  directed,  remained  near  Rome  to  help  the 


370      The  Revolution  —  (//)  Pompey,  Caesar y  a?id  Octavius 

senate  preserve  order.  The  nobles  now  looked  to  him  for  protection 
from  the  mighty  governor  of  Gaul,.,  who  represented  the  people. 

These  two  leaders  ceased  to  be  friends.  Then,  in  49  B.C.,  the 
senate  ordered  Caesar  to  lay  down  his  command  on  pain  of  being 
declared  a  public  enemy.  When  the  tribunes,  Mark  Antony  and 
Quintus  Cassius,  vetoed  this  decree,  they  were  harshly  treated,  and 
fled  thereupon  to  Caesar's  camp.  The  mistreatment  of  the  tribunes 
gave  him  a  pretext  for  bringing  his  army  to  Rome  to  protect  the 
sacred  office  (§242). 

The  story  is  told  that  at  the  Rubicon,  which  separated  his  province 
from  Italy,  Caesar  hesitated  while  he  discussed  with  his  friends  the 
consequences  of  crossing,  like  an  invader,  into  Italy  and  of  thus  mak- 
ing himself  an  enemy  to  his  country ;  then  exclaiming,  "  The  die  is 
cast ! "  he  hurried  over  the  river,  and  with  a  trumpet  summoned 
his  troops  to  follow.  Although  the  anecdote  may  not  be  true,  the 
crossing  of  the  Rubicon  was  a  crisis  in  the  life  of  Caesar  and  in  the 
history  of  his  country  ;  for  by  bringing  his  army  into  Italy  in  violation 
of  the  law,  he  began  a  war  upon  the  republic. 

300.  The  Civil  War  (48-45  B.C.).  — Pompey,  with  the  consuls  and 
many  senators,  retired  to  the  East,  where  he  expected  his  great 
influence  to  bring  him  abundance  of  supporters  and  of  resources  for 
war.  Caesar  immediately  secured  control  of  Italy  and  Spain.  His 
gendeness  to  opponents  and  his  moderation  in  relieving  distressed 
debtors  and  in  protecting  property  won  the  hearts  of  all  quiet  citizens, 
and  made  even  many  followers  of  Pompey  suspect  that  they  had 
taken  the  wrong  side.  After  setting  up  a  government  at  Rome, 
Caesar  crossed  to  Greece  and  met  his  rival  at  Phar-sa'lus,  in  Thessaly. 
Although  in  appearance  Pompey  championed  the  senate,  the  real 
question  at  issue  was  which  of  the  two  commanders  should  rule  the 
Roman  world.  Pompey's  army  outnumbered  the  enemy  more  than 
two  to  one ;  but  the  mental  resources  of  Caesar,  together  with  the 
superior  manliness  of  the  troops  from  western  Europe,  won  the  day. 
Pompey  fled  to  Egypt ;  and  when  Caesar  reached  Alexandria  in  pur- 


Civil  War 


371 


suit,  a  would-be  friend  brought  him  the  head  of  his  murdered  rival. 
It  was  no  welcome  gift  to  the  noble  victor. 

In  Egypt,  King  Ptolemy  had  deposed  Cle-o-paUra,  at  once  his 
wife  and  sister.  But 
Caesar,  siding  with 
the  charming  queen, 
established  her  as 
sole  monarch. 
Then  while  passing 
through  Syria  and 
Asia  Minor  he  set- 
tled the  affairs  of 
the  provinces,  and 
in  one  battle  crushed 
Phar 'na-ces,  son  and 
successor  of  Mithri- 
dates,  thus  putting 
an  end  to  a  danger- 
ous enemy.  After 
the  victory  he  sent 
the  senate  this  brief 
despatch,  "  Veni, 
vidi,  vici''  (I  came, 
I  saw,  I  con- 
quered). Another 
year  he  defeated  the 
senatorial  army  at 
Thap'sus  in  Africa. 
One  of  the  aristo- 
cratic commanders  Gaius  Julius  Caesar 
in    that   region   was                                 (National  Museum,  Naples) 

Cato,  —  honest,  loyal,  and  stubborn,  yet  narrow-minded  as  had  been 
his  great-grandfather,  the  famous  censor.     In  despair  of  the  republic 


372      The  Revolution  —  (//)  Ponipey^  Caesar,  and  Octavius 

he   killed  himself.     Soon  afterward  the  victory  at  Mun'da  in  Spain 
destroyed  the  last  opposition  to  Caesar. 

301.  Caesar's  Government.  —  He  held  at  one  and  the  same  time 
the  offices  of  consul,  censor,  and  dictator,  granted  him  for  long 
periods  or  for  life.  As  pontifex  maximus  he  was  head  of  the  state 
religion.  These  offices  made  him  king  in  all  but  name.  He  received, 
too,  for  life  the  tide  Imperator  ("general"),  from  which  the  word 
emperor  is  derived.  As  the  army  overthrew  the  repubhc,  it  was 
natural  that  the  general  should  become  the  emperor.  Evidently 
Caesar  wished  to  make  his  power  hereditary ;  and  as  he  had  no 
nearer  heirs,  he  adopted  as  a  son  his  grandnephew  Octavius,  a  youth 
of  remarkable  talent. 

Caesar  allowed  the  assemblies  little  power,  and  made  the  senate  a 
mere  advisory  council.  Sulla  had  doubled  the  number  of  senators ; 
Caesar  increased  it  to  nine  hundred  by  admitting  not  only  knights 
but  also  many  inferior  citizens  and  even  some  half- barbarous  Gauls. 
Probably  he  wished  in  time  to  make  it  represent  the  whole  empire. 

In  the  provinces  the  evils  of  aristocratic  rule,  described  in  an 
earlier  chapter,^  were  now  at  their  height.  By  abolishing  the  system 
of  leasing  the  direct  taxes,  Caesar  prevented  the  capitalists  from 
plundering  the  subject  countries.  He  appointed  able,  honest  govern- 
ors and  held  them  strictly  to  account.  The  officers  whom  he  ap- 
pointed to  command  the  legions,  under  the  governor,  and  the 
revenue  officials,  who  were  his  own  servants  and  freedmen,-  saw  that 
his  will  should  everywhere  be  enforced.  The  "  estates  of  the 
Roman  people,"  as  the  provinces  had  been  called,  were  to  be 
cultivated  and  improved,  no  longer  pillaged.  Thus  by  destroying 
the  root  of  the  evil  Caesar  regenerated  provincial  life.  He  gave 
citizenship  to  the  Gauls,  and  it  was  his  wish  that  as  rapidly  as 
possible  all  the  provincials  should  become  Romans.  At  the  same 
time  he  greatly  improved  the  condition  of  Rome  and  Italy. 

302.  Caesar's  Death  (44  B.C.);  the  Heir — The  nobles  were  envious  of 

1  Ch.  vi.  §  274.  2  §  366. 


Caesar's  Death  373 

Caesar,  and  longed  to  regain  the  privilege  of  misruling  the  world.  While 
they  forced  upon  him  honors  such  as  belonged  only  to  the  gods,  they 
began  to  plot  his  murder.  Chief  among  the  conspirators  were  the 
"  lean  and  hungry  "  Cassius,  and  Marcus  Brutus,  a  man  with  good 
intentions,  but  weak  and  unpractical.  All  together  there  were  about 
sixty  in  the  plot.  Pretending  to  urge  a  petition  of  one  of  their 
number,  they  gathered  about  him  in  the  senate  and  assailed  him  with 
daggers.  He  fell  stabbed  with  twenty-three  wounds.  The  senate 
dispersed.  Mark  An'to-ny,  Caesar's  colleague  in  the  consulship, 
dehvered  the  funeral  oration  and  read  the  will,  which,  by  its  gener- 
osity to  the  citizens,  stirred  them  against  the  murderers.  The  most 
sincere  mourners,  however,  were  the  provincials  who  chanced  to  be 
in  Rome ;  they  wept  over  the  ashes  of  their  mighty  benefactor,  and 
doubtless  dreaded  the  renewed  anarchy  and  terrorism  of  senatorial 
rule.^ 

Fearing  the  enraged  populace,  the  chief  conspirators  fled  from 
Rome.  Cicero,  who  approved  the  murder,  though  he  had  no  hand 
in  it,  sailed  for  Greece  but  was  driven  back  by  a  storm.  Thereupon 
he  returned  to  Rome  to  take  the  lead  of  the  senate  against  the  con- 
sul Mark  Antony,  who  was  acting  the  tyrant.  In  the  next  few  months 
Cicero  delivered  against  him  a  series  of  powerful  speeches,  known  as 
the  Philippics  from  their  resemblance  to  the  orations  of  Demosthenes 
against  Philip  of  Macedon.^  But  eloquence  had  ceased  to  be  a  force 
in  the  world.  A  civil  war  was  to  decide  who  should  succeed  the 
deceased  monarch. 

Octavius  was  pursuing  his  studies  in  Illyricum  when  news  came  of 
his  great-uncle's  death.  He  sailed  at  once  for  Italy,  and  taking  the 
name  Gains  Julius  Caesar  Oc-ta-vi-a'nus,  he  came  almost  alone  to 
Rome,  into  the  midst  of  enemies.  But  he  soon  gained  friends.  By 
promising  the  people  all  their  late  ruler  had  bequeathed  them,  he 
readily  won  their  hearts ;  and  for  a  time  he  sided  with  the  senate 
against  Antony.  Deceived  by  his  show  of  frank  simplicity,  Cicero 
1  On  the  character  of  Caesar,  see  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  viii.      ^  §  jg^. 


374     ^^^^  Revolution  —  (//)  Pompey,  Caesar ^  and  Octaviiis 

declared  that  the  young  Octavianus  was  all  for  the  republic.  In  fact 
this  youth  of  nineteen  years  had  no  enthusiasm  for  any  cause ;  in 
cool  cunning  he  outmatched  even  the  poHtical  veterans  of  the  capital. 

303.  The  Second  Triumvirate  (43) ;  the  Battles  of  Philippi  (42  B.C.). 
—  With  an  army  he  had  raised,  Octavianus  helped  win  a  victory  over 
Antony.  The  senate,  now  feeling  secure,  cast  off  the  boy.  Imme- 
diately he  came  to  an  understanding  with  Antony,  his  rival,  and  with 
Lep'i-dus,  Caesar's  master  of  horse,  who  still  held  an  important  com- 
mand. These  three  men  made  of  themselves  "  Triumvirs  for  Reestab- 
hshing  the  State,"  —  an  office  they  were  to  hold  five  years,  with  power 
to  dispose  of  all  magistracies  at  will  and  to  issue  decrees  which  should 
have  the  force  of  law.  They  filled  Rome  with  their  troops  and 
renewed  the  hideous  proscriptions  ^  of  Sulla.  Each  sacrificed  friends 
and  even  kinsmen  to  the  hatred  of  the  others.  Among  the  victims 
of  Antony  was  Cicero,  the  last  great  orator  of  the  ancient  world. 
Though  he  was  vain  and  wavering,  though  the  cause  he  championed 
meant  anarchy  for  Rome  and  misery  for  the  provinces,  in  his  heart 
he  was  a  patriot  and  a  friend  of  liberty. 

Antony  and  Octavianus  led  their  armies  to  Macedonia  to  meet  the 
republican  forces  which  Cassius  and  Brutus  had  collected  there. 
Two  battles  were  fought  near  Phi-lip 'pi.  After  the  first,  which  was 
indecisive,  Cassius  killed  himself  in  despair.  Brutus,  beaten  in  the 
second  engagement,  followed  the  example  of  his  mate ;  the  republi- 
can scholar  could  not  live  under  the  rule  of  iron. 

304.  Civil  War  between  Antony  and  Octavianus  (31)  ;  End  of  the 
Republic  (27  B.C.).  —  The  triumvirs  renewed  their  authority  for 
another  five  years ;  and  when  the  incompetent  Lepidus  dropped  from 
the  board,  the  two  remaining  niembers  divided  the  empire  between 
them.  Antony  riiled  the  East  and  Octavianus  the  West.  To  cement 
the  alliance,  the  heir  of  Caesar  gave  his  sister  Octavia  in  marriage  to 
his  colleague.  But  trouble  soon  arose.  Though  a  clever  orator,  a 
diplomatist,  and  no  mean  general,  Antony  was  fond  of  luxury  and  of 

1  Cf.  Shaksperc,  Julius  Caesar,  Act  IV.  Scene  i. 


*  It 


%: 


a!  :s 

a:  . 

SS  .2 


Actium  375 

vice.  Neglecting  his  wife  and  the  interests  of  the  state,  he  spent  his 
time  with  Cleopatra  in  frivolous  dissipation.  The  Italians  supposed 
he  intended  to  make  her  his  queen  and  himself  despot  of  an  Oriental 
empire  with  Alexandria  for  his  capital.  They  willingly  followed 
Octavianus,  therefore,  in  a  war  against  this  national  enemy.  The 
fleets  of  the  rivals  met  off  Ac'li-um  on  the  west  coast  of  Greece 
(31  B.C.).  A-grip'pa,  an  able  general,  commanded  the  ships  of  Octavi- 
anus against  the  combined  squadrons  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra.  In 
the  early  part  of  the  fight  this  infatuated  pair  sailed  away,  leaving 


Cleopatra 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 

their  fleet  to  take  care  of  itself.  Their  ponderous  galleys  were  out- 
manoeuvred by  Agrippa's  light  triremes,  and  many  of  them  were  burned 
with  fire-balls.  After  the  battle,  Antony's  land  force  surrendered. 
At  last  when  he  and  Cleopatra  committed  suicide  in  Alexandria, 
Octavianus  was  master  of  the  empire.  For  a  time  it  seemed,  doubtful 
whether  in  imitation  of  his  adoptive  father  he  would  retain  all  the 
power  in  his  own  hands,  or  restore  it  to  the  senate  after  the  example 
of  Sulla ;  but  finally  he  chose  a  middle  course.  The  republican 
period  came  to  an  end  in  27  b.c,  when  he  laid  down  the  office  of 
triumvir  and  received  from  the  senate  the  title  Augustus.     Hitherto 


3/6     The  Revolution  —  (//)  Pompey,  Caesar^  and  Octavins 

this  epithet  had  been  reserved  for  the  gods  and  their  belongings.  In 
conferring  it  on  Octavianus  the  senate  intended  to  grant  no  power, 
but  to  mark  him  as  the  one  whom  all  should  revere.  Though  we 
shall  henceforth  speak  of  him  as  Augustus,  we  are  to  bear  in  mind 
that  all  the  emperors  after  him  held  this  title  as  their  chief  distinc- 
tion.    It  is  nearly  equivalent  to  His  Sacred  Majesty. 

The  battle  of  Actium  was  one  of  the  most  important  in  ancient 
history  ;  it  saved  European  civilization  from  undue  Oriental  influence  ; 
it  ended  the  long  anarchy  which  followed  the  murder  of  Caesar ;  and 
it  placed  the  destiny  of  the  empire  in  the  hands  of  an  able  states- 
man. 

Let  us  in  the  following  summary  review  the  causes  of  the  change 
from  republic  to  empire  :  — 

(i)  Conquest  brought  excessive  power  and  wealth  to  a  few  of  the 
Romans,  while  it  reduced  the  bulk  of  the  citizens  to  poverty  and 
wretchedness.  (2)  The  senate,  representing  these  men  of  wealth, 
became  corrupt,  oppressive,  and  weak;  it  could  neither  maintain 
order  in  Rome  nor  protect  the  provinces.  (3)  The  Gracchi  began 
the  revolution.  Gaius  Gracchus  organized  the  city  mob,  a  revo- 
lutionary force,  through  which  he  set  aside  the  authority  of  the 
senate.  (4)  But  in  the  army,  as  reformed  soon  afterward  by 
Marius,  an  ambitious  man  could  find  a  far  more  reliable  and 
effective  weapon  for  overthrowing  the  senate  and  for  making  him- 
self master  of  the  government.  (5)  Sulla  first  used  this  military 
instrument  for  political  purposes.  (6)  It  was  the  work  of  Pompey 
in  his  war  with  the  pirates  and  with  Mithridates  to  show  how  bene- 
ficial to  the  Roman  world  the  rule  of  one  man  might  be.  (7)  The 
government  of  Caesar  was  a  real  monarchy,  though  it  had  too 
powerful  enemies  to  be  lasting.  (8)  After  his  death  the  senate 
failed  to  recover  its  authority,  and  the  civil  wars  following  decided 
that  Octavianus,  his  heir,  should  be  master  of  the  empire. 


Literature 


^77 


Culture  ^ 


305.  The  Great  Age  of  Republican  Literature  (82-27  B.C.). —  A 
practical  people  with  little  imagination,  the  Romans  were  slow  in 
turning  their  attention  to  Hterature.  And  though  in  time  they  pro- 
duced much  poetry  as  well  as  prose,  they  were  in  their  literary 
labors  imitators  of  the  Greeks.  A  few  of  their  writers,  however, 
show  originality  and  even  genius. 
The  first  great  age  of  Latin  literature 
extends  from  the  dictatorship  of 
Sulla  to  the  fall  of  the  republic. 

One  of  the  most  eminent  writers 
of  this  age  was  Caesar.  His  Cotn- 
mentaries  on  the  Gallic  War  and 
on  the  Civil  War  tell  the  story  of 
his  campaigns.  The  work  is  a 
model  historical  narrative,  —  plain, 
accurate,  and  elegant,  with  no  pre- 
tension to  ornament  of  any  kind. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  period  Sallust 
wrote  a  short  treatise  On  the  Con- 
spiracy of  Catilifie  and  another  On 
the  Jugurthine  W^ar.  Along  with 
his  narrative  of  events,  he  tried  to 
analyze  impartially  the  character  of 
society  and  the  motives  of  conduct. 
These  works  are  valuable  sources  of 
information  for  the  subjects  treated. 
These  were  the  chief  historians  of 
the  age.  Cornelius  Ne'pos  wrote  a  work  On  Eminent  Men,  in  which 
he  treated  famous  Romans  and  foreigners.     Most  of  the  lives  which 

1  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interruption 
may  omit  §§305,  306. 


Apollo  with  a  Lyre 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 


378      The  Revolution  —  (//)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Octaviiis 

we  still  possess  are  of  Greek  generals ;  they  prove  him  to  have  been 
an  inferior  and  untrustworthy  author. 

The  foremost  orator  of  the  period  —  and  one  of  the  most  famous 
of  all  time  —  was  Cicero.  A  perfect  master  of  style,  he  brought 
Latin  prose  to  the  height  of  its  development.  If  in  reading  his 
speeches  we  guard  against  his  misrepresentation  of  truth,  we  shall 
find  them  valuable  for  the  study  of  the  times.  More  trustworthy  are 
his  Letters  to  friends,  in  which  he  speaks  candidly  of  passing  events. 

Lu-cre'ti-us,  a  poet  of  the  age,  composed  in  verse  a  work  On  the 
Nature  of  the  World,  in  which  he  tried  by  means  of  science  to  dis- 
pel from  the  mind  all  fear  of  death  and  of  the  gods,  —  to  free  men 
from  superstition.  It  is  a  work  of  remarkable  genius.  Ca-tul'lus, 
who  lived  at  the  same  time,  wrote  beautiful  lyrics  and  elegies  on  sub- 
jects of  love  and  life,  and  some  bitter  lampoons.  On  the  whole,  the 
poetry  of  this  period  is  less  celebrated  than  that  of  the  following. 

306.  Public  Works  — Art  (to  27  B.C.).  —  In  art  as  well  as  in 
literature  the  Romans  preferred  use  to  beauty.  Their  practical  nature 
showed  itself  especially  in  such  necessary  public  works  as  roads,  bridges, 
sewers,  and  aqueducts. 

In  the  beginning  they  found  their  models  among  the  Etruscans, 
and  not  long  afterward  among  the  Greeks.  Though  the  chief  influ- 
ence in  their  art,  as  in  their  literature,  was  Hellenic,  they  did  not 
copy  nierely,  but  whatever  they  learned  of  others  they  adapted  in 
their  own  way  to  their  own  needs.  Next  to  usefulness  the  works  of 
their  hands  are  most  famous  for  grafideur  and  durability.  These, 
too,  were  qualities  of  their  character ;  but  they  were  able  to  achieve 
their  ideals  partly  because  of  the  excellent  building  material  in  and 
about  Rome  and  partly  through  the  use  of  the  round  arch.  This 
form  of  architecture  they  employed  in  sewers,  in  bridges,  and  with 
necessary  modifications  in  the  domes  of  some  of  their  temples. 

We  have  already  noticed  the  architecture  of  the  regal  period.^ 
The  Cloaca  Maxima  is  still  in  use,  and  parts  of  the  "  Wall  of  Romu- 

1  §  226. 


Architecture  379 

lus  "  and  of  the  "  Servian  Wall "  are  standing  at  the  present  day. 
The  men  of  the  republican  period  continued  to  build,  but  their 
works  have  almost  completely  disappeared.  In  312  B.C.  Appius 
Claudius  Caecus/  as  censor,  built  the  first  aqueduct  and  the  first 
military  road  —  the  Appian  Aqueduct  and  the  Appian  Way.  For 
miles  along  this  road  are  the  tombs  of  the  great  Roman  families. 


Tomb  of  Cecilia  Metella 
(Appian  Way) 

That  of  Cecilia  Metella,  built  in  the  age  of  Juhus  Caesar,  is  the  most 
impressive. 

While  we  appreciate  the  progress  of  literature  and  of  intelligence, 
we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  in  nearly  every  other  respect 
Rome  was  rapidly  decaying.  Her  once  sound  morals  had  given  way 
to  vice ;  republican  freedom  had  long  been  a  mere  shadow ;  the 
empire   was   threatened  within  by  anarchy,  without  by  barbarians. 

1  §  251. 


380     The  RevoliUio7i  —  (//)  Pompey,  Caesar,  and  Octavius 

No  reforms  could  make  the  old  world  young.  All  that  statesmen 
could  now  do  was  to  determine  what  elements  of  life  and  virtue  still 
lingered  in  the  Roman  world,  and  to  organize  these  forces,  with 
which  to  stay  for  a  few  more  centuries  the  wreck  of  ancient  civilization. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Cicero  in  Politics.  —  Plutarch,  Cicero  ;  Merivale,  Roman  Triumvirates  ; 
Strachan-Davidson,  Cicero;  How  and  Leigh,  History  of  Rome ;  Shuckburgh, 
History  of  Rome  (see  Indices). 

II.   Cicero  as  an  Orator.  —  Mackail,  Latin  Literature,  pp.  62-68;  Cruttwell, 
Roman  Literature,  pp.  159-174. 

III.  Caesar's  Government. — Abbott,  Roman  Political  Institutions,  pp.  133- 
138;   Strachan-Davidson,  ch.  xii;    Yoy/Xer,  Julius  Caesar,  ch.  xviii. 

IV.  The  Conspirators  against  Caesar.  —  Plutarch,  Cicero;  Brutus;  Bots- 
ford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  viii;  Strachan-Davidson,  pp.  370-379;  Fowler,  pp. 
369-378;  Merivale,  Roman  7 riumvirates,  pp.  ly  1-21^;  cf.  Shakspere,  Julius 
Caesar. 


Julia,  Daughter  of  Augustus,  and  her  Sons  Gaius  and  Lucius 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


CHAPTER   IX 

THE  JULIAN   EMPERORS  (27  B.C. -41  a.d.) 
The  Dyarchy 

307.  The  Frontiers.  —  The  republic  fell  because  of  the  weakness 
and  the  oppression  of  the  nobles.  The  rule  of  the  emperors,  on 
the  other  hand,  brought  protection   and  happiness   to  the  empire. 

The  first  aim  of  Augustus  (emperor  27  B.C.-14  a.d.)  was  to  defend 
the  empire  against  foreign  enemies,  to  maintain  quiet  by  diplomacy, 
and  to  wage  war  solely  for  the  sake  of  peace. 

To  protect  the  northern  frontier  from  the  barbarians  of  central 
Europe  was  the  most  difficult  problem  with  which  he  had  to  deal. 
Tiberius,  a  stepson,^  extended  the  empire  as  far  as  the  Danube,  and 
began  to  build  a  chain  of  forts  along  that  river.  Meanwhile  Drusus, 
the  younger  brother  of  Tiberius,  was  fortifying  the  Rhine  in  a  similar 
way  and  was  attempting  to  conquer  Germany  as  far  as  the  Elbe.  But 
after  three  years  of  successful  warfare  he  fatally  injured  himself  by  a 
fall  from  his  horse.  Hastening  to  his  brother's  side,  Tiberius  was 
with  him  in  his  last  moments ;  and  with  a  devotion  which  was  rare 
in  that  age,  he  brought  the  body  from  the  depths  of  the  German 
forest  to  Rome,  walking  all  the  way  in  front  of  the  bier.  It  was  a 
great  loss  to  the  imperial  family,  for  Drusus  was  an  able  man  and 
popular  with  the  army. 

After  Tiberius  had  completed  the  conquest,  Augustus  made  Va'rus, 
a  distant   kinsman,  governor  of  the  new  province.     This  man  had 

1  Livia,  wife  of  Augustus,  had  two  sons,  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  by  a  former 
marriage.  As  the  adopted  son  of  Augustus,  Tiberius  entered  the  Julian  family 
and  became  the  second  emperor;   §  311. 

381 


382 


The  Jiilia7i  Emperors 


too  much  of  the  old  repubhcan  spirit  ^  to  make  a  good  ruler.  He 
considered  his  subjects  mere  slaves,  whom  he  tried  to  govern  by  the 
principles  he  had  learned  in  the  Orient.  They  resisted ;  and  under 
the  lead  of  Ar-min'i-us,  a  chieftain's  son  who  had  received  his  educa- 
tion at  Rome,  they 
plotted  against  their 
tyrannic  governor. 
As  he  was  leading 
his  three  legions 
through  the  Teii^to- 
berg  Forest  on  his 
way  to  winter 
quarters,  they  sur- 
rounded him  and  cut 
his  army  to  pieces. 
Varus  killed  him- 
self; the  barbarians 
hung  their  prisoners 
to  trees  and  tortured 
them  to  death 
(9  A.D.).  Though 
Augustus  appeared 
to  bear  the  news 
with  a  brave  heart, 
his  spirit  was  broken 
by  the  misfortune 
he  could  not  repair. 
From  time  to  time  he  would  say,  "  Varus,  Varus,  give  me  back  my 
legions."  Convinced  that  the  strength  of  the  empire  should  not 
be  further  wasted  upon  such  projects,  he  established  the  Rhine  as 
the  boundary,  and  decided  resolutely  on  a  policy  of  peace. 

308.    The   Provinces;  the   Government. — The   border   provinces 
1  On  the  oppression  of  provinces  by  republican  governors,  see  §  274. 


Augustus 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


Augustus  383 

and  all  others  which  danger  threatened  were  under  the  direct  care  of 
the  emperor.  His  lieutenants  had  charge  of  their  judicial  and  military 
affairs  ;  his  agents  attended  to  finance.  The  older  and  more  peaceful 
provinces  still  belonged  to  the  senate,  which  appointed  annual  govern- 
ors. This  double  rule  of  the  emperor  and  senate  is  termed  a  dy'arch-y. 
The  division  of  power  was  carried  through  the  whole  government. 

Augustus  followed  the  example  of  Julius  Caesar  in  insisting  on  a 
just  and  vigorous  government ;  although  he  withheld  the  Roman 
citizenship,  the  provincials  now  enjoyed  a  large  degree  of  municipal 
freedom.  He  encouraged  trade  and  knit  the  empire  together  by 
building  well-paved  roads  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the  Roman  world. 
Thus  the  imperial  government  brought  the  provinces  protection  from 
invasion,  thrift,  happiness,  and  the  healthful  atmosphere  of  local 
freedom.  However  far  from  ideal,  the  system  was  as  good  as  circum- 
stances would  permit. 

Like  Caesar,  Augustus  held  at  once  various  kinds  of  official  author- 
ity—  chiefly  the  proconsular  power  for  the  control  of  the  provinces 
and  the  tribunician  power  for  the  government  of  Rome.  The  trib- 
unician  authority  made  his  person  sacred  and  marked  him  as  a 
friend  of  the  people.  Although  he  sometimes  held  the  consulship 
and  occasionally  undertook  the  duties  of  censor,  he  generally  left  the 
old  offices  to  others,  whom  the  people  elected  and  the  senate  super- 
vised in  the  traditional  way.  This  division  of  powers  and  offices 
between  him  and  the  senate  was  also  an  element  of  the  dyarchy. 
The  consuls,  whose  term  was  now  generally  less  than  a  year,  the 
praetors,  the  plebeian  tribunes,  and  the  other  republican  officers  per- 
formed their  routine  duties  with  little  change ;  but  they  were  all 
under  the  shadow  of  Augustus.  By  professing  to  derive  his  author- 
ity from  the  senate  and  people,  he  disguised  his  own  position  in 
republican  forms.  Whereas  the  moderns  call  him  emperor  from  his 
title  of  imperator,  the  Romans  styled  him  simply  prince,  the  "  fore- 
most "  of  the  citizens.  The  outward  sign  of  his  position  was  the 
purple  robe  which  he  wore  at  festivals. 


384 


The  Julian  Emperors 


For  his  own  security  he  kept  near  Rome  a  body  of  troops  known 
as  i\\Q  pre-to^ri-an^  guard.  Although  these  soldiers  were  doubtless 
necessary,  their  power  and  insolence  grew  till  in  time  they  made  and 
murdered  emperors  at  pleasure  (§  328). 

309.  Public  Improvements ;  Architecture.  —  Augustus  planted 
many  colonies  both  in  Italy  and  in  the  provinces.     His  aim  was  not 


The  Temple  of  Mars  the  Avenger 
(In  the  Augustan  Forum) 

only  to  furnish  his  retired  veterans  with  farms  but  also  to  resettle 
vacant  districts,  so  as  to  increase  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 

With  him  begins  the  great  age  of  Roman  architecture.  He  him- 
self tells  us  of  his  public  works  :  — 

"  The  Capitol  ^  and  the  Pompeian  theatre  I  have  repaired  at  enor- 
mous expense.  .  .  .  Aqueducts  which  were  crumbling  in  many 
places,  by  reason  of  age,  I  have  restored  .  .  .  and  have  finished  the 

1  From  prae-toWi-um,  the  general's  tent,  —  the  pretorian  guard  was  an  out- 
growth from  the  guard  which  protected  the  general's  headquarters. 

2  The  Capitoline  temple  of  Jupiter. 


Public  Works  385 

Julian  Forum  and  the  ba-sil'i-ca  which  was  between  the  temple  of 
Castor  and  the  temple  of  Saturn,  works  begun  and  almost  completed 
by  my  father  ^ ;  and  when  that  same  basilica  was  consumed  by  fire,  I 
began  its  reconstruction  on  an  enlarged  scale,  inscribing  it  with  the 
names  of  my  sons.  If  I  do  not  Hve  to  complete  it,  I  have  given 
orders  that  it  be  finished  by  my  heirs.  In  accordance  with  a  decree 
of  the  senate,  while  consul  for  the  sixth  time,  I  restored  eighty-two 


The  Paniheon 
(Campus  Martius) 

temples  of  the  gods,  passing  over  none  which  was  at  that  time  in 
need  of  repair.  In  my  seventh  consulship  I  [re] built  the  Flaminian 
Way  to  Ariminum,  and  all  the  bridges  except  the  Mulvian  and  the 
Minucian. 

1  I.e.  Julius  Caesar,  the  adoptive  father  of  Augustus.  The  Roman  basilica  was 
a  hall  used  for  courts  of  justice  and  for  mercantile  business.  It  was  built  in  imi- 
tation of  the  Basilica  ("Royal  House")  at  Athens.  The  latter  was  a  hall  of 
columns  in  which  the  basiletis  (king  archon)  held  office.  In  Christian  times  the 
name  came  to  be  applied  to  a  church  built  in  imitation  of  the  Roman  basilica. 
2C 


386 


The  Julian  Emperors 


"Upon  private  ground  I  have  built  with  the  spoils  of  war  the 
temple  of  Mars  the  Avenger  and  the  Augustan  Forum."  ^  The 
Mars  of  this  temple  was  not  to  be  the  god  of  conquest ;  his  function, 
rather,  was  to  punish  foreign  powers  which  disturbed  the  peace  of  the 
empire.  The  Pantheon,  which  means  the  "  all-divine,"  is  a  famous 
building  generally  attributed  to  Agrippa,  the  emperor's  ablest  minis- 
ter. In  it  men  worshipped  Mars  and  Venus,  the  chief  gods  of  the 
Julian  family.  It  still  stands  well  preserved  in  what  was  once  the 
Campus  Martins,  and  is  now  used  as  a  Christian  church.  The  tem- 
ple is  circular  and  is  covered  by  a  most  magnificent  dome.     The 


ENGRAVED  BY  BQDMAY  &   CO.,    N. 


The  Sacred  Way 


a.  W.  Bol$/tirrl,  Dtt, 


spectator  who  stands  within  this  rotunda  cannot  fail  to  see  in  it  an 
emblem  of  the  vast  and  durable  power  of  Rome.  At  the  close  of  his 
reign  Augustus  could  boast  that  he  had  found  Rome  of  brick  but  left 
it  of  marble. 

310.  Literature  and  Religion.  —  Augustus  encouraged  and  aided 
literary  men.  Through  their  works  he  aimed  to  purify  and  to  en- 
noble the  present  by  bringing  it  the  life  of  the  good  and  great  past. 
Lw'y,  the  most  eminent  author  of  prose  in  this  age,  wrote  a  history 
of  Rome  in  a  hundred  and  forty-two  books.  In  preparing  this  work 
he  took  no  pains  to  discover  the  truth,  but  relied  wholly  on  earlier 
writers  of  annals.  He  was  lacking,  too,  in  depth  and  in  that  knowl- 
^  Augustus,  Deedsy  xx,  xxi. 


Literature 


387 


edge  of  military  affairs  and  of  law  which  was  essential  to  the  historian 
of  Rome.  But  he  loved  what  he  believed  to  be  true  and  right.  The 
story  of  Rome,  as  he  tells  it,  is  always  lively,  vivid,  and  interesting. 

In  several  ways  Ver^gil,  the  poet,  resembled  Livy.  Both  com- 
posed in  a  lofty  style  with  high  moral  aims.  Inspired  by  the 
greatness  of  Rome,  both 
were  intensely  patriotic, 
and  expressed  more 
perfectly  than  any  other 
writers  the  ideals  of  their 
nation.  The  poet's 
narrative  is  as  lively  and 
as  dramatic  as  the  his- 
torian's. Vergil  is  grace- 
ful, tender,  and  childlike. 
His  principal  work  is 
an  epic  poem  called  the 
Ae-ne'id.  In  this  story 
of  the  wanderings  of 
Aeneas,  he  glorifies  the 
beginnings  of  Rome  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the 
imperial  family,  which 
claimed  descent  from 
the  hero  of  his  poem. 


Vergil 
(Capitoline  Museum,  Rome) 


Horace,  author  of  Odes  and  Satires  and  of  Epistles  in  verse,  was 
the  poet  of  contentment  and  common  sense,  who  bade  his  friends  — 

"  Snatch  gayly  the  joys  which  the  moment  shall  bring, 
And  away  every  care  and  perplexity  fling."  ^ 

Leave  the  future  to  the  gods,  he  taught.  A  comfortable  villa, 
some  shady  nook  in  summer,  and  in  winter  a  roaring  fireplace,  good 
wine,  pleasant  friends,  and  a  mind  free  from  care  make  an  ideal 

1  Odes,  iii.  8. 


388 


The  Julian  Emperors 


life.     After  the  stormy  end  of  the  republic,  the  world  needed  such 
a  lesson. 

In  the  later  republic,  Roman  society  forgot  the  gods  and  lost  its 
morals.  Augustus  restored  the  ancient  ceremonies  of  worship  which 
had  fallen  into  disuse,  and  attempted  to  lead  the  people  back  to 
the  old  religion  and  to  the  pure,  simple  life  of  the  ancestors  who 
had  made  the  city  great.     Julius  had  been  deified  after  his  death. 


1.  Roman  Forum.  -^  ^sWup-.  ^ 

2.  Temple  ofHare  tlia  Ani^."^::^ 

3.  Temple  of  Veritt»»iid  Rome.     S       = 

4.  BtwilUa  or  Couataiitine. 'i        § 

5.  Baailka  Julia.  I%„.g; 

6.  Arch  of  CoOHtantine*         ''''tn^ 

7.  Arch  of  Tiltu.  ^^ 

8.  Temple  uf  the  Capltvline  .lupiVei 

9.  Tr^au'a  Coli  "^ 

rordrtaiUoflheF, 
and  vicinity,  nee  plan  of 
the  Sacred  Way, 


ENBRAVEO  BY  BOHM 


iMi'ERiAi.  Rome 


and  this  example  was  followed  in  the  case  of  nearly  all  the  other 
emperors.  Augustus  came  near  to  divinity  even  in  Rome,  while  the 
provincials  built  temples  in  which  they  sacrificed  to  him  as  to  a  god. 
In  fact  the  worship  of  the  emperor  was  to  be  the  most  vital  force  in 
the  religion  of  the  Roman  world  till  the  adoption  of  Christianity. 
"  He  is  the  paternal  Zeus  and  the  saviour  of  the  whole  race  of  man, 
who  fulfils  all  prayers,  even  more  than  is  asked.  For  land  and  sea 
enjoy  peace;  cities  flourish;  everywhere  are  harmony  and  prosperity 


Tiberius  389 

and  happiness."  ^  Three  times  in  his  reign  he  closed  the  doors  of 
the  temple  of  Janus  as  a  sign  of  peace  throughout  the  empire.  In 
one  of  these  intervals  of  quiet  there  was  born  in  Judea  the  Christ, 
who  was  to  give  the  world  new  spiritual  Ufe  and  an  ideal  of  perfect 
manhood. 

311.  Tiberius  Emperor  (14-37  A.D.).  —  Augustus  died  in  14  a.d., 
after  forty-five  years  of  rule.  His  wife  Livia,  who  had  been  his 
strong  support  during  Hfe,  secured  to  her  son  Tiberius  the  peaceful 
succession.^ 

Immediately  after  the  accession  of  Tiberius  the  armies  on  the 
Danube  and  the  Rhine  mutinied,  in  the  hope  of  gaining  some  re- 
ward for  a  promise  of  devotion  to  the  new  emperor.  Fortunately 
the  generals  proved  loyal  and  with  difficulty  suppressed  the  out- 
break. The  emperor's  nephew  Ger-man'i-cus,  who  commanded  on 
the  Rhine,  then  led  his  army  across  the  river  and  avenged  the 
defeat  of  Varus.  But  as  Augustus  in  his  will  had  advised  his  suc- 
cessors not  to  extend  the  boundaries  of  the  empire,  Tiberius  re- 
called his  nephew  from  Germany. 

No  important  war  disturbed  the  remainder  of  his  reign;  he 
devoted  himself,  therefore,  to  administrative  work,  in  which  he 
showed  marked  abihty.  "  He  was  careful  not  to  distress  the  prov- 
inces by  new  burdens,  and  to  see  that  in  bearing  the  old  they  were 
safe  from  the  rapacity  of  their  governors."^  By  rebuilding  twelve 
cities  of  Asia  Minor  which  had  been  destroyed  by  earthquakes,  he 
taught  the  Romans  that  they  had  duties  as  well  as  privileges  in 
their  relations  with  the  provinces.  There  is  no  wonder,  then,  that 
the  subject  nations  respected  him. 

But  the  populace  disliked  him  because  he  fed  them  poorly  and 
provided  no  shows  of  gladiators.  The  nobles,  who  longed  for  a 
return  of  the  republic,  naturally  hated  him  still  more.  Conspiracies 
became  so  common  that  he  began  rigorously  to  enforce  the  law  of 

1  From  an  inscription  found  in  Asia  Minor.  2  g  ^07,  n.  i. 

^  Tacitus,  Annals,  iv.  6. 


390  The  Julian  Emperors 

treason  and  to  encourage  de-la' tors  (informers)  to  bring  accusations. 
Not  only  the  suspicious  temper  of  the  prince  but  also  the  moral 
degradation  of  society  made  the  delations  terrible.  Greed,  hatred, 
enjoyment  of  bloodshed,  —  in  brief,  all  vicious  and  criminal  pas- 
sions, —  were  at  their  height  under  the  early  empire.  No  one  felt 
safe ;  for  each  rightly  judged  his  neighbor  by  himself ;  and  the 
emperor  could  hardly  restrain  the  senate  from  condemning  men 
for  the  most  trivial  offences. 

312.  Capri;  the  Character  and  Death  of  Tiberius  (37  A.D.). — 
The  first  half  of  his  reign  he  passed  in  Rome,  the  remainder  in 
Cap'ri,  a  lovely  island  off  the  Bay  of  Naples.  From  this  retreat  he 
still  watched  over  the  government,  while  he  left  the  direct  manage- 
ment to  Se-ja'nus,  prefect  of  the  pretorian  guard.  This  man,  too, 
conspired  against  the  emperor,  and  suffered  death  for  his  treason. 

Tiberius  grew  more  and  more  hateful  to  the  nobility  and  to  the 
Roman  mob.  Not  that  he  was  especially  cruel  or  vicious ;  he  seems 
rather  to  have  been  a  stern,  unsympathetic  man,  whose  motives  the 
nobles  did  not  wish  to  understand.  He  was  unsocial,  tactless,  and 
economical,  —  qualities  which  would  have  made  any  emperor  unpop- 
ular. Notwithstanding  his  faults,  he  was  an  able,  conscientious 
ruler. 

The  reign  of  the  next  emperor,  Ca-lig'u-la  (37-41  a.d.),  nephew 
of  Germanicus  and  adopted  son  of  Tiberius,  was  of  little  importance. 

Beginning  with  Julius  Caesar,  each  emperor  thus  far  had  adopted 
his  successor.  Although  with  the  death  of  Caligula  the  rule  passed 
to  another  family,^  the  name  Caesar  continued  as  an  imperial  title, 
and  has  even  descended  to  the  monarchs  of  two  great  modern  states.^ 

1  From  the  adoptive  family  of  Tiberius  and  Caligula  to  the  family  of  their  birth 
—  from  the  Julian  to  the  Claudian. 

2  The  Czar  of  Russia  and  the  Kaiser  of  Germany. 


Caligula 


391 


Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Life  and  Achievements  of  Augustus.  —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  ix; 
Merivale,  Roman  Triumvirates,  pp.  185-232;  Capes,  Early  Empire,  ch.  i; 
AUcroft  and  Haydon,  Early  Principate,  chs.  i-vi. 

II.   Tiberius. —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  ix;   AUcroft  and  Haydon,  chs. 
viii-x;   HviXwy,  History  of  Rome,  \v.-^^.  ^o\-^()^. 

III.  Vergil. —  Mackail,  Latin  Literature,  pp.  91-105;  Cruttwell,  Roman  Lit- 
erature, pp.  252-275;  Tyrrell,  Latin  Poetry,  ch.  v. 

IV.  Livy.  —  Mackail,  pp.   145-155;   Cruttwell,  pp.  322-331;   Simcox,  Latin 
Literature,  i.  pp.  384-415. 


Venus 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  CLAUDIAN  AND  THE  FLAVIAN   EMPERORS    (41-96  a.d.) 

From  Dyarchy  to  Monarchy 

313.   Claudius  Emperor  (41-54  A.D.).  —  The  senate  would  have 
had  the  imperial  government  end  with  the  Julian  line ;  but  while  it 

was  discussing  the  situation 
the  pretorians  made  a  new 
prince.  ,  Their  nominee 
was  Claudius,  uncle  of 
Caligula.  Grotesque  in 
manners  and  lacking  mental 
balance,  he  was  generally 
considered  a  learned  fool. 
We  are  surprised,  therefore, 
to  find  him  making  his 
reign  the  beginning  of  a 
new  era. 

Breaking  with  the  policy 

of  Augustus,  he   bestowed 

the      Roman      citizenship 

freely     upon     p7'ovi?iciaIs. 

Thus  he  began  the  process 

of    making    the    provinces 

equal  with  Italy  and  Rome. 

Claudius  And  in  appointing  govern- 

(National  Museum,  Naples)  qj-S   of  provinces,    he    USed 

to  say,  "  Do  not  thank  me,  for  I  do  you  no  favor,  but  call  you  to 

share  with  me  the  burdens  of  government ;  and  I  shall  thank  you 

392 


Longitude  20* 


THE  ROIXIAN  EMPIRE 
AUGUSTUS  to  DIOCLETIAN 

SCALE  OF  MILES  ^ 

100  60  0      100     200     300     400     600 

I  m.    —    Boundary  at  Death  of  Augustus; 

Beyond  this  the  later  additions. 

Italics,-  Barbarian  races  which,  after  Marcus 

Aurelius.  appear  in  the  places  indicated. 


Jlor  Chapters  X  -  XII. 
For  Kome  see  page  213 


j'tVCr  BY  BORMAY  <c   CO.,    N.Y. 


Nero  393 

if  you  fulfil  your  duty  well."  ^  Mingled  with  this  generosity  and 
wisdom,  was  firmness  in  punishing  offenders  and  in  protecting  the 
frontiers.  One  of  his  generals  conquered  southern  Britain  and  made 
of  it  a  Roman  province. 

His  kindly  temper  shows  itself  in  a  law  for  the  protection  of  sick 
and  aged  slaves  from  cruel  treatment,  and  in  his  efforts  to  prevent 
famine  in  Rome.  To  supply  the  city  with  pure  water,  he  built  two 
magnificent  aqueducts,  one  of  which  was  the  famous  Claudia.  Later 
emperors  continued  to  build  aqueducts,  till  all  of  them  together 
poured  into  Rome  more  fresh  water  each  day  than  the  Tiber  now 
empties  into  the  sea. 

Notwithstanding  many  plots  against  his  life,  he  would  have  no 
informers  or  law  of  treason,  but  preferred  to  surround  himself  with 
soldiers,  who  even  waited  on  his  table,  and  accompanied  him  into 
the  senate-house.  Distrusting  the  nobles  and  the  knights,  he 
employed  his  own  freedmen  ^  as  helpers  and  ministers.  In  this  way 
and  in  others  he  attempted  to  make  himself  independent  of  the  sen- 
ate. Thus  the  balance  of  power  between  the  senate  and  the  prince 
was  turning  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  latter.  In  other  words,  the 
dyarchy  was  developing  into  a  monarchy. 

314.  Nero  Emperor  (54-68  A.D.).  —  His  successor  was  Nero,  the 
son  of  his  wife  A-grip-pi'na  by  a  former  marriage.  As  the  new  em- 
peror was  only  seventeen  years  of  age  and  showed  more  taste  for 
dancing  and  music  than  for  official  work,  the  government  for  the  first 
ten  years  of  his  reign  was  in  the  hands  of  Sen'e-ca,  his  tutor,  and 
Bur'rus,  pretorian  prefect.     Both  were  able  men. 

Seneca,  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  was  a  philosopher  of  the  Stoic  school, 
which  taught  that  virtue  alone  is  sufficient  for  happiness,  and  that  a 
man  should  rise  above  all  passions  and  follow  his  reason.  Man,  it 
asserted,  is  lord  of  his  own  life  and  may  end  it  when  he  thinks  fit. 
This  severe,  practical  philosophy  suited  well  the  character  of  the 
Romans.  From  the  later  republic  to  the  adoption  of  Christianity, 
1  Dio  Cassius  Ix.  u.  2  §  366. 


394  The  Claudian  and  the  Flavian  Emperors 

many  found  in  it  a  guide  to  self-discipline.  Although  Seneca  lacked 
moral  force,  his  intentions  were  good.  Under  him  and  Burrus  the 
provinces  were  well  governed ;  and  a  law  of  theirs  permitted  ill- 
treated  slaves  throughout  the  empire  to  bring  their  complaints  before 


Agrippina  —  Mother  of  Nero 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 

the  magistrates.     This  provision  marks  a  great  advance  in  the  im- 
provement of  mankind. 

Burrus  died  in  62  a.d.,  and  as  Nero  began  to  take  the  government 
into  his  own  hands,  Seneca  retired  to  private  life.  Accused  of  shar- 
ing in  a  conspiracy,  he  killed  himself  by  order  of  the  emperor.  The 
men  of  this  age  did  not  hesitate  to  die,  but  they  knew  not  how  to 


Vespasian  395 

live  and  fight  for  freedom  and  principle.  By  recommending  suicide, 
Stoicism  aided  tyranny. 

The  personal  rule  of  Nero  was  a  capricious  despotism.  But  though 
he  was  vain  and  extravagant,  his  acts  of  cruelty  were  few.  When  a 
great  fire  destroyed  the  larger  part  of  Rome,  he  sheltered  and  fed  the 
sufferers,  and  helped  rebuild  their  houses.  The  worst  blot  on  his 
reign  was  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  on  the  groundless  suspi- 
cion that  they  had  caused  the  mischief.  Many  were  condemned. 
"  Mockery  of  every  sort  was  added  to  their  deaths.  Covered  with 
the  skins  of  beasts,  they  were  torn  by  dogs  and  perished,  or  were 
nailed  to  crosses,  or  were  doomed  to  flames  and  burned  to  serve  as 
a  nightly  illumination"^  of  the  prince's  gardens.  The  Romans,  who 
as  yet  knew  little  of  the  Christians,  considered  them  a  sect  of  Jews, 
and  despised  them  because  they  then  belonged  to  the  lowest  class 
of  society.  Nero's  persecution,  however,  was  only  a  sudden  outburst 
of  ferocity  which  did  not  extend  beyond  the  city. 

But  at  last  his  tyranny  reached  the  provinces  and  stirred  up  revolt. 
Gal'ba,  governor  of  Hither  Spain,  was  proclaimed  emperor.  Nero 
fled  from  the  city  and  took  refuge  in  a  dingy  cell  provided  by  a  freed- 
man.  A  few  attendants  stood  about  him.  "  Some  one  show  me  how 
to  die,"  he  begged,  but  no  one  obeyed.  The  end  was  drawing  near. 
The  senate  had  declared  him  a  public  enemy,  and  he  heard  the 
tramp  of  approaching  horses.  "  Pity  that  such  an  artist  should  die  !  " 
he  said  as  he  stabbed  himself. 

315.   Vespasian  Emperor  (69-79  A.D.) Galba  was  followed  by 

O'tho,  and  Otho  by  Vi-tel'H-us.  These  three  princes  together 
reigned  SPbout  a  year.  Otho  was  killed  by  the  pretorians,  and  the 
other  two  in  civil  war.  Then  Ves-pa'si-an  became  emperor.  He 
was  a  short,  stumpy  man,  with  large  neck  and  hooked  nose.  Though 
a  plebeian  by  birth,  he  was  broad-minded,  able,  and  experienced  in 
public  affairs. 

1  Tacitus,  Annals,  xv.  44.  Nero  was  himself  suspected  of  having  set  fire  to 
the  city,  but  with  little  reason. 


396 


The  Claiidiafi  a7td  the  Flavian  Emperors 


Among  the  many  difficulties  he  had  to  meet  on  his  accession  the 
most  serious  was  a  revolt  of  the  Jews.  His  son  Titus  besieged  Jeru- 
salem, their  strongly  fortified  capital.  As  they  refused  to  accept  any 
terms  offered  them,  no  quarter  was  thereafter  given.  It  was  a  war  to 
death.  The  Jews  believed  that  God  would  protect  His  holy  temple, 
and  that  at  the  critical  moment  the  Mes-si'ah  would  come  to  save  His 
people  from  the  oppressor  and  to  make  them  rulers  of  the  world. 
They  fought  therefore  with  fanatic  zeal,  and  as  famine  threatened 
they  even  ate  human  flesh.     When,  after  a  five  months'  siege,  the 


The  Colosseum  or  Flavian  Ampiii  theatke 

Romans  stormed  the  city  and  the  temple,  the  Jews  killed  their  wives, 
their  children,  and  then  one  another  as  the  lot  determined,  so  that  the 
victors  found  nothing  but  flames  and  death.  More  than  a  million 
Jews  were  destroyed  during  the  siege ;  not  a  hundred  thousand 
were  taken  captive  (70  a.d.). 

As  the  nobles  aiid  the  knights  were  dying  out,  Vespasian  recruited 
their  ranks  with  new  families  from  Italy  and  the  provinces,  —  the 
best  and  the  most  loyal  he  could  find.  Looking  upon  the  emperor 
as  their  patron,  these  provincials  generally  supported  him.  Hence 
the  imperial  government  became  more  solidly  established,  and  fewer 
conspiracies  threatened  it.     During  the  late  republic  and  early  empire 


Titus  397 

the  society  of  Rome  had  been  vicious  and  depraved ;  but  the  new 
families  brought  to  the  capital  wholesome  ideas  and  better  morals. 
In  fact  their  coming  was  the  regeneration  of  Rome. 

To  repair  the  fortifications  and  other  pubHc  works,  which  had  long 
been  neglected,  Vespasian  found  it  necessary  to  increase  the  taxes. 
But  with  careful  management  he  had  money  left  for  education,  for  the 
help  of  unfortunate  cities  in  the  provinces,  and  for  new  buildings. 
The  most  famous  of  his  works  is  an  immense  amphitheatre,  usually 
known  as  the  Col-os-se'um.  It  is  said  to  have  seatfid  eighty-seven 
thousand  spectators,  and  is  the  grandest  building  in  Rome.     In  it  the 


A  Body  found  in  Pompeii 
(Museum  of  Pompeii) 

Romans  gathered  to  see  the  combats  of  gladiators,  and  of  men  and 
savage  beasts.  As  he  died  before  completing  the  work,  it  was  finished 
by  Titus. 

316.  Titus  Emperor  (79-81  A.D.).  — Titus  succeeded  his  father. 
His  kindness  toward  citizens  and  subjects  alike  made  him  the  most 
popular  of  the  emperors,  "  the  delight  and  the  darling  of  mankind.'* 
Once  at  supper,  remembering  that  he  had  favored  no  one  during  the 
day,  he  exclaimed,  "  My  friends,  I  have  lost  a  day  !  "  As  chief  pon- 
tiff he  thought  it  his  duty  to  keep  his  hands  pure ;  and  accordingly 
after  accepting  that  office  he  »would  condemn  no  man  to  death,  how- 
ever great  might  be   the  offence.     In   fact   he   was   too   indulgent 


393  The  Claudian  and  the  Flavian  Emperors 

to  be  just ;  this  easy  temper  made  his  successor's  task  more 
difficult. 

The  chief  event  in  his  reign  was  an  eruption  of  Ve-sii^vi-us.  For 
ages  this  volcano  had  been  inactive,  so  that  the  Campanians  had 
fearlessly  covered  its  sides  with  vineyards.  But  in  79  a.d.  a  fearful 
eruption  buried  Pom-pei'i,  a  city  of  twenty  thousand  inhabitants, 
Her-cu-la'ne-um,  and  some  smaller  places.  After  eighteen  centuries 
Pompeii  has  been  unearthed.  Its  temples,  shops,  and  dwellings,  with 
their  statues,  w*all-paintings,  furniture,  and  tools,  make  real  to  us  the 
life  and  civilization  of  the  ancients. 

317.  Domitian  Emperor  (81-96  A.D.).  —  After  ruling  but  two 
years  Titus  died  and  was  succeeded  by  Do-mi'ti-an,  his  younger 
brother.  Though  the  empire  was  rarely  at  peace,  the  reign  of 
Domitian  is  especially  noted  for  wars  along  the  northern  frontier. 
A-gric'o-la,  an  able  general,  extended  the  boundary  of  the  province 
of  Britain  to  Cal-e-do'ni-a,  the  modern  Scotland.  The  emperor 
himself  took  the  field  against  the  Germans.  Still  later  the  Da'ci- 
ans,  who  lived  north  of  the  Danube  and  who  were  fast  adopting 
Roman  civilization,  invaded  the  empire.  In  his  war  with  them 
Domitian  met  with  so  little  success  that  he  granted  them  favorable 
terms  of  peace,  and  gave  their  chief  valuable  presents,  which  the 
enemies  of  the  prince  maliciously  termed  tribute. 

Domitian  was  2ifirm  ruler.  Able  men  commanded  on  the  frontier, 
and  the  provinces  were  probably  never  better  ruled  than  under  him. 
An  autocrat  by  nature,  he  tried  to  gain  entire  control  of  the  govern- 
ment and  to  put  the  senate  beneath  him.  The  discovery  of  a 
conspiracy  in  which  many  senators  shared  inflamed  him  against 
them.  From  that  time  to  his  death  he  was  a  terror  to  the  nobility. 
But  at  last  a  plot  developed  in  his  own  household.  His  wife  Domitia, 
fearing  for  her  own  safety,  induced  some  servants  and  pretorians  to 
murder  him. 

"Like  their  god  Janus,  the  Roman  emperors  have  a  double  face." 
In  estimating  their  character  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  one 


Literature  399 

most  hateful  to  the  nobiHty  was  often  the  most  just  and  merciful 
protector  of  the  provinces.  So  it  was  with  Domitian.  The  aristo- 
cratic historian  has  branded  him  a  tyrant ;  if  the  subject  nations 
could  speak,  they  would  bless  his  memory. 

318.  Literature  under  the  Claudian  and  Flavian  Emperors  (41-96 
A.D.).  —  After  the  reign  of  Augustus  literature  decHned.  Most 
writers,  considering  a  simple  style  insipid,  sought  to  attract  attention 
by  rhetorical  bombast,  far-fetched  metaphors,  and  other  unnatural 
devices. 

Seneca,  the  philosopher,  shared  with  his  age  the  striving  after 
brilliancy  in  language.  Nevertheless  he  gives  evidence  of  the 
broader,  deeper  thought  which  the  provinces  were  bringing  Rome. 
A  great  improvement  in  this  direction  came  with  the  Flavian  princes, 
who  patronized  literature  and  introduced  fresh  life  from  the  prov- 
inces. In  this  age  Plin'y  the  Elder  wrote  a  Natural  History  in 
thirty-seven  books.  In  addition  to  the  natural  sciences,  it  included 
geography,  medicine,  and  art.  What  Pliny  did  for  science  Quin- 
til'i-an,  a  native  of  Spain,  achieved  for  rhetoric.  His  Training  of  the 
Orator,  in  twelve  books,  gives  a  complete  course  in  rhetoric, 
beginning  with  the  boy  and  ending  with  the  well-equipped  public 
speaker.  The  work  is  valuable,  not  only  for  the  famous  author's 
principles  of  rhetoric,  but  also  for  his  opinions  of  the  leading  Greek 
and  Latin  writers. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Claudius.  —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome,  ch.  x;  Capes,  Early  Empire,  ch. 
iv;  Allcroft  and  Haydon,  Early  Principate,  ch.  xii;  Duruy,  History  of  Rome,  iv. 
pp.  514-570. 

II.   The  Burning  of  Rome  and  the  Christians. —  Botsford,  Story  of  Rome, 
ch.  x;   Duruy,  History  of  Rome,  v.  pp.  i-i6. 

III.  The  Jewish  War  and  the  Destruction  of  Jerusalem.  —  Botsford,  Story 
of  Rome,  ch.  x;  Capes,  pp.  152-156;  Allcroft  and  Haydon,  ch.  xvii;  Duruy, 
History  of  Rome,  v.  pp.  108-133. 


CHAPTER   XI 


THE  FIVE  GOOD   EMPERORS  (96-180  a.d.) 

The  Limited  Monarchy 

319.   Nerva    Emperor    (96-98   A.D.).  —  As   soon   as   the   senate 
heard  of  the  death  of  Domitian,  it  appointed  as  prince  one  of  its 

members  named  NerVa,  who  was  about 
sixty-five  years  old,  and  whose  Hfe  had 
been  blameless.  The  senate  now  be- 
came reconciled  to  the  imperial  form 
of  government,  and  received  from  the 
new  emperor  assurances  that  it  should 
have  a  fair  share  of  influence  and  power. 
This  happy  agreement  resulted  in  an 
era  of  good  feeling  which  lasted  through 
five  successive  reigns.  Nerva  put  an 
end  to  the  law  of  treason,  which  Do- 
mitian had  revived.  He  then  advised 
his  subjects  to  forget  past  wrongs  in 
the  happy  present.  But  like  Titus 
he  was  too  amiable  to  be  a  just  and 
vigorous  ruler.  When  he  found  him- 
self unable  to  control  the  pretorians, 
he  adopted  as  his  son  and  successor  the 
able  general  Tra'jan,  then  commander 
in  Upper  Germany,  a  province  on  the 
Rhine. 

320.   Trajan       Emperor       (98-117 
A.D.)  ;  his  Wars.  —  On  the  death  of 
Nerva,  Trajan  became  emperor.     He  was  born  in  Spain,  and  was 

400 


Nerva  in  his  Consular  Robe 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


Trajan 


401 


therefore  the  first  provincial  emperor.  In  contrast,  too,  with  the 
earher  emperors,  who  were  uniformly  peaceful,  Trajan  was  ambitious 
for  conquest.  In  two  wars  he  subdued  Dacia,  a  great  country  north 
of  the  Danube,  and  converted  it  into  a  Roman  province  a  thou- 
sand miles  in  circuit.  The  work  of  settlement  followed  rapidly  upon 
the  conquest. 
While  the  emperor 
found  land  here 
for  his  veterans, 
other  colonists 
poured  into  the 
province  from 
various  parts  of  the 
empire.  En- 

gineers, architects, 
and  workmen  built 
roads  and  fortres- 
ses. Miners  found 
iron  and  gold  in 
the  mountains. 
The  province  soon 
became  thorough- 
ly Roman  in  char- 
acter.  Trajan's 
column  still  stands 
in  Rome  as  a 
memorial  of  this 
conquest. 

A     few     years 
afterward  the  em- 


The  Column  of  Trajan 


peror  attempted  the  conquest  of  the  East.  One  of  his  generals  had 
already  made  a  province  of  north-western  Arabia.  Trajan  himself 
took  the  field  against  the  Parthians.     He  drove  them  from  Armenia, 

2D 


402 


The  Five  Good  Emperors 


where  they  were  trying  to  set  up  a  vassal  king.  After  converting  the 
country  into  a  Roman  province,  he  marched  through  the  Parthian 
empire  as  far  as  the  Tigris  River.  Then  he  followed  the  river  to  the 
Persian  Gulf.  Meantime  the  provinces  he  had  hastily  established 
about  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates  fell  to  pieces,  and  their  population 
rose  against  him.  His  return  march,  in  which  he  pretended  to  sup- 
press the  revolt,  was  in  fact 
a  disastrous  retreat.  He 
died  in  Cilicia  on  his  way  to 
Rome. 

321.  His  Administration. 
—  We  shall  now  return  to 
his  administration.  Follow- 
ing Nerva's  policy,  he  treated 
the  senators  as  his  equals, 
and  introduced  the  ballot, 
that  they  might  feel  perfectly 
free  in  voting.  But  though 
they  talked  much,  the  em- 
peror granted  them  less 
actual  power  than  they  had 
enjoyed  under  Augustus. 
The  consuls,  too,  had  lost 
much  of  their  importance, 
as  their  term  had  been  grad- 
ually reduced  to  two  months. 
The  monarchy  was  still  growing  at  the  expense  of  the  republican 
institutions. 

This  increasing  power  of  the  emperor  appeared  in  Italy  and  in  the 
provinces  as  well  as  in  Rome.  When  the  finances  of  a  town  fell  into 
disorder,  Trajan  would  send  it  an  agent  to  control  its  accounts. 
Such  an  imperial  officer  gradually  usurped  authority  until,  after  a 
century  or  two,  he  deprived  the  town  of  self-government.     In  Tra- 


Plotina,  Wife  of  Trajan 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


Hadrian  403 

jan's  time,  however,  the  institution  was  only  helpful.  To  recruit 
the  wasting  population  of  Italy,  Trajan  lent  the  towns  considerable 
money  which  they  were  to  invest  on  the  security  of  land,  that  they 
might  have  the  interest  to  use  for  the  support  and  education  of  poor 
children.  At  one  time  in  his  reign  we  find  the  towns  providing  thus 
for  five  thousand  children.  Though  the  avowed  object  was  to  rear 
soldiers  for  the  armies,  the  institution  was  humane;  we  see  in  it  a 
sign  of  the  moral  improvement  of  mankind. 

Trajan  encouraged  wealthy  men  over  all  the  empire  to  will  prop- 
erty to  their  towns  to  be  used  for  public  works.  Accordingly  in 
every  part  of  what  was  once  the  Roman  world  the  traveller  now 
finds  the  ruins  of  bridges,  aqueducts,  and  public  buildings  which 
date  from  this  prosperous  era.  Although  the  emperor  aided  such 
works,  the  provinces,  the  towns,  and  private  persons  furnished  the 
greater  share  of  the  cost. 

His  administration  was  energetic,  just,  and  humane.  He  had  the 
strength  to  punish  evil-doers ;  he  repealed  oppressive  taxes ;  and 
costly  as  were  his  wars  and  his  public  buildings,  he  laid  no  new 
burdens  on  his  people.  His  wife  Plo-ti'na  was  as  frugal  and  as 
thrifty  as  he.  Like  Livia,  she  was  the  emperor's  able  helper,  and 
when  he  died,  her  tact  brought  to  the  throne  the  man  who  had 
stood  highest,  in  her  husband's  favor. 

322.  Hadrian  Emperor  (117-138  A.D.).  —  The  heir  was  Ha'dri-an, 
a  general  and  provincial  governor  of  great  ability  and  a  scholar. 
Two-thirds  of  his  reign  he  spent  in  travelling  through  the  provinces. 
His  first  object  was  to  cultivate  friendship  with  the  border  nations. 
And  to  maintain  peace  without  increasing  the  army,  he  found  it 
necessary  to  abandon  all  his  predecessor's  conquests  excepting  Dacia 
and  Arabia. 

Another  object  was  to  improve  the  armies  and  the  frontier  defences. 
He  banished  harmful  pleasures  from  the  camps ;  he  dismissed  boy 
officers,  who  had  received  appointments  through  favoritism ;  and,  in 
his  own  words,  he   restored  "  the  discipline  of  Augustus."     Under 


404 


The  Five  Good  Empcro7's 


him  the  armies  were  so  well  exercised  and  trained  that  they  could 
perform  wonderful  labors  in  marching  and  in  building.  Among  his 
frontier  defences  the  best  known  is  the  so-called  Wall  of  Hadrian, 
which  extends  across  northern  Britain  from  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Tyne  to  Solway  Firth.  It  consisted  of  two  parallel  moats  and 
walls  strengthened  by  a  series  of  turrets,  castles,  and  camps. 
Equally  important  was  his  completion  of  the  defences  between  the 
Rhine    and    the    Danube.     By  such   fortifications  as  well  as  by  his 


The  Tomb  of  Hadrian 
(The  Tiber  in  the  foreground) 

military  reforms,  he  gave  the  empire  new  strength  for  resisting  the 
assaults  of  the  barbarians. 

Throughout  the  empire  he  built  temples,  theatres,  and  aqueducts. 
Finally  by  devoting  so  much  of  his  time  to  the  provinces,  he  showed 
clearly  that  he  considered  them  more  important  even  than  Rome 
and  Italy. 

The  amount  of  public  business  in  the  hands  of  the  prince  had 


The  Antonines  405 

greatly  increased  since  Augustus.  Before  Hadrian  the  members  of 
the  emperor's  household  and  occasionally  knights  had  helped  in  this 
work  without  being  recognized  as  public  officials.  To  him,  however, 
is  chiefly  due  the  creation  of  a  civil  service,  —  a  complex  system  of 
offices,  with  special  functions  for  each,  and  with  regular  promotions 
from  the  lowest  to  the  highest.  The  knights  alone  were  employed 
in  these  duties.  The  emperor  needed  especially  a  great  number  of 
revenue  officials,  for  he  had  abolished  the  farming  of  taxes  and  had 
undertaken  to  collect  them  directly.  Remitting  all  taxes  due  on  his 
accession,  he  publicly  burned  the  old  accounts. 

By  his  thorough  reforms  he  put  the  machinery  of  government,  as 
well  as  the  military  system,  in  such  good  order  that  it  continued  to 
run  with  little  repair  for  more  than  a  hundred  years. 

323.  Antoninus  Pius  Emperor  (138-161  A.D.).  —  x^n-to-ni'nus, 
surnamed  Pius,  the  heir  of  Hadrian,  was  a  man  of  estimable  character 
who  loved  justice  and  peace.  His  reign  is  noted  for  humane  legisla- 
tion. Especially  he  limited  the  right  of  the  master  to  torture  his 
slaves  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  evidence ;  and  he  originated  the 
legal  principle  on  which  all  trials  are  now  conducted  throughout  the 
civilized  world.,  that  an  accused  person  should  be  considered  inno- 
cent till  proved  guilty.  Enlarging  on  the  charitable  policy  of  Tra- 
jan, he  set  aside  an  endowment  for  orphan  girls,  whom  he  called 
Faus-tin-i-a'nae,  after  his  wife  Faus-ti'na.  His  long  reign,  unmarked 
by  events,  was  prosperous  and  happy. 

324.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus  Emperor  (161-180A.D.).  —  When 
he  died  the  imperial  powers  passed  to  Marcus  Au-re'li-us,  his 
adopted  son.  This  emperor  associated  with  himself  as  colleague 
Lucius  Ve'rus,  his  brother  by  adoption;  so  that  Rome  was  ruled  for 
a  time  by  two  Augusti.  Verus  sought  only  pleasure  ;  Aurelius  was  a 
Stoic  philosopher,  whose  chief  aim  was  to  do  his  duty  toward  his 
fellow-men.  But  he  had  little  time  to  give  to  books  and  meditation ; 
for  the  easy  disposition  of  his  predecessor  had  left  him  a  great  legacy 
of  troubles.     On   his   accession,  he   found  war   brewing   along  the 


4o6 


The  Five  Good  Emperoj's 


northern  and  eastern  frontiers.  The  troops  of  Syria  had  grown 
too  effeminate  to  resist  the  invading  Parthians;  but  fortunately  there 
were  good  generals  in  the  East,  the  ablest  of  whom  was  A-vid'i-us 
Cassius.  A  Syrian  by  birth,  but  of  the  old  Roman  type  of  severity, 
he   put   the    licentious    troops   on   coarse   rations,   burned  the   dis- 


Marcus  Aurelius  in  his  Triumphal  Car 
(Palace  of  the  Conservatori,  Rome) 

obedient,  and  restored  discipline.  He  defeated  the  Parthians,  over- 
ran their  country,  and  compelled  them  to  sue  for  peace.  Rome 
retained  a  part  of  Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a. 

Meantime  a  fearful  pestilence  was  raging  in  the  East ;  and  as  the 
troops  returned  from  the  war,  they  spread  the  disease  over  the  eastern 


Christianity  40^ 

half  of  the  empire  and  over  Italy  itself.  It  weakened  the  army ;  in 
some  places,  as  in  Italy,  it  carried  off  perhaps  half  the  population ; 
and  the  efforts  to  relieve  it  so  drained  the  treasury  that  the  prince 
lacked  funds  for  the  defence  of  the  empire.  The  enemies  of  Rome 
were  growing  formidable.  All  Europe  beyond  the  frontier  was  full 
of  restless  tribes,  which  threatened  the  civilized  countries  of  the 
Mediterranean.  The  Parthian  war  was  scarcely  over  when  they 
broke  into  the  empire  in  a  continuous  line  from  northern  Italy  to 
the  farthest  limits  of  Dacia.  The  leaders  were  the  Mar-co-man'ni, 
a  powerful  Teutonic  nation  who  lived  in  what  is  now  Bo-he 'mi-a,  and 
who  gave  their  name  to  the  war. 

Both  emperors  took  the  field,  and  when  Verus  died  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  Aurelius  continued  the  war  alone.  After  seven  years  of 
hard  fighting  he  won  an  honorable  peace,  which,  however,  was 
broken  while  he  was  engaged  in  putting  down  a  revolt  of  Avidius 
Cassius  in  the  East.  As  soon  as  he  had  finished  this  work,  he  re- 
turned to  the  Danube,  and  reconquered  the  Marcomanni.  He  was 
about  to  make  their  country  into  a  province  when  death  cut  short 
his  work. 

In  his  administration  he  followed  the  lines  marked  out  by  his  prede- 
cessor.    Especially  interesting  is  his  treatment  of  the  Christians. 

325.  Christianity  and  the  Empire  (to  180  A.D.).  —  Christianity 
arose  in  Judea,  but  St.  Peter  carried  it  early  to  the  "  Gentiles,"  and 
St.  Paul  preached  it  even  in  Rome.  Everywhere  the  lower  classes 
eagerly  accepted  a  faith  which  esteemed  the  slave  equal  to  the 
emperor.  Under  this  dispensation  the  humblest  on  earth  were  the 
greatest  saints,  and  all  who  shared  in  it  enjoyed  the  comforting  hope 
of  eternal  happiness. 

During  the  first  century  of  our  era,  the  followers  of  Christ  attracted 
little  attention.  The  learned  and  the  powerful  alike  considered  them 
unworthy  of  notice,  and  the  government,  which  protected  the  public 
worship  of  all  the  races  within  the  empire,  and  adopted  many  of 
their  gods  as  her  own,  included  the  Christians  with  the  Jews.    Under 


408  The  Five  Good  Emperors 

the  good  emperors,  however,  as  the  Church  grew  more  numerous  and 
powerful,  it  began  to  appear  a  menace  to  existing  society  and  govern- 
ment. UnHke  the  Romans,  the  Christians  were  intolerant  of  all 
other  forms  of  religion  and  exceedingly  aggressive  in  making  new 
converts ;  for  they  were  under  a  commandment  to  bring  the  whole 
world  into  their  faith.  To  keep  themselves  free  from  idolatry  they 
refused  to  associate  with  others  in  social  and  public  festivities,  an 
attitude  which  won  for  them  the  evil  name  of  "  haters  of  mankind." 
In  Hke  manner  their  refusal  to  worship  the  Genius,  or  guardian  spirit, 
of  the  emperor  was  naturally  construed  as  impiety  and  treason.  The 
government,  always  suspicious  of  secret  meetings,  could  see  nothing 
but  danger  in  those  of  the  Christians,  whose  church  was,  in  fact,  a 
great  secret  society  with  branches  in  every  city  and  town.  A  class 
of  people,  too,  who  objected  to  military  service  seemed  useless  to  the 
state.     These  were  the  chief  reasons  why  they  were  persecuted. 

The  civil  authorities  throughout  the  empire  proceeded,  accordingly, 
to  punish  the  Christians  for  real  or  imaginary  offences  against  law 
and  order.  We  find  Trajan,  however,  giving  instructions  not  to  hunt 
them  down  or  to  receive  anonymous  charges  against  them,  but  to 
condemn  those  only  who  were  openly  known  as  Christians.  Milder 
treatment  no  one  could  expect.  Hadrian  discouraged  persecution, 
and  made  informers  responsible  for  any  outbreaks  their  accusations 
might  cause.  His  successor,  the  gentle  Antoninus  Pius,  though  a 
restorer  of  the  ancient  religion,  himself  persecuted  no  one.  Never- 
theless in  his  reign  popular  hatred  forced  the  magistrates  in  some 
of  the  cities  to  torture  and  kill  prominent  Christians. 

Under  Marcus  Aurelius  a  change  came  for  the  worse.  As  popular 
dislike  of  the  Christians  excited  tumults  in  many  cities,  he  ordered 
those  who  confessed  the  faith  to  be  beaten  to  death.  This  measure 
he  regarded  as  necessary  to  the  peace  of  the  empire ;  otherwise  he 
paid  the  Christians  litde  attention.  Their  trouble  came  chiefly  from 
the  people,  who  regarded  them  with  superstitious  hatred.  Pestilence, 
famine,  and  other  calamities  demanded  victims ;  and  accordingly  the 


Literattire  409 

mob  raged  at  the  Christians.  Riots  broke  out  against  them  in 
Lyons.  Here  as  elsewhere  their  enemies  asserted,  on  mere  rumor, 
that  in  their  rehgious  meetings  they  were  guilty  of  gross  immorality 
and  feasted  on  children  !  One  of  the  new  faith  writes,  "  First  we 
were  driven  away  from  the  baths,  buildings,  and  all  places  open  to 
the  public ;  then  we  had  to  suffer  the  insults,  blows,  and  violent  acts 
of  an  infuriated  multitude."  Holding  the  Christians  responsible  for 
the  disturbance,  the  authorities  began  to  torture  them  and  to  throw 
them  to  the  beasts  in  the  amphitheatre  for  the  amusement  of  the 
spectators.  By  this  means  many  perished.  One  of  the  number, 
Blan-di'na,  a  slave,  who  took  the  part  of  mother  to  her  fellow-sufferers, 
is  now  revered  in  Lyons  as  a  saint.  In  other  places  similar  scenes 
were  enacted.  So  far  from  helping  the  empire,  however,  or  its 
decaying  gods,  persecution  strengthened  the  new  faith  and  made  it 
more  aggressive. 

Culture  ^ 

326.  Literature  (96-180  A.D.). — The  age  of  the  good  emperors 
produced  the  last  great  writers  of  classic  Latin,  Tac'i-tus  and  Ju 've- 
nal. The  Annals  and  the  Histories  ^  of  Tacitus  covered  the  period 
from  the  death  of  Augustus  to  the  death  of  Domitian.  Besides  these 
larger  works  he  wrote  a  monograph  on  the  Life  and  Character  of 
Agricola,  the  conqueror  of  Britain,  and  another,  the  Ger-ma^ ni-a,  on 
the  character  and  institutions  of  the  Germans  of  his  time.  His  expe- 
rience as  an  army  officer  and  a  statesman  gave  him  a  clear  under- 
standing of  military  and  political  events.  He  was  conscientious,  too, 
and  we  may  trust  his  statement  of  all  facts  which  were  known  to  the 
public.     His  style  is  exceedingly  rapid,  vivid,  and  energetic.     His 

1  Those  teachers  who  wish  to  follow  the  political  narrative  without  interruption 
may  omit  §§  326,  327. 

2  Of  the  Annals  we  have  Bks.  i-iv,  parts  of  v  and  vi,  and  xi-xvi,  with  gaps  at 
the  beginning  and  end  of  this  last  group  of  books;  of  the  Histories  there  remain 
Bks.  i-iv,  and  the  first  half  of  v. 


4IO  The  Five  Good  Emperors 

excellences  as  an  historian,  however,  are  balanced  by  serious  defects. 
He  belonged  to  the  strictest  circle  of  aristocrats,  who  looked  upon 
all  the  emperors  from  Tiberius  to  Domitian  as  usurpers  and  tyrants. 
Hence  he  was  unfair  in  judging  the  motives  of  these  rulers.  Like 
the  historian,  Juvenal,  author  of  Satires^  was  powerful  and  dra- 
matic. In  the  spirit  of  Tacitus  he  looked  back  to  the  society  of 
Rome  under  Nero  and  Domitian,  to  discover  in  it  nothing  but  hid- 
eous vice.  But  if  we  allow  for  his  gross  exaggeration,  we  shall  find 
his  writings  a  storehouse  of  information  about  the  manners,  customs, 
and  morals  of  the  age. 

The  Letters  of  Pliny  the  Younger,  a  nephew  of  the  elder  Pliny,  are 
valuable  for  the  study  of  the  times,  but  show  a  decline  in  style.  The 
Lives  of  the  CcBsars  from  Julius  to  Domitian,  by  Sue-to 'ni- us,  Ha- 
drian's secretary,  is  a  chaotic  mixture  of  useful  facts  and  foolish  gossip. 
The  Meditations  of  Marcus  Aurelius  is  one  of  the  best  and  noblest 
of  books.     It  contains  the  ripest  fruit  of  Graeco-Roman  philosophy. 

A  revival  of  Hellenic  literature  in  this  age  produced  some  authors 
of  unusual  merit.  Ap'pi-an  of  Alexandria  wrote  a  narrative  History 
of  Rome^  which  we  find  very  useful.  In  this  age,  too,  Pausanias 
compiled  his  Totdr  of  Greece,  which  describes  the  classic  monuments 
of  that  country.  "  Above  all  Plutarch  wrote  his  immortal  Lives,  per- 
haps the  most  widely  and  permanently  attractive  book  by  one  author 
known  to  the  world."  ^  While  the  Greeks  were  producing  litera- 
ture, they  did  not  neglect  science.  Ga'len,  a  physician  of  Marcus 
Aurelius,  wrote  many  works  on  anatomy  and  medicine.  Ptol'e-my 
published  a  system  of  astronomy,  in  which  he  represented  the  earth  as 
the  centre  of  the  universe.  His  views  were  accepted  for  more  than 
a  thousand  years,  till  they  were  superseded  by  those  of  Co-per'ni-cus 
(1473-1543  A.D.). 

327.  Public  Works;  Sculpture  and  Painting.  — The  activity  of  the 
good  emperors  in  erecting  public  works  both  at  Rome  and  in  the 
provinces  has  already  been  noticed.^ 

1  Murray,  Ancient  Greek  Literature,  p.  395  f.  2  §  ^21  f. 


12; 
w  ^ 

a 

H 


Architecture 


411 


From  early  times  there  were  Romans  who  busied  themselves  with 
sculpture  and  painting  as  well  as  with  architecture.  Few  Roman 
sculptors  are  known  to  us  by  name,  though  we  possess  a  multitude 
of  their  works.  The  reason  is,  that  they  aimed  to  express  in  bronze 
and  marble  the  personality  of  others  rather  than  of  themselves. 
Among  their  most  famous  works  are  the  busts  and  statues  of  em- 
perors, statesmen,  and  other  eminent  persons.  These  portrait  sculp- 
tures are  spirited  and  masterly,  and  so  true  to  life  that  we  may  feel 


A  Roman  BRmcE 
(Toledo,  Spain) 

certain  we  know  how  the  great  men  of  Rome  looked.  Still  more 
characteristic  of  the  nation  are  the  narrative  rehefs  traced  on  public 
buildings,  triumphal  arches,  and  columns ;  they  are  chiselled  picture- 
books  of  Roman  marches,  sieges,  and  victories. 

In  painting  the  Romans  surpassed  the  Greeks.  The  wall-paintings 
of  Pompeii  must  have  been  largely  the  work  of  artisans  rather  than 
of  artists ;  and  yet  they  show  an  endless  variety  of  graceful  forms 
wrought  with  great  skill  and  many  of  them  delicately  finished.    Some 


412  The  Five  Good  Emperors 

are  mythical  scenes,  others  are  from  daily  life.  The  painting  as  well 
as  the  architecture  and  sculpture  of  the  Romans  aids  us  greatly  in 
understanding  their  life  and  character. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  Prosperity  of  the  Empire  under  the  Antonines.  —  Gibbon,  Decline 
and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  ii. 

II.  Hadrian's  Travels.  —  Capes,  Age  of  the  Antonines,  t^^.  55-62;  Duruy, 
History  of  Rome,  v.  pp.  344-390. 

III.  Christianity  and  the  Empire.  —  Capes,  ch.  vi :  Duruy  v.  pp.  493-512. 

IV.  Architecture.  —  Reber,  History  of  Ancient  Art,  pp.  413-447;  Hamlin, 
History  of  Architecture,  chs.  viii,  ix  ;  Fletcher,  History  of  Architecture,  pp.  73- 
112. 

V.  Sculpture.  —  Perry,  Greek  and  Roman  Sculpture,  chs.  xlviii-lv;  Mar- 
quand  and  Frothingham,  History  of  Sculpture,  ch.  xiii;  Wickhoff,  Roman  Art, 
chs.  ii,  iii. 

VI.  Painting.  —  Wickhoff,  Roman  Art,  chs.  iv,  v;  Woltmann  and  Woer- 
mann.  History  of  Ancient,  Early  Christian,  and  Mediaeval  Painting,  pp.  iio- 
142;   Van  Dyke,  History  of  Painting,  pp.  32-35. 

Topics  iv-vi  are  not  restricted  to  a  special  period. 


The  Tkilmi'iial  Arch  of  Septimius  Sever 


CHAPTER   XII 

FROM  COMMODUS  TO  AURELIAN   (180-284  a.d.) 
Rome  begins  to  Decline  —  the  Growth  of  Absolute  Monarchy 

328.   Commodus  (180-193) ;  the  Rule  of  the  Pretorian  Guard. — 

Com'mo-dus,  the  son  and  successor  of  Aurelius,  was  a  weak-minded 
young  man,  easily  misled  by  vile  companions.  While  he  pursued 
base  pleasures  and  fought  wild  beasts  in  the  amphitheatre,  the  empire 
began  to  decline.  The  soldiers  lost  discipline  along  with  their  re- 
spect for  their  ruler.      The   provinces  were   misgoverned,  and   the 

413 


414  From  Commodus  to  Aurelian 

capital  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  pretorians,  who  were  no  longer 
under  control.  After  twelve  years  of  such  government,  at  once 
weak  and  savage,  Commodus  was  murdered.  The  pretorian  guard, 
established  for  the  security  of  the  prince,^  had  now  grown  into  a 
large  standing  army.  Gradually  discovering  their  own  importance, 
these  troops  lost  discipline  and  became  haughty  and  violent. 
They  overawed  the  senate ;  they  terrorized  Rome ;  and  the  emperor 
was  at  their  mercy.  Pampered  especially  by  Commodus,  they  mur- 
dered his  successor,  and  then  sold  the  vacant  office  to  the  highest 
bidder.  When  news  of  this  disgraceful  event  reached  the  soldiers 
on  the  frontier,  it  made  them  indignant,  for  the  emperor  was  their 
general  and  they  were  the  primary  source  of  his  power.^  Accord- 
ingly the  armies  in  Syria,  on  the  Danube,  and  in  Britain  nominated 
their  own  commanders  to  the  office  of  emperor,  and  each  prepared 
to  enforce  its  will  by  arms.  Sep-tim'i-us  Se-ve'rus,  commander  on 
the  Danube  and  nearest  to  Rome,  won  the  prize. 

329.  Septimius  Severus  (i 93-211 )  ;  Caracalla  (211-217  A.D.). — 
Severus  was  a  firm,  clear-headed  man  who  knew  well  the  needs  of 
the  empire.  He  restored  order  in  Rome,  conquered  and  killed  his 
rivals  for  the  throne,  and  humbled  foreign  enemies.  As  his  authority 
rested  upon  the  armies,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  slight  the  senate. 
Under  him,  therefore,  this  body  lost  much  of  the  influence  it  had 
enjoyed  in  the  preceding  period ;  in  fact  his  reign  marks  an  im- 
portant step  in  the  direction  of  absolute  monarchy.  His  policy 
was  supported  by  the  lawyers  who  formed  his  council.  Pa-pin'i-an, 
the  ablest  of  Roman  jurists,  lived  at  this  time,  and  held  the  office  of 
pretorian  prefect.  Ul'pi-an  was  scarcely  less  eminent.  Through 
them  and  their  associates  Roman  law  reached  the  height  of 
development. 

1  §  308. 

2  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  army  had  overthrown  the  republic,  and  had 
placed  its  general  {iniperator)  at  the  head  of  the  government.  The  early  em- 
perors found  constitutional  support  for  their  authority,  but  in  the  period  which 
we  are  now  considering  they  were  leaning  more  and  more  upon  the  armies. 


Severus 


415 


The  legislation  of  these  great  jurists  benefited  the  whole  empire  ; 
for  even  before  the  death  of  Severus  most  of  the  provincials  were 
Roman  citizens  under  the  protection  of  Roman  law.  This  emperor 
aimed  to  place  the  provinces  on  a  level  with  Italy.  Julius  Caesar 
had  begun  the  policy  of  granting  the  citizenship  freely  to  the  pro- 
vincials ;  and  though  Augustus  preferred  to  keep  the  provinces  in- 
ferior to  Italy,  Claudius 
zealously  followed  in  the 
footsteps  of  Julius.  The 
emperors  after  Claudius 
continued  his  liberal  policy 
till,  at  the  death  of  Severus, 
few  non-citizens  remained. 
Car-a-caVla,  son  and 
successor  of  Severus,  com- 
pleted the  work  of  centuries 
by  making  all  the  freemen 
of  the  e7npi7-e  Romans 
(211  A.D.).  Under  Seve- 
rus, however,  military 
service  and  special  taxes 
on  citizens  had  grown 
oppressive ;  and  the  men 
whom  Caracalla  made 
Romans  had  to  take  upon 
themselves  the  burdens  of 
citizenship  in  addition  to  those  they  had  borne  as  subjects.  Thus 
the  benefit  was  offset  by  disadvantages.  In  fact  the  author  of  the 
reform  cared  only  for  his  soldiers  ;  toward  all  others  he  was  recklessly 
brutal.     He,  too,  was  murdered. 

330.   Alexander  Severus  (222-235) ;  the  New  Persian  Empire.  — 
Passing   by  two  emperors^  of  little  importance,  we  come  to  Alex- 
1  Ma-cri'nus  (217-218)  and  El-a-gab'a-lus  (218-222  B.C.). 


Septimius  Severus 
(Capitoline  Museum,  Rome) 


4i6 


From  Commodiis  to  Aiirelian 


ander  Severus,  an  amiable  youth  and  of  excellent  character.  Not 
only  in  his  respect  for  the  senate,  but  also  in  his  patronage  of  educa- 
tion, in  his  attention  to  the  needs  of  the  poor,  and  in  his  mildness 
and  justice,  Alexander  was  a  faint  imitation  of  the  good  emperors. 
He  was  too  weak,  however,  to  maintain  discipline  among  the  soldiers 
or  to  defend  the  empire. 

In  his  reign  a  new  danger  to  the  Roman  world  arose  in  the  East. 
From  the  time  of  Trajan  the  Parthian  empire   had  declined.     The 


y^^i'L^'/?^^^^M:i^^:^^-^'^t^"^i^Y^^>^'>:^'>'^it;.-] 


SARCOrHAGl'S   OK  ALEXANDER   SEVEKUS   AND    HIS    MoilIER 

(Capitoline  Museum,  Rome) 

Persians^  still  a  vigorous  race,  asserted  their  independence,  and  in 
227  A.D.  Ar-tax-erx'es,  their  king,  overthrew  the  Parthian  monarch 
and  made  the  empire  Persian.  He  had  been  instructed  in  the  reli- 
gion of  Zoroaster ;  ^  and  the  eighty  thousand  magians,  or  priests,  of 
this  worship  supported  him  in  his  effort  to  put  down  every  other  form 
of  religion  throughout  the  empire.  Their  fervor  strengthened  the 
monarch  and  inspired  him  with  zeal  for  making  conquests  in  the 

1  §  28. 


Anarchy  417 

interest  of  his  god.  At  the  same  time  his  talent  for  organization 
gave  him  a  military  power  which  the  East  had  not  possessed  for 
many  generations. 

Ordered  to  give  up  his  Asiatic  provinces  to  this  haughty  king, 
Alexander  Severus  went  to  war,  but  was  disgracefully  beaten.  Hence- 
forth the  Persian  empire  threatened  Rome ;  it  compelled  her  to 
weaken  the  northern  defences  in  order  to  mass  troops  on  the 
Euphrates,  at  a  time  when  the  German  races  were  threatening 
invasion. 

After  his  conflict  with  Persia,  Alexander  took  the  field  against  the 
Germans  on  the  Rhine.  There  he  was  murdered  by  his  soldiers. 
The  pretorian  guard  had  already  killed  Ulpian,  their  prefect,  and 
were  terrorizing  the  government  as  well  as  the  residents  of  Rome. 
Thus  a  reign,  in  some  respects  happy,  ended  in  failure,  —  a  pleasant 
twilight  before  a  period  of  gloom. 

331.  Drifting  into  Anarchy  (235-284  A.D.).  —  During  the  half- 
century  which  followed  the  death  of  Alexander,  the  government 
suffered  continual  violence,  as  emperors  rapidly  rose  and  fell. 
Sometimes  two  colleagues  shared  in  harmony  the  imperial  office ; 
more  frequently,  rivals  for  the  throne  involved  the  empire  in  civil 
war ;  rarely  did  a  wearer  of  the  purple  die  a  natural  death.  About 
the  middle  of  this  period  of  confusion  the  empire  seemed  to  be 
falling  into  fragments ;  each  army  nominated  its  commander  to  the 
highest  office,  and  these  rival  pretenders,  wrongly  numbered  and 
misnamed  the  "Thirty  Tyrants,"  brought  the  Roman  world  to 
anarchy. 

While  civil  war  wasted  the  empire  and  drew  the  armies  from  the 
frontier,  the  enemies  of  Rome  met  with  their  first  real  success  in 
assailing  her.  On  the  north  the  Goths,  a  German  race,  after  plun- 
dering Moe'si-a  and  Macedonia,  defeated  and  killed  the  emperor 
Decius  (268  A.D.).  At  nearly  the  same  time  their  western  kinsmen, 
the  Franks  on  the  lower  Rhine,  pushed  across  the  boundary  and 
desolated  Gaul.     Soon  afterward.  King  Sa'por,  the  energetic  son  of 


41 8  From  Commodiis  to  Aurelian 

Artaxerxes,  took  the  emperor  Va-le'ri-an  captive.  The  civilized 
world  seemed  defenceless.  The  Al-e-man'ni,  of  Germanic  race, 
flung  themselves  upon  northern  Italy,  and  in  combination  with 
them  a  vast  horde  of  Goths,  including  women  and  children,  crossed 
the  Danube  to  seek  homes  within  the  provinces.  Fortunately  at 
this  crisis  Rome  found  an  able  ruler  in  Marcus  Aurelius  Claudius 


^^^^an^ri^^^^T' 

1 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^VH^^".             '.J^^^^^^^^^^^^^H 

1 

The  Wall  of  Aurelian 


(268-270  A.D.),  who  drove  back  the  Alemanni  and  destroyed  the 
invading  host  of  Goths. 

His  successor,  Au-reUi-an  (270-275  a.d.),  withdrew  the  last 
garrisons  from  Dacia,  —  which  he  gave  over  to  the  Goths,  —  and 
brought  the  boundary  once  more  to  the  Danube.  This  was  the 
first  territory  lost  to  the  empire.  As  the  barbarians  began  to 
threaten  the  capital  itself,  he  surrounded  it  with  a  wall,  which  is 
still  standing,  —  a  magnificent  work,  yet  a  monument  of  the  weak- 
ness and  decay  of  Rome.  Two  great  fragments  had  recently  broken 
from  the  empire :  in  the  East,  Queen  Ze-no'bi-a,  from  her  splendid 


Aurelian 


419 


court  in  Pal-my'ra,  ruled  Syria,  Egypt,  and  a  large  part  of  Asia 
Minor;  in  the  West,  the  senator  Tet'ri-cus  was  emperor  of  Gaul, 
Britain,  and  northern  Spain.  By  conquering  both  these  pretenders, 
however,  Aurelian  restored  the  unity  of  the  Roman  world.  These 
achievements  brought  the  empire  to  a  condition  which  enabled  it 
to  endure  for  a  few  more  years,  till  Di-o-cle'ti-an,  a  still  abler  man, 
put  on  the  purple. 

Topics  for  Reading 

Septimius  Severus.  —  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  v; 
Duruy,  History  of  Rome,  vi.  pp.  476-577;   see  Indices  of  other  histories  of  Rome. 


A  Capital  from  One  of  the  Temples  in  Palmyra 
(Temple  ruins  in  the  background) 


CHAPTER   XIII 

FROM   DIOCLETIAN  TO   CONSTANTINE    (284-337   a.d.) 
Reconstruction  of  the  Empire  —  Absolute  Monarchy 

332.  Diocletian  (284-305  A.D.).  —  A  freedman's  son  and  a  soldier 
by  profession,  Diocletian  made  his  way  to  the  imperial  office  by 
genius  and  force  of  will.  He  devoted  twenty-one  laborious  years  to 
the  work  of  reorganizing  and  strengthening  the  empire. 

He  first  chose  as  colleague  Max-im'i-an,  a  rough  but  able  soldier. 
Although  each  emperor  bore  the  title  Augustus,  Diocletian  remained 
superior.  They  divided  the  Roman  world  between  them,  Diocletian 
taking  the  East  and  his  colleague  the  West.  Later  two  Caesars, 
Ga-le'ri-us  and  Con-stan'ti-us  Chlo'rus,  were  appointed  as  heirs  of 
the  Augusti.  Each  of  the  Caesars  received  likewise  the  administra- 
tion of  a  definite  territory.  Retaining  the  extreme  East  for  himself, 
Diocletian  gave  Galerius  the  provinces  on  and  near  the  Danubian 
boundary ;  Maximian  governed  Italy,  Africa,  and  Spain ;  and  Con- 
stantius,  Gaul  and  Britain.  Thus  the  most  dangerous  and  laborious 
posts  were  assigned  to  the  Caesars. 

Each  ^  of  the  four  rulers  chose  a  convenient  city  for  his  capital  and  appointed  a 
pretorian  prefect  to  aid  him  in  administering  the  civil  affairs  of  his  district,  which 
was  named  therefore  a  prefecture.  They  divided  the  four  great  prefectures  into 
twelve  dioceses,  which  they  placed  under  vicegerents.  The  dioceses  consisted 
each  of  several  small  provinces,  of  which  there  were  now  more  than  a  hundred  in 
all.  The  provinces  had  their  governors,  who  in  turn  commanded  the  service  of 
a  host  of  lower  officials.  As  a  rule  the  provincial  governors  obeyed  the  vicegerents, 
who  received  their  orders  from  the  prefects,  each  of  whom,  in  turn,  was  under  a 
Caesar  or  an  Augustus.    Military  and  civil  duties  were  now  distinct.    Correspond- 

1  §  78,  n.  2. 
420 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 
DIOCLETIAN  and  CONSTANTINE 


MO 


Eor  Chapters  XII,  XIII 


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ir.  BntsforJ,  D,l. 


Diocletian 


421 


ing  with  the  civil  offices  just  mentioned  were  masters  of  troops,  dukes,  counts,  and 
lesser  military  officials.  The  nobles  who  filled  the  higher  civil  and  military  posi- 
tions were  the  Honorable,  the  Respectable,  and  the  Illustrious.  Above  the  Illus- 
trious was  the  rank  of  Caesar,  and  highest  of  all,  Augustus  was  Most  Sacred  Lord. 
The  latter  wore  a  crown  and  a  silken  robe  which  sparkled  with  jewels  and  gold. 
He  claimed  to  be  a  god,  and  compelled  his  subjects  to  prostrate  themselves  before 
him.  In  this  way  he  aimed  to  place  his  authority  on  the  basis  of  divine  right. 
All  parts  of  the  empire  were  now  politically  equal.  As  Rome  ceased  to  be  the 
capital,  the  senate  became  a  city  council,  and  Italy  was  divided  into  provinces. 


The  Triumphal  Arch  of  Constantine 

The  new  organization  of  the  Roman  government  and  society  here  outlined  was 
mainly  the  work  of  Diocletian,  though  it  began  before  him  and  received  additional 
touches  later  from  Con'stan-tine  the  Great. 

The  empire  was  enjoying  peace  and  good  order  in  305  a.d.,  when 
Diocletian  resigned  his  authority  and  compelled  Maximian,  his  col- 
league, to  do  the  same.  Thereupon  the  two  Caesars  became  Augusti, 
and  new  Caesars  were  appointed  to  take  the  place  of  the  old.  Im- 
mediately Diocletian's  system,  in  most  respects   admirable,  proved 


422  From  Diocletian  to  Constantine 

defective  in  the  provision  for  the  succession.  It  appeared,  too,  that 
the  senior  Augustus  lacked  the  means  of  holding  his  colleague  and 
the  Caesars  to  their  respective  duties.  These  high  magistrates, 
together  with  other  aspirants  for  power  who  arose  from  time  to 
time,  involved  the  Roman  world  in  civil  wars,  till  Constantine,  known 
to  history  as  the  Great,  the  son  of  Constantius  Chlorus,  became 
emperor  of  the  West  and  Licinius  of  the  East  (312  and  313  a.d.). 

333.  Constantine  sole  Emperor  (323-337  A.D.)  ;  Christianity. 
—  A  few  years  afterward  Constantine  put  his  colleague  to  death 
and  became  sole  emperor  (323  a.d.).  His  reign  was  marked  by  two 
important  events,  —  the  public  recognition  of  Christianity,  and  the 
selection  of  Byzantium  as  the  capital  of  the  empire. 

Notwithstanding  all  opposition  the  Church  had  grown  rapidly  since 
Marcus  AureHus.  The  last  and  severest  persecution  began  under 
Diocletian  and  was  carried  on  by  Galerius,  his  successor  in  the  East. 
When  at  length  Galerius  saw  that  he  could  by  no  means  destroy  the 
Christians  or  suppress  their  faith,  he  granted  them  toleration  and 
requested  their  prayers  for  his  welfare.  On  the  other  hand  Con- 
stantius Chlorus,  emperor  of  the  West,  had  favored  them  from  the 
beginning ;  and  his  policy  was  inherited  by  his  son.  Though  the 
Christians  still  formed  a  small  minority  —  possibly  a  twentieth  — 
of  the  population,  for  two  reasons  they  were  remarkably  strong : 
(i)  whereas  the  pagans  were  lukewarm  in  the  interest  of  their  gods 
and  of  their  political  leaders,  the  Christians  were  energetic  and  zeal- 
ous ;  (2)  they  had  a  thorough  organization ^  patterned  after  that  of 
the  State. 

In  the  beginning  each  congregation  had  been  independent.  It  had  its  officers : 
deacons,  who  cared  for  the  poor;  elders,  or  presbyters,  who  as  the  council  of  the 
church  looked  after  its  interests;  and  an  overseer,  or  bishop,  the  chief  of  the 
presbyters.  In  course  of  time,  as  the  church  of  a  given  city  sent  out  branches  to 
neighboring  towns  and  rural  districts,  the  bishop  of  the  parent  community  came 
to  have  authority  over  a  group  of  congregations.  Again,  among  the  bishops  of  the 
age  of  Constantine,  some  differences  of  rank  and  of  influence  were  already  appear- 
ing, while  the  bishop  of  Rome  was  acquiring  the  greatest  influence  of  all.     In 


Constantine  423 

brief,  the  government  of  the  Church  was  becoming  a  monarchy.  In  another  way, 
too,  the  Christian  world  was  learning  to  act  in  unison.  The  religious  officials  of  a 
province  frequently  met  in  council;  and  sometimes  a  gathering  represented  a 
much  larger  area.  Thus  the  tendency  to  centraUzation  was  already  strong  in  the 
Church. 

Constantine  saw  the  advantage  he  might  derive  from  the  support 
of  this  powerful  organization.  Accordingly  he  and  Licinius,  in 
313  A.D.,  issued  their  famous  Edict  of  Mi-lan\  which  granted  tolera- 
tion to  all  religions,  without  exception,  and  raised  Christianity  to  an 
equal  footing  with  paganism.  Constantine  himself  professed  the  new 
faith,  and  encouraged  it  rather  than  the  old.  Let  us  not  imagine 
that  his  avowed  conversion  improved  his  character.  He  continued 
to  be  what  he  had  been,  —  a  man  without  heart  or  scruple,  more 
pagan  perhaps  than  Christian,  ready  to  serve  himself  by  hypocrisy  or 
bloodshed.  Nevertheless,  as  a  far-sighted  statesman,  he  worked  con- 
sistently for  the  best  interests  of  the  empire. 

In  his  time  the  Church  was  becoming  more  and  more  distracted  by  quarrels 
over  points  of  belief.  The  leaders  of  the  Church,  especially  in  the  East,  were  at- 
tempting to  build  up  an  intricate  theology,  patterned  after  the  philosophy  of  the 
Greeks,  Naturally  they  differed  on  many  points.  The  chief  of  all  controversies 
was  that  between  two  Church  officials  of  Egypt,  —  Ath-an-a' si-us  and  A-rVus,  — 
concerning  the  nature  of  Christ.  Although  both  admitted  that  He  was  the  son  of 
God,  Arius  maintained  that  the  Son  was  by  nature  inferior  to  the  Father.  On 
the  other  hand,  Athanasius  asserted  absolute  equality  between  the  Son  and  the 
Father.  In  order  to  strengthen  the  Church  by  securing  uniformity  of  belief  on 
this  as  well  as  on  other  points,  Constantine  called  a  council  of  bishops  from  all 
parts  of  the  world  to  meet  at  Ni-cae'a,  a  city  in  northwestern  Asia  Minor,  to  settle 
the  disputes  and  to  decide  upon  a  creed  which  all  should  accept.  By  adopting 
the  view  of  Athanasius,  the  council  made  it  orthodox,  while  that  of  his  opponent 
became  a  heresy.  The  West  readily  accepted  the  Nicene  Creed,  as  this  decision 
is  called;  and  in  this  manner  it  has  come  down  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
and  to  most  of  the  Protestant  denominations  of  to-day;  but  Arianism  continued 
widespread  in  the  East. 

The  council  of  Nicaea  was  the  first  gathering  which  professed  to  represent  the 
entire  Christian  world.  The  institution  of  such  a  general  council,  to  meet  as  oc- 
casion demanded,  added  greatly  to  the  power  of  the  Church  in  its  contest  with 
paganism. 


424  From  Diocletian  to  Constantine 

Constantine  took  a  step  next  in  importance  to  the  recognition  of 
Christianity,  when  he  chose  as  his  residence  the  Greek  city  of  Byzan- 
tium, henceforth  named  Cons  tan- it- no' pie  after  himself.  It  was  ad- 
mirably situated  for  commerce,  and  was  much  nearer  than  Rome  to 
the  frontiers  of  the  Danube  and  the  Euphrates,  which  especially 
needed  defence.  As  the  East  and  the  West  were  drifting  apart,  it 
was  necessary  that  each  division  should  have  a  capital  and  a  stable 
government.  The  removal  of  the  capital  helped  diminish  the  im- 
portance of  declining  Rome.     * 

334.  Causes  of  the  Decline  of  Rome :  (i)  Economic  and  Social.  — 
Diocletian  and  Constantine  made  the  imperial  government  stronger 
and  more  effective,  but  did  nothing  to  arrest  the  economic  and  social 
decay.  As  early  as  the  Samnite  Wars,^  slavery  began  to  destroy  the 
freemen ;  during  the  late  republic  and  the  empire  foreign  and  civil 
wars  continued  to  thin  the  population,  while  the  increasing  burden 
of  taxation  made  life  every  day  more  wretched.  Under  Diocletian's 
system  the  growing  splendor  of  the  imperial  courts  added  X.6  the  bur- 
den. With  their  scant  means  many  found  it  impossible  to  support 
families ;  and  even  the  slaves  grew  fewer.  Most  of  the  lower  classes, 
free  and  slave,  became  hereditary  serfs  —  coloni — bound  to  the  soil 
and  to  the  payment  of  fixed  dues  to  their  lords. 

But  it  was  not  only  the  poor  who  suffered.  The  cities  had  once 
enjoyed  freedom  in  local  affairs,  each  governed  by  a  senate,  whose 
members  were  the  wealthier  men  of  the  community.  Gradually  the 
emperors  had  encroached  upon  the  liberty  of  these  cities,  till  they 
had  converted  even  the  privileges  of  the  senators  into  intolerable 
burdens.  For  as  these  officials  were  responsible  for  the  taxes  due 
from  their  districts,  many  of  them,  unable  to  wring  the  required 
amount  from  the  poorer  classes,  were  themselves  reduced  to  poverty. 
They  were  held  for  life  by  an  iron  hand  to  the  work  of  collecting  and 
of  paying  oppressive  taxes.  Artisans  and  traders,  too,  were  bound 
strictly  to  their  hereditary  vocations,  in  order  that  the  government 

'  §  237. 


Decline  425 

might  be  sure  of  the  dues  to  which  they  were  subject.  In  brief,  so- 
ciety had  been  forced  into  a  rigid  caste  system,  which  crushed  free- 
dom and  made  the  hfe  of  rich  and  poor,  bond  and  free,  almost 
equally  wretched. 

335.  Causes  of  the  Decline  of  Rome:  (2)  The  Germans  and  the 
Christians.  —  Under  these  conditions  the  people,  especially  of  the 
interior  provinces,  had  grown  unwarlike,  incapable  of  defending  them- 
selves against  the  barbarians.  For  centuries  they  had  been  unused  to 
arms.  The  government  therefore  found  it  more  and  more  necessary 
to  make  up  the  armies  of  Germans,  who  consequently  settled  in  the 
empire  in  ever  increasing  numbers.  These  people  readily  adopted 
those  features  of  Roman  life  and  civihzation  which  were  suited  to 
their  nature,  but  they  were  too  independent  to  submit  to  the  iron 
government  or  to  the  rigid  social  system  of  Rome.  At  the  same  time 
the  Christians,  who  began  to  include  many  Germans,  were  naturally 
hostile  to  a  government  and  society  based  on  idolatry.  Gradually 
they,  like  the  Germans,  began  to  undermine  the  worn-out  parts  of 
the  old  system  and  to  impress  their  own  character  on  what  remained. 
In  this  way  the  Christians  and  Germans  were  transforming  the 
ancient  pagan  empire  of  the  Romans  into  the  7nediaeval  Christian 
empire  of  the  Germans. 

In  the  period  we  are. now  considering  (284-337  a.d.),  this  change 
was  going  on  quietly  under  the  protection  chiefly  of  German  troops 
on  the  outposts  of  the  empire.  But  the  wisest  men  could  not  know 
how  soon  these  defences  would  fall  before  the  barbarian  tempest 
which  was  to  sweep  across  the  frontier. 

The  Decline  of  Culture 

336.  Language,   Literature,    and    Art    (after    180    A.D.). — The 

Romans  now  lost  both  taste  and  creative  ability.  Their  language 
itself,  mixed  more  and  more  with  the  German,  began  to  decline. 
In  trying  to  speak  Latin,  the  foreigners  corrupted  it  into  dialects, 


426 


From  Diocletian  to  Constantine 


which  in  time  became  the  Romance  languages, — chiefly  the  Itahan, 
French,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese. 

Apart  from  the  Christian  writers  and  the  jurists  there  were  no 
eminent  authors. 

Public  works,  though  still  built  on  a  grand  scale,  show  the  same 
lack  of  creative  power.  As  a  type  of  Roman  baths  we  may  take 
those  of  Diocletian.  This  structure  covered  an  area  of  over  twenty- 
five  acres.  Besides  the  vast  swimming  tank  it  contained  three 
thousand  marble  basins,  and  included  a  library,  club-rooms,  gardens, 
and  gymnasia.     Baths  of  this  kind  were  a  great  temptation  to  idle- 


The  Basilica  ok  Cons iani ink 

ness  and  dissipation.  Much  of  this  building  has  been  destroyed; 
but  the  ruins  which  remain  have  been  converted  into  a  church, 
charitable  and  educational  institutions,  and  a  museum  of  ancient 
Roman  art. 

Two  triumphal  arches  of  this  period  are  still  standing.  That  of 
Septimius  Severus  at  the  northwest  corner  of  the  Forum  is  majestic 
and  original ;  that  of  Constantine  near  the  Colosseum  is  partly  made 
up  of  material  stolen  from  an  earlier  work.  Constantine's  Basilica, 
whose  ruins  stand  on  the  north  side  of  the  Sacred  Way,^  is  the  largest 

'  p.  386. 


Triumphal  Arches  427 

and  grandest  of  the  kind.  Unfortunately  this  emperor  encouraged 
the  practice  of  tearing  down  fine  old  public  works  for  the  material 
they  contained.  This  practice  did  more  than  anything  else  to 
destroy  the  monuments  of  ancient  Rome. 

Topic  for  Reading 

Christianity  and  the  Empire.  —  Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages, 
ch.  ix;  Hodgkin,  Ita/y  and  her  Invaders,  ii.  pp.  556-573;  Duruy,  History  of 
Rome,  vii.  pp.  472-520;  Adams,  Civilization  during  the  Aliddle  Ages,  ch.  iii ; 
Bruce,  Gesta  Christi,  chs.  ii-x. 


A  Fountain 
(Palace  of  the  Conservatori,  Rome) 


The  Roman  Forum 

(In  the  immediate  foreground  is  the  Temple  of  Vespasian  ;  beyond  the  road  on  the 
left  is  the  Arch  of  Septimius  Severus :  on  the  right  the  Temple  of  Saturn,  beyond  which 
is  the  Basilica  Julia,  and  still  farther  the  three  columns  of  the  Temple  of  Castor  and 
Pollux;  above  the  latter  are  trees  growing  on  the  Palatine  Mount.  Near  the  Temple 
of  Castor  and  Pollux  is  the  foundation  of  the  Temple  of  Vesta,  and  farther,  on  the 
top  of  the  ridge,  we  can  see  the  Arch  of  Titus.) 


CHAPTER   XIV 

THE  INVASION  OF  THE  BARBARIANS  AND   THE   FALL  OF  THE 
EMPIRE   IN  THE   WEST    (337-476  a.d.) 


337.  The  Sons  of  Constantine  (337);  Julian  "the  Apostate" 
(361-363  A.D.).  —  Constantine  was  followed  by  his  three  sons,  who 
inherited  the  bad  traits  of  their  father  without  his  ability.  They 
massacred  nearly  all  their  kinsmen  to  rid  themselves  of  possible 
rivals,  and  then  turned  against  one  another.  One  was  killed  by  a 
brother's  hand ;  another  by  a  usurper ;  and  while  the  third  devoted 
himself  to  theology,  the  Persians,  the  Franks,  and  the  Alemanni 
invaded  the  empire.     His  cousin   Ju'H-an,   leaving   his   philosophic 

428 


Valentinian  429 

studies  at  Athens,  took  command  in  Gaul,  and  routed  the  Alemanni 
in  a  great  battle  at  Strass'burg.  He  drove  the  barbarians  from  the 
province  and  strengthened  the  frontier  defences.  The  philosopher, 
who  thus  proved  his  ability  to  rule,  became  sole  emperor  on  the 
death  of  his  cousin.  Disgusted  with  the  character  of  his  Christian 
kinsmen,  he  became  a  pagan,  and  strove  to  suppress  Christianity. 
He  refrained  from  persecution,  however,  and  his  mild  efforts  to 
restore  the  gods  of  the  old  world  failed.  He  was  still  a  young 
man  when,  after  a  brilliant  campaign  against  the  Persians,  he  was 
killed  by  an  arrow  of  the  enemy.  In  him  the  empire  lost  an  able 
ruler  and  defender. 

Soon  after  his  death  the  barbarians  began  to  break  through  the 
frontier  and  to  settle  permanently  within  the  empire.  Before  taking 
up  the  story  of  these  invasions,  however,  we  shall  notice  briefly  the 
more  important  rulers  of  the  century  between  Juhan  and  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  empire  in  the  West. 

338.  Valentinian  (364-375)  and  Valens  (364-378)  ;  Theodosius 
(379-395  A.D.).  —  In  the  year  after  JuHan's  death,  the  army  made 
Val-en-tin'i-an  emperor.  Ferocious  in  temper,  yet  strong  and  just, 
he  was  well  adapted  to  command  the  imperial  troops,  most  of  whom 
were  now  barbarians.  Through  the  eleven  years  of  his  reign  he 
maintained  the  hard-pressed  frontiers  of  Britain  and  Gaul,  and  even 
crossed  the  Rhine  to  chastise  the  Alemanni  in  their  own  country. 
His  weak  brother  Va'lens,  however,  to  whom  he  had  given  the 
East,  allowed  a  great  host  of  Goths  to  cross  the  Danube  and  to 
settle  within  the  empire.  They  even  defeated  and  killed  him.  The 
eastern  and  western  branches  of  the  empire  continued  under  sepa- 
rate governments  till  The-o-do^si-us  united  them  for  a  brief  season. 
This  ruler  distinguished  himself,  too,  by  making  Christianity  the  sole 
religion  of  the  State.  When  he  ordered  the  pagan  temples  closed, 
those  who  carried  out  his  edict  destroyed  many  of  the  buildings  and 
broke  the  images.  Though  the  pagans  were  forbidden  to  worship 
their  gods,  some  quietly  persisted   in  their  illegal  devotion  for  at 


430  The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 

least  a  century  longer.  Theodosius  was  equally  zealous  for  uni- 
formity of  Christian  faith.  By  persecuting  the  A'ri-ans  and  other 
heretical  sects  he  hoped  to  establish  the  Nicene  Creed  ^  throughout 
the  East.  Under  him  orthodox  Christianity  thus  became  intolerant 
of  all  other  faiths.  It  was  chiefly  this  theological  zeal  which  earned 
for  him  the  title  of  "  the  Great." 

339.  The  Empire  divided  (395)  ;  End  of  the  Empire  in  the  West 
(476  A.D.) .  —  At  his  death  the  empire  was  again  divided ;  Ar-ca'di-us, 
one  of  his  sons,  received  as  his  portion  the  East,  and  Ho-no'ri-us, 
the  other,  was  given  the  West.  Though  the  Eastern  branch  main- 
tained itself  thereafter  for  more  than  a  thousand  years,  the  Western 
gradually  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  barbarians.  At  the  same  time 
the  government  of  the  West  came  more  and  more  under  their  influ- 
ence. It  was  significant  of  this  changing  condition  that  Gal 'la  Pla- 
cid'i-a,  the  beautiful,  accomplished  sister  of  Honorius,  became  the 
wife  of  A'taulf,  a  Gothic  chief  who  had  been  ravaging  Italy  and 
who  brought  his  bride  rich  gifts  from  the  spoils  of  her  people. 
Placidia  afterward  returned  to  Rome,  where  as  regent  for  her 
young  son  she  ruled  the  Western  branch  of  the  empire  many 
years.^ 

In  the  reign  of  Arcadius,  John,  whose  eloquence  won  for  him  the  surname 
Chry-sos'tom  —  golden-mouthed  —  became  patriarch  of  Constantinople.  He  had 
forsaken  the  profession  of  law  for  a  life  of  solitary  devotion.  After  some  years, 
however,  he  left  his  mountain  cave  to  preach  in  Antioch.  When  the  fame  of  his 
wonderful  oratory  reached  the  Christians  of  Constantinople,  they  forced  him  to 
come  to  their  city.  Installed  as  patriarch,  he  applied  himself  with  great  energy 
to  the  government  of  the  Church.  He  compelled  most  of  the  religious  officials 
of  the  Eastern  empire  to  bow  to  his  will;  he  persecuted  heretics;  and  he  de- 
nounced the  sins  of  Christians,  without  sparing  the  nobles  or  even  the  empress 
Eudoxia,  wife  of  Arcadius.  In  revenge  she  plotted  his  ruin.  By  the  decree  of  a 
Church  council  she  drove  him  into  exile;  and  when  he  returned  to  continue  his 
denunciation  of  her  vices,  she  again  caused  his  banishment,  this  time  to  a  deso- 
late place  on  Mount  Taurus.  Some  years  after  his  death,  which  occurred  in 
exile,  the  authorities  of  the  Church,  to  atone  for  their  mistreatment  of  the  great 

^%Zll'  2  §345- 


Romulus  Augustulus  431 

preacher,  brought  his  bones  to  Constantinople  and  canonized  him  as  a  saint. 
His  sermons,  still  preserved,  show  a  brilliant  flow  of  language  and  a  fervid  zeal 
for  religion  and  pure  morals. 

Meanwhile  barbarians  were  seizing  provinces  and  Rome  was  growing 
weaker.  At  length  Ric'i-mer,  an  able,  scheming  German,  gained  con- 
trol of  the  government ;  and  while  he  kept  the  power  in  his  own 
hands,  he  made  and  unmade  emperors  at  pleasure.  He  called  him- 
self simply  patrician,  —  a  word  Constantine  the  Great  had  been  first 
to  bestow  as  a  lifelong  title.  In  Ricimer's  case  it  meant  a  man  who 
was  at  once  commander  of  the  army  and  chief  minister  of  his  sover- 
eign. Three  years  after  the  death  of  the  tyrant  Ricimer,  O-res'tes, 
an  Illyrian,  became  patrician  of  Italy.  Refusing  the  imperial  title  for 
himself,  he  permitted  the  soldiers  to  confer  it  on  his  young  son 
Romulus,  whom  they  now  called  Au-gus'tu-lus  —  "little  emperor." 
The  boy  had  ruled  but  a  few  months,  however,  when .  0-do-a'cer, 
elected  "  king  "  by  the  Germans  of  the  army,  deposed  him,  and  com- 
pelled the  senate  to  send  the  purple,  with  other  imperial  ornaments, 
to  Constantinople,  in  token  of  the  reunion  of  the  empire  under  one 
head.  As  governor  of  Italy  subject  in  name  to  the  sole  remaining 
emperor,  Odoacer  contented  himself  with  the  title  of  patrician. 

The  date  of  the  deposition  of  Romulus  —  476  a.d.  —  better  per- 
haps than  any  other  marks  the  "  fall "  of  the  empire  in  the  West  and 
the  transition  from  ancient  to  mediaeval  history.  For  although  the 
idea  of  the  empire  and  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  ruler  in  Constanti- 
nople survived,  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  Germans  henceforth  controlled 
all  the  West,  and  were  working  out  in  their  own  way  the  destiny  of 
Europe.  In  turning  from  the  Romans  to  the  Germans,  we  pass  from 
ancient  to  mediaeval  history. 

340.  The  Germans.  —  While  the  Greeks  and  the  Itahans  were 
making  great  progress  in  civilization,  the  Germans,^  their  northern 
neighbors,  remained  barbarous ;  for  in  their  home  in  central  Europe 

1  Or  Teutons;   §  2,  n.  I. 


432 


The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 


they  had  fewer  means  of  learning  the  customs  and  the  arts  of  settled 
life.  The  Germania  of  Tacitus,  composed  about  loa  a.d.,  describes 
their  manners  and  institutions  at  that  early  time,  before  they  came 
under  the  influence  of  Rome  and  of  Christianity. 

They  lived  in  miserable  huts,  and  dressed  in  skins  or  in  coarse  cloth. 
Though  they  were  not  untainted  by  vices,  as  drunkenness  and  gam- 
bling, their  morals  were  on  the  whole  pure ;  they  respected  women 
more  than  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans  ever  did  ;  they  were  brave. 


A  CJKRMAN   Vii,i,a(;k 


dignified,  and  free.  Before  they  learned  of  Christ,  they  worshipped 
the  powers  of  nature  and  had  no  temples  or  images. 

Some  tribes  followed  hereditary  kings,  others  elected  dukes  to  lead 
them  in  war  and  on  migrations.  The  chief  men  of  a  tribe  met  in  a 
council  to  settle  questions  of  public  interest.  Important  matters  they 
referred  to  the  gathering  of  all  the  warriors,  who  showed  their  dis- 
pleasure by  a  murmur  or  clashed  their  weapons  in  token  of  approval. 
This  assembly  elected  chiefs,  tried  offences  of  life  and  death,  and 
decided  other  important  matters. 

The  life  and  institutions  of  the  Germans  were  Hke  those  of  the 


The  Germans 


433 


early  Greeks  and  Italians.^  As  soon,  however,  as  they  came  into  con- 
tact with  the  Romans,  they  began  to  learn  from  them  more  refined 
habits  and  to  desire  more  settled  homes.  This  eagerness  for  homes 
was  perhaps  their  chief  motive  in  attacking  the  empire. 

In  the  time  of  Marius  and  Julius  Caesar  ^  they  endangered  the  em- 
pire. In  the  reign  of  Augustus  they  destroyed  an  entire  Roman 
army.^  Henceforth  they 
grew  more  and  more  powerful, 
chiefly  by  uniting  their  tribes 
in  large  federations.  Such 
a  union  was  that  of  the  Franks 
on  the  lower  Rhine,  and  the 
Alemanni  —  "  men  of  all 
races  "  —  on  the  upper. 
Farther  east  were  the  Goths, 
who  are  said  to  have  once 
lived  in  Sweden.  From  the 
Baltic  to  the  Black  Sea  they 
had  journeyed,  great  swarms 
of  gigantic  warriors,  with 
their  women  and  children, 
and  their  two-wheeled 
wagons.  Thereafter  they 
kept  harassing  the  eastern 
provinces  by  land  and  sea, 
till  Aurelian  gave  up  Dacia  to 
them.''  Those  who  now  settled 


The  Baptism  of  Christ 

On  the  right  is  John  the  Baptist,  on  the  left  the 
River-god  Jordan,  around  are  the  Twelve 
Apostles. 

(Mosaic  in  the  Church  of  Santa  Maria  in  Cos- 
medin,  Ravenna,  Fifth  Century  A.D.) 


in  this  province,  who  are  termed  West-Goths,  or  Vis'i-goths,  acquired 
much  of  the  Roman  civiHzation,  and  accepted  Arian  Christianity  from 
Bishop  Ul'fil-as,  who  translated  the  Bible  into  their  speech.  Frag- 
ments of  this  work  still  exist  and  are  highly  prized  as  specimens  of 
the  first  piece  of  German  literature. 

1  §  209;  Botsford,  Greece,  pp.  1-3.       2  §§  286,  298.        ^  §  307.        *  §  331. 


434  The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 

341.  The  Visigoths  to  the  Death  of  Theodosius  (270-395  A.D.). — 
For  about  a  century  the  West-Goths  hved  quietly  in  Dacia  as  the 
allies  of  the  Roman  people.  With  the  progress  of  settled  life  they 
became  more  and  more  distinct  from  their  less  civilized  kinsmen, 
the  East-Goths  —  Os'tro-goths  —  who  lived  north  of  the  Black  Sea, 
between  Dacia  and  the  Don  River.  Suddenly  this  peaceful  life  was 
disturbed  by  the  appearance  of  the  Huns,  a  dark,  dwarfish  race  of 
savages,  with  little  eyes  and  scarred,  beardless  faces.  On  horseback 
they  swept  the  country  like  a  tempest,  plundering  and  destroying 
whatever  they  found  and  kilHng  even  the  women  and  the  children 
without  pity.  Those  of  their  enemies  whom  they  chose  to  spare  be- 
came their  slaves  or  subjects.  They  were  an  Asiatic  race,  usually 
classed  with  the  Turanians.  Unlike  the  Germans,  they  had  no  wish 
to  settle  in  the  conquered  lands,  but  were  content  with  roving  and 
remained  savage.  They  conquered  the  East- Goths,  and  overthrew 
the  West-Gothic  king,  who  lived  in  Dacia.  Thereupon  two  hundred 
thousand  warriors  of  the  defeated  monarch,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  gathered  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Danube,  and  implored 
the  Romans  to  let  them  cross  for  safety  from  their  frightful  pursuers. 
The  weak-minded  Valens,  of  whom  we  have  already  heard,^  granted 
their  petition  on  the  understanding  that  they  should  surrender  their 
arms  and  give  their  children  as  hostages.  These  were  needless  con- 
ditions ;  for  with  their  arms  they  would,  in  grateful  loyalty,  have 
helped  him  defend  the  empire. 

For  many  days  the  Roman  ships  were  conveying  the  multitude 
across  the  river  (376  a.d.).  But  while  the  officers  in  charge  of  this 
work  were  intent  upon  robbing  the  Goths,  the  warriors  retained  their 
arms,  and  passed  into  the  empire,  burning  with  rage  at  the  insults 
and  the  wrongs  they  suffered  from  the  depraved  government  of  Con- 
stantinople. When  famine  and  further  mistreatment  goaded  them 
to  rebellion,  they  spread  murder  and  desolation  over  Thrace  and 
Macedonia.     Valens   rashly  assailed   them   at   Ha-dri-a-no'ple,  and 

^  §  338- 


Alaric  and  Stilicho  435 

perished  with  two-thirds  of  his  men  (378  a.d.).  This  was  a  grave 
misfortune,  for  it  taught  the  invading  barbarians  that  they  might 
defeat  Romans  and  slay  emperors  in  open  fight.  For  some  time 
after  the  battle  the  Goths  roamed  about  at  pleasure,  but  could  not 
take  the  fortified  cities.  From  Theodosius,^  the  successor  of  Valens, 
they  received  homes  in  Thrace,  while  those  Ostrogoths  who  had 
followed  them  into  the  empire  were  settled  in  Phrygia.  The  barba- 
rians became  the  allies  of  the  Romans,  and  Theodosius  remained 
their  firm  friend. 

342.  Alaric  and  Stilicho  (395-408  A.D.).  — Soon  after  his  death 
the  Visigoths,  needing  more-  land  and  wealth,  hoisted  one  of  the 
most  promising  of  their  young  nobles,  named  Al'a-ric,  upon  a 
shield,  as  was  their  custom  in  electing  a  chieftain.  Under  his  leader- 
ship they  ravaged  Greece  till  the  minister  of  Arcadius,  now  emperor 
of  the  East,  bought  the  friendship  of  Alaric  by  making  him  gov- 
ernor of  lUyricum.  This  gave  the  barbarian  chief  means  of  supply- 
ing his  men  with  good  arms ;  so  that  in  a  few  years  he  was  ready  for 
a  more  important  undertaking,  —  the  invasion  of  Italy.  He  had 
some  idea  of  the  value  of  civilization  ;  and  it  was  his  wish  to  find  the 
best  country  in  which  to  settle  his  followers  and  organize  a  kingdom. 
We  are  to  think  of  him,  accordingly,  not  as  a  mere  destroyer,  but  as 
the  founder  of  the  first  German  state  which  was  to  be  estabHshed 
within  the  limits  of  the  empire.  * 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  not  only  the  common  soldiers  but  even 
the  best  generals  and  ministers  of  the  empire  were  now  Germans. 
Such  was  StiVi-cho,  a  fair  and  stately  Vandal,  who  had  married  a 
niece  of  Theodosius,  and  was  at  this  time  guardian  and  chief  general 
of  the  worthless  Honorius,  emperor  in  the  West.  Stilicho  and  Alaric 
were  well  matched.  Both  were  born  leaders  of  men ;  both  were 
brave  and  energetic,  with  equal  genius  for  war.  But  Stilicho  had 
the  advantage  of  Roman  organization.  Hastily  gathering  troops 
from  Britain,  from  Gaul,  from  various  parts  in  the  West,  he  defeated 


436  The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 

Alaric  twice  in  northern  Italy,  and  compelled  him  to  return  to 
Illyricum.  But  Stilicho  had  a  jealous  enemy  who  never  ceased 
whispering  in  the  ears  of  Honorius  his  tale,  true  or  false,  of  the 
Vandal's  plotting.  The  miserable  emperor  at  length  gave  way,  and 
ordered  the  death  of  the  only  man  who  was  able  to  save  the  empire. 
The  Roman  legionaries  followed  the  example  of  their  master  by 
murdering  the  wives  and  the  children  of  the  Germans  in  the  army. 
The  enraged  barbarians,  thirty  thousand  strong,  went  off  to  the  camp 
of  Alaric,  and  besought  him  to  take  vengeance  by  invading  Italy. 

343.  Siege  and  Sack  of  Rome  (408-410  A.D.)  ;  Death  of  Alaric. — 
The  Gothic  king  crossed  the  Alps  and  marched  straight  for  Rome. 
For  the  first  time  since  the  days  of  Camillus  the  eternal  city  was 
besieged  by  barbarians.^  Afflicted  with  famine  and  pestilence,  the 
depraved  citizens  bought  Alaric  off  by  the  payment  of  an  enormous 
ransom.  In  the  following  year  he  appeared  again  before  the  walls, 
this  time  demanding  whole  provinces  for  the  settlement  of  his  men. 
Not  gaining  all  they  wished,  the  fierce  Goths  besieged  Rome  a 
third  time,  burst  in  by  surprise,  and  sacked  the  city.  They  killed 
many  citizens  and  plundered  the  dwellings ;  but  as  Christians  they 
spared  the  churches  and  all  who  took  refuge  in  them. 

The  sack  of  Rome  astonished  mankind ;  for  all  had  supposed  the 
city  inviolable,  and  in  her  fall  they  thought  they  saw  the  ruin  of  the 
law  and  order  of" the  wferld.  It  discouraged  the  Christians  through- 
out the  empire,  that  so  many  holy  shrines,  so  godly  a  city,  should 
be  profaned  by  those  whom  they  considered  pagans.  To  console 
them,  St.  Au-gus'tine  wrote  his  City  of  God,  to  prove  that  the  com- 
munity of  the  Most  High  would  last  forever  even  though  the  greatest 
city  of  earth  had  fallen. 

St.  Augustine,  the  most  famous  of  the  Christian  Fathers,  was  born  in  Africa 
in  354  A.D.  After  many  years  of  wayward  life  he  joined  the  heretical  sect  of 
Manichaeans,  and  somewhat  later  accepted  the  orthodox  Christian  faith.  Appointed 
bishop  of  Hippo,  a  city  near  Carthage,  he  devoted  the  rest  of  his  life  to  speaking 

^  §  231. 


The    Visigoths  437 

and  writing  in  defence  of  orthodox  Christianity  against  both  heresy  and  paganism. 
By  means  of  his  voluminous  works  on  theology  he  did  much  toward  reducing  the 
teachings  of  Christians  to  a  consistent  philosophic  system.  He  died  in  Hippo 
in  the  seventy-sixth  year  of  his  age,  while  the  Vandals  were  besieging  that  city; 
cf.  §  345- 

As  the  Goths  did  not  hke  to  Hve  in  cities,  they  soon  left  Rome, 
and  wandered  southward  with  their  booty.  They  intended  to  cross 
to  Africa ;  but  while  they  were  making  ready  for  this,  Alaric  died 
—  apparendy  from  the  fever-laden  cHmate  of  southern  Italy.  To 
prepare  a  safe  resting-place  for  the  deceased  king,  his  followers  com- 
pelled some  Italian  captives  to  turn  the  Bu-sen'to  from  its  course 
and  to  dig  a  grave  in  the  empty  river-bed ;  then  when  the  burial 
rites  were  over,  and  the  river  again  flowed  in  its  natural  channel,  they 
killed  the  prisoners  who  had  done  the  work,  that  no  native  might 
discover  their  secret,  so  as  to  disturb  the  remains  of  their  mighty 
chieftain.  Thus  Alaric,  the  founder  of  the  first  Gothic  state,  died, 
Hke  Moses,  before  he  could  bring  his  people  to  their  destined  home. 

344.  The  Visigothic  Kingdom  in  Spain.  —  His  brother-in-law, 
Ataulf,  succeeded  him.  This  man  had  once  wished  to  blot  the 
Romans  out  of  existence  and  to  substitute  the  Goths  in  their  place ; 
but  as  he  saw  his  followers  slow  in  adapting  themselves  to  settled 
life,  he  recognized  the  value  of  Rome  for  order  and  civilization. 
Accordingly  he  became  her  champion ;  and  taking  with  him  the 
emperor's  sister,  whom  he  hoped  to  make  his  bride,  he  led  his 
nation  from  Italy  to  Gaul  and  Spain.  These  countries  had  already 
been  plundered  by  Vandals,  Sueves,  and  A'lans,  whom  the  Goths 
had  to  subdue  in  order  to  found  their  new  state.  Here  their 
wanderings  ended.  The  country  they  occupied  extended  from  the 
Loire  in  Gaul  over  most  of  Spain,  with  Tou-louse'  for  its  capital. 
Their  state  lasted  unimpaired  till  the  Franks  seized  the  Gallic  part 
of  it,  about  500  A.D.  In  Spain  they  continued  independent  for 
two  centuries  longer,  when  the  Mo-ham'me-dans  swept  over  them 
and  destroyed  their  kingdom.^ 

^  §  358. 


438  The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 

The  Visigoths  are  especially  interesting  as  the  "  pioneei;s  of  the 
German  invasion " ;  and  for  that  reason  we  have  dwelt  at  some 
length  on  their  wanderings  and  on  their  relations  with  Rome.  The 
movements  of  the  other  barbarian  races  we  shall  follow  more  rapidly. 

345.  The  Vandals  in  the  Empire  (335-435  A.D.).— The  Van 'dais, 
another  German  race,  received  permission  from  Constantine  the 
Great  to  settle  in  Pan-no'ni-a,  a  province  on  the  Danube.  Here 
under  the  influence  of  Rome,  and  of  Christianity  in  its  Arian  form, 
they  made  progress  in  orderly  life.  But  in  the  time  of  Stilicho 
and  Alaric  they  abandoned  their  settlements  and  wandered  to  the 
northwest,  in  the  direction  of  the  Rhine,  joining  to  themselves  on 
the  way  the  Germanic  Sueves  and  the  Alans,  an  Asiatic  people 
(406  A.D.).  As  Stilicho  had  withdrawn  the  garrisons  from  the 
Rhine,  to  use  against  Alaric,  they  crossed  to  Gaul  and  ravaged 
their  way  into  Spain.  Here,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Visigoths  under 
Ataulf  found  them.  The  Sueves  were  gradually  pressed  by  the 
newcomers  into  the  northwestern  corner  of  the  peninsula,  where 
they  established  a  small  kingdom.  The  other  two  races  retired 
southward. 

Thus  far  the  Vandals  had  been  driven  about  from  place  to  place. 
Now,  however,  they  found  their  hero-king  in  Gai'ser-ic,  under  whom 
they,  too,  were  to  appear  as  a  conquering  nation.  In  contrast  with 
the  majestic  type  of  the  German  leader,  Gaiseric  was  short  and  limp- 
ing. He  had,  however,  a  cunning,  nimble  mind,  and  he  was  grasp- 
ing, persistent,  and  bold.  In  addition  to  his  desire  to  find  lands  for 
his  men  and  a  kingdom  for  himself,  he  sought  to  humble  Rome,  and 
as  an  Arian  Christian,  to  destroy  the  Orthodox  church. 

The  Vandal  chief  found  his  opportunity  in  a  quarrel  between  two 
Roman  officers,  A-e'ti-us  and  Bon'i-face.  At  this  time  Galla  Placidia 
was  regent  of  the  West.  She  allowed  Aetius  to  work  upon  her  feel- 
ings against  his  rival.  Count  ^  Boniface,  then  commander  in  Africa. 
Ordered  to  Rome  on  a  groundless  suspicion  of  treason,  the  count 
1  In  Diocletian's  system  the  count  was  a  military  officer  below  the  duke;  §  332. 


Gaiseric 


439 


turned  for  revenge  to  the  Vandals,  and  invited  them  to  invade  his 
provinces.  The  barbarians  accepted  the  offer.  Accordingly,  as  soon 
as  Gaiseric  became  chief,  he  crossed  to  Africa  with  the  remnant  of 
his  nation,  numbering  perhaps  eighty  thousand  persons,  including 
women  and  children.  In  vain  the  penitent  Boniface  tried  to  send 
him  back ;  Gaiseric  was  not  the  man  to  be  swayed  by  Roman  counts. 


The  Tomb  of  (iAi.i.A  Placidia,   k\\i:nna 
(Originally  the  Church  of  S.  Nazario  e  Celso,  built  by  Placidia  about  440;  it  contains 
her  sarcophagus  and  that  of  Honorius.) 

To  him  Africa  was  a  tempting  prize.  Its  large,  fertile  estates  worked 
by  serfs  had  long  supplied  Rome  with  grain.  The  richest  of  its  many 
cities  was  "happy  Carthage,"  prosperous  now  as  before  the  Punic 
Wars.  The  Vandals  desolated  the  fields  and  took  the  fortified  places 
by  siege  or  treachery.  Meantime  a  treaty  with  Rome  recognized 
their  kingdom  in  Africa,  subject  only  to  an  annual  tribute.  How 
weak  must  have  been  the  Roman  army  when  so  few  invading  bar- 
barians could  seize  the  fairest  provinces  of  the  empire  I 


440  The  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 

346.  Vandalism;  The  Sack  of  Rome  (455  A.D.).  — But  Gaiseric's 
followers  were  not  so  peaceful  as  those  of  Alaric.  No  sooner  had  they 
gained  the  seaports  than  they  built  ships  and  took  to  piracy.  Thus 
they  harassed  Italy  and  all  the  neighboring  shores.  "  Whither  shall 
we  sail?  "  the  pilot  is  said  to  have  asked  his  chief  at  the  beginning  of 
one  of  these  expeditions.  "  To  the  dwellings  of  those  with  whom  God 
is  angry,"  Gaiseric  replied.  From  their  piracy,  but  more  from  their 
pillage  of  the  orthodox  churches,  wherever  they  found  them,  the 
word  Vandalism,  derived  from  the  name  of  their  race,  has  come  to 
signify  the  aimless,  wanton  destruction  of  property. 

Deprived  of  her  food  supply  by  these  pirates,  Rome  suffered  from 
famine,  and  was  soon  to  see  the  destroyers  in  her  own  streets.  The 
emperor  at  this  time  was  a  certain  Maximus,  who  had  usurped  the 
throne  and  had  forced  Eu-dox'i-a,  the  widow  of  his  predecessor,^  to 
become  his  wife.  She  then  requested  Gaiseric  to  avenge  her  wrong 
by  plundering  Rome.  The  Vandals  gladly  accepted  the  invitation. 
For  a  fortnight  they  pillaged  the  city  and  stored  in  their  vessels  all 
the  movable  property  they  considered  of  sufficient  value.  Their 
leader,  however,  had  promised  the  great  Leo,  then  bishop  of  Rome,  to 
refrain  from  bloodshed  and  from  burning  the  houses;  and  he  kept 
his  word.  Besides  their  shiploads  of  booty,  the  Vandals  carried  away 
many  captives  into  slavery. 

For  many  years  Gaiseric  ruled  successfully,  and  extended  his  lord- 
ship over  the  neighboring  islands.  Though  at  his  death  the  glory 
of  his  kingdom  passed  away,  it  maintained  its  independence  for  more 
than  a  half-century  longer,  when  it  was  annexed  by  the  Eastern 
branch  of  the  empire  (534  a.d.). 

347.  The  Burgundians.  —  Meantime  the  Bur-gun'di-ans,  another 
German  race  from  the  country  about  the  Baltic,  made  their  way  into 
Gaul,  where  they  founded  a  kingdom  in  the  valley  of  the  Rhone  and 
Saone  (pron.  Son)  rivers.  A  writer  of  the  fifth  century  a.d.  speaks 
of  the  "  gormandizing  sons  of  Bur'gun-dy  who  smear  their  yellow 

1  Valentinian  III. 


The  Franks  441 

hair  with  rancid  butter."  Like  other  Germans,  these  greasy  giants 
had  a  taste  for  poetry ;  from  an  earHer  Norse  myth,  their  bards  elab- 
orated the  Nibeluugenlied,  an  epic  song  of  their  national  heroes. 
Their  laws,  too,  are  of  interest  for  the  light  they  throw  on  the  rela- 
tions between  the  barbarian  invaders  and  the  Romans.  Though 
their  kingdoin  soon  fell  under  the  Franks,  the  name  has  survived  in 
the  modern  Burgundy. 

348.  The  Franks  and  the  Huns.  —  The  Franks  had  crossed  the 
Rhine  and  had  occupied  a  wide  territory  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
river,  extending  from  Mainz  to  the  sea.  Thus  by  the  middle  of 
the  fifth  century  a.d.  the  Germans  had  come  to  possess  much  of  the 
Western  empire,  —  Africa,  Spain,  and  parts  of  Gaul.  Nominally 
dependent  on  the  emperor,  their  kingdoms  were  virtually  free.  Cen- 
tral Gaul  was  still  held  for  Rome  by  an  able  governor,  Aetius.  He 
and  The-od'o-ric,  king  of  the  West-Goths,  were  enemies,  as  each 
tried  to  extend  his  territory  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  But  we 
shall  now  see  them  bring  the  Germans  and  the  Romans  into  one 
army  to  repel  the  great  enemy  of  civilization,  —  At^ti-la  the  Hun. 

Since  their  victory  over  the  Goths,  the  Huns  had  grown  formi- 
dable.^ It  is  said  that  Attila,  their  king,  from  his  log-cabin  capital  in 
Hungary  commanded  the  barbarians  of  Europe  and  of  Asia,  and 
threatened  Persia  as  well  as  the  Roman  empire.  After  desolating 
the  provinces  of  the  East  and  terrorizing  Constantinople,  he 
brought  the  storm  of  his  wrath  upon  Gaul.  Wasted  fields  and  ruined 
cities  marked  his  path.  At  this  trying  time,  the  union  of  Germans 
and  Romans  in  defence  of  their  common  country  was  a  happy  omen 
for  the  future  of  Europe.  Theodoric  and  Aetius  met  Attila  at 
some  distance  from  Cha-lons',  in  one  of  the  fiercest  conflicts  known 
to  history  (451  a.d.).  The  slaughter  was  vast.  We  are  even  told 
that  the  blood  from  the  thousands  of  wounds  swelled  to  a  torrent  the 
brook  which  flowed  through  the  field  of  battle.  Theodoric  fell, 
but  the  Hun  was  routed.     Had  he  gained  the  day,  it  might  have 

^  §  341. 


442 


The  Invasian  of  the  Barbarians 


taken  years,  possibly  centuries,  to  redeem  Europe  from  the  desola- 
tion and  the  barbarism  which  he,  as  victor,  would  have  spread  over 
the  continent.     Such  was  the  importance  of  this  battle.^ 

Though  Attila  withdrew  from  Gaul,  the  next  year  he  appeared  in 
Italy  on  his  errand  of  destruction.  He  visited  Aq-ui-lei'a  with  fire 
and  sword.  The  miserable  remnant  of  the  population,  joined  by 
refugees  from  other  ruined  towns,  fled  to  a  cluster  of  islands  along 
the  Adriatic  shore.     In  time  their  wretched  settlement  became  the 


The  Good  Shepherd 
(Mosaic  in  the  Tomb  of  Galla  Placidia,  Ravenna,  Fifth  Century  A.D.) 

famous  city  of  Ven'ice,  which  was  to  help  defend  Europe  against 
Attila's  kinsmen,  the  Turks.  As  the  Huns  threatened  Rome,  Bishop 
Leo  came  to  their  chief,  and  persuaded  him  to  spare  the  city.^ 
Such,  at  least,  is  the  story ;   and   it   is  difficult  to  see  what   else 

1  Three  years  afterward  Valentinian  III,  jealous  of  the  fame  of  Aetius,  invited 
the  great  commander  into  the  imperial  palace,  and  killed  him  there  with  his  own 
hand. 

2  This  was  three  years  before  Gaiseric's  plunder  of  Rome,  —  which  the  same 
Leo  tried  to  prevent,  but  could  only  soften. 


Odoacer  443 

induced  the  savage  to  withdraw  from  Italy.  Attila  died  soon  after 
his  departure,  and  with  his  death  the  Hunnish  empire  broke  into 
pieces. 

349.  Why  the  Empire  in  the  West  "  fell  "  (476  A.D.).  —  We  are 
now  in  a  position  to  understand  why  the  Western  branch  of  the 
empire  "fell."  Before  the  year  476  a.d.,  the  date  of  this  event, 
most  of  the  provinces  had  come  into  the  hands  of  the  barbarians,  so 
that  little  more  than  Italy  was  left  under  the  direct  rule  of  the 
emperor.  The  native  Itahans  no  longer  had  the  courage  or  the 
resources  necessary  for  defending  their  country.  Further,  most  of 
the  emperors  of  the  fifth  century  a.d.  were  weaklings,  like  Honorius, 
Uttle  more  than  puppets  of  their  German  commander-in-chief,  who 
made  and  deposed  them  at  pleasure.  Thence  it  came  about  that 
the  title  "  patrician,"  which  the  chief  general  bore,  carried  more 
weight  with  the  German  soldiers  in  the  service  than  even  that  of 
emperor.  Although  no  barbarian  people  had  yet,  as  a  body,  made 
their  permanent  home  in  Italy,  a  continual  stream  of  foreigners  was 
pouring  in  to  recruit  the  army.  Among  these  soldiers  of  fortune 
came  Odoacer,  of  whom  we  have  already  heard.^  He  was  a  bold, 
clever  man,  respected  by  the  German  troops.  They  clamored  for 
a  third  of  the  land  in  Italy ;  and  when  the  father  of  the  young 
emperor  Romulus  refused  their  demand,  they  hoisted  Odoacer  on 
their  shield,  thus  making  him  their  king. 

How  he  then  brought  the  Hne  of  Western  emperors  to  a  formal 
close  has  been  explained.  In  fact  their  power  had  already  declined 
so  completely  that  no  one  living  at  the  time  saw  in  the  event  of 
476  A.D.  anything  worthy  of  notice.  No  one  supposed  that  any 
part  of  the  empire  had  fallen.  Indeed,  the  continuance  of  the 
emperors  in  the  East  satisfied  in  some  degree  a  want  which  Rome 
had  left  in  the  hearts  of  the  barbarians  as  well  as  of  her  native 
citizens,  —  a  longing  for  a  central  power  which,  in  the  midst  of 
chaos,  should  stand  for  law  and  order  throughout  the  world.     Ac 

^  §  339. 


444  T^^^  Invasion  of  the  Barbarians 

cordingly,  most  men,  even  in  the  West,  whatever  their  race  or 
condition,  thought  of  the  Eastern  emperor  as  their  own.  It  is 
evident,  therefore,  that  the  term  ''fall"  is  somewhat  misleading. 
In  theory,  the  event  of  the  year  was  the  reunion  of  the  East  and 
West  under  one  head ;  at  the  same  time,  it  pointed  to  an  accom- 
plished fact,  —  the  dissolution  of  the  empire  in  the  West. 

The  happenings  of  476  a.d.  had  this  important  result,  that  as 
Italy  ceased  to  be  the  home  of  emperors,  the  bishop  of  Rome 
became  the  most  respected  and  most  influential  person  in  the 
West,  —  the  pope  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  the  deposed  Augustus. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Life  of  the  Early  Germans.  — Tacitus,  Ger mania  (English  translation)  ; 
(y^\ion.  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  ix;  Gummere,  Germanic 
Origins y  chs.  iii-xv. 

II.   Alaric.  —  Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  28-32;    Hodg- 
kin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  I.  chs.  v-vii;   Gibbon,  chs.  xxx,  xxxi. 

III.  The  Year  476  A.D. —  Emerton,  ch.  vi.  §  i;  Gibbon,  ch.  xxxvi  (near 
end);  Oman,  European  History,  ch.  i;  Bury,  Later  Roman  Empire,  Bk.  III. 
ch.  V. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  NEW  GERMAN  STATES  AND  THE  EMPIRE  OF  CHARLEMAGNE 

(476-800  A.D.) 

350.  The  Condition  of  Europe  (476  A.D.).  —  At  the  time  when 
the  sceptre  fell  from  the  hands  of  the  boy-emperor,  Romulus 
"  Augustulus,"  the  entire  West  was  still  in  chaos.  In  Gaul  and 
Spain  the  Burgundians,  and  more  especially  the  Visigoths,  were 
making  some  progress  toward  settled  life  and  orderly  government. 
The  Vandals  of  Africa,  remaining  barbarous,  persecuted  and  op- 
pressed their  Roman  subjects,  while  in  northern  Gaul  the  Franks 
were  still  pagan,  little  touched  by  the  civilization  of  Rome.  The 
An'gles  and  the  Sax'ons,  who  were  already  invading  Britain,  and  of 
whom  we  have  yet  to  hear,  were  not  only  pagans,  but  wholly 
ignorant  of  Roman  ways  of  life.  Italy,  as  we  have  seen,  continued 
Roman  till  Odoacer  gave  a  third  of  her  land  to  his  German  soldiers. 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  easy  to  understand  why  all  the  West 
was  in  confusion  and  conflict,  —  each  invading  race  against  the  other, 
German  against  Roman,  pagan  against  Christian,  and  Arian  against 
Catholic.  In  this  chapter  we  shall  see  how  chaos  gradually  gave 
way  to  order,  and  how  the  various  conflicting  forces  finally  har- 
monized in  one  civilization,  one  rehgion,  and  one  empire. 

Extending  along  the  ancient  frontier  on  the  north,  just  outside  the  empire, 
a  line  of  barbarous  races  pressed  upon  the  heels  of  their  kinsmen  who  had  crossed 
the  border.  On  the  shore  of  the  North  Sea  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe  were 
the  P>is'i-ans,  farther  south  the  Thu-rin'gi-ans  and  the  Alemanni.  Eastward 
along  the  Danube  were  the  Ru'gi-ans,  Lombards,  and  Gep'i-dae  in  order,  and 
beyond  them  the  Slavs.  "All  these  tribes,  like  their  brethren  who  had  gone 
before  them,  were  showing  a  general  tendency  to  press  west  and  south,,  and  take 
their  share  in  the  plunder  of  the  dismembered  empire."  Oman,  European  His- 
tory, p.  6. 

445 


446 


The  New  German  States 


351.  The  Ostrogoths  or  East- Goths ;  Theodoric  the  Great  (476- 
526  A.D.).  —  The  first  of  the  great  forces  which  helped  bring  about 
this  change  was  the  East-Gothic  nation.  When  Attila  died,  it  threw 
off  the  Hunnish  yoke,^  and   settled  in    Moesia   as    an    ally  of  the 


EUROPE 

About  525 

SCALE  OF  MILES 
6        100      200       '300     400 

b 


4p     'Tangitude  East  JrOiA  Qreentrirh 


l,r«.«,iCo.,N.r. 


emperor  at  Constantinople.  Between  these  barbarians  and  the  em- 
peror there  was  much  trouble,  which  ended  in  their  migration  to 
Italy. 

The  leader  of  the  movement  was  Theodoric,  known  as  the  Great, 
1  §§  341,  348. 


Church  of  San  Apollinare  Nuovo,  Ravenna 

(Built  by  Theodoric.) 


Theodoric  447 

the  ablest  and  most  statesmanlike  of  all  the  German  chieftains  whom 
we  have  thus  far  met.  He  brought  his  entire  nation,  women  and 
children  as  well  as  warriors,  over  the  Alps,  and  fought  three  battles 
with  Odoacer.  After  conquering  his  opponent,  he  put  him  to  death, 
and  then  proceeded  to  take  another  third  of  the  land  of  Italy  from 
the  owners  to  give  to  his  men. 

Here  his  violence  ceased ;  the  conqueror  became  the  statesman. 
His  just  laws,  borrowed  from  the  Roman  code,  reconciled  the  native 
Italians  to  their  new  German  neighbors.  While  he  himself  remained 
master  of  all,  he  employed  his  Goths  for  war,  the  educated  Romans 
as  advisers,  and  the  Italian  commons  for  the  humbler  works  of 
peace.  With  remarkable  tact  he  adapted  himself  to  his  new  position 
as  king  of  Italy.  Though  he  could  neither  read  nor  write,  he 
encouraged  education  ;  a  barbarian,  he  yet  appreciated  the  value  of 
Roman  law  and  civilization ;  an  Arian,  he  tolerated  the  orthodox 
Catholics.  In  this  way  he  aimed  to  reduce  the  various  classes  of 
his  subjects  to  order  and  harmony.  Under  him  Italy  was  secure 
from  invasion,  and  more  prosperous  than  she  had  been  for  centuries. 
The  great  cities  could  now  repair  their  decayed  public  works  and 
erect  new  ones.  Among  the  king's  buildings  in  Ra-ven'na,  his  capital, 
was  a  beautiful  church  in  the  style  of  a  basilica,  which  is  still 
standing. 

His  influence  was  felt  outside  of  Italy :  on  the  one  hand,  he  con- 
tinued subject  in  name  to  the  emperor  in  Constantinople;  on  the 
other,  he  connected  himself  by  marriages  of  his  relatives  with  most 
of  the  German  kings  of  the  West.  By  such  means  he  brought  the 
warring  races  of  the  broken  empire  into  some  degree  of  friendly 
relation,  which  crudely  foreshadowed  the  present  state-system  of 
Europe. 

In  his  later  years,  however,  there  were  intrigues  to  rid  Italy  of  the 
Goths  and  to  bring  the  country  under  the  emperor.  This  trouble 
led  Theodoric  to  put  to  death  on  a  charge  of  conspiracy  the  two 
most  eminent  men  of  his  court,  —  Bo-e'thi-us,  the  renowned  philoso- 


448  The  New  German  States 

pher,  and  Sym'ma-chus,  also  a  noted  scholar.  Suspecting  the  pope 
of  disloyalty,  the  king  threw  him  into  prison,  where  he  soon  died. 
Theodoric  himself  did  not  long  survive  his  victims.  Thus  a  glorious 
reign  ended  in  sadness;  and  no  one  after  Theodoric  was  able  to 
carry  on  his  great  work. 

352.  Justinian  (527-565  A.D.)  ;  his  Wars. — In  the  year  after 
Theodoric's  death  Jus-tin'i-an  became  emperor  at  Constantinople. 
Though  his  ancestors  were  rude  peasants,  he  received,  in  addition 
to  great  natural  ability,  the  best  education  which  the  Eastern  capital 
afforded. 

His  ambition  was  "to  restore  the  grandeur  of  the  empire"  by 
legislation,  by  great  public  works,  and  especially  by  conquering  the 
German  kingdoms  of  the  West.  He  had  the  rare  faculty  of  choosing 
the  most  competent  person  for  each  special  service.  His  wife,  the 
empress  The-o-do'ra,  was  a  brilliant  woman  who  increased  the 
splendor  of  the  court  while  she  tyrannized  over  nobles  and  magis- 
trates. At  the  same  time  she  was  charitable  to  the  poor ;  and  once 
in  a  riot  her  firmness  saved  the  throne  for  her  husband.  So  in 
Bel-i-sa'ri-us  the  emperor  found  a  commander  of  remarkable  genius, 
well  qualified  to  lead  in  the  work  of  conquest.  This  general  sub- 
dued the  Vandals  of  Africa  in  one  short  campaign  (533-534  a.d.)  ; 
for  after  the  death  of  Gaiseric  they  had  declined,  and  their  Roman 
subjects  welcomed  the  army  of  the  East  as  a  deliverer  from  oppres- 
sion. 

Next  year  Belisarius  attacked  the  Ostrogothic  kingdom,  which 
included  Sicily  as  well  as  Italy.  He  met  with  little  opposition  till 
he  had  entered  Rome.  There  the  Goths  besieged  him  for  a  year ; 
meantime  Wit'i-gis,  their  king,  cut  off  the  water  supply,  so  that  Rome 
lacked  pure  water  till  some  of  the  aqueducts  were  restored  a  thou- 
sand years  afterward.  When  the  siege  was  at  length  raised,  Belisa- 
rius, on  his  part,  found  it  difficult  to  take  the  strong  cities  of  northern 
Italy.  By  negotiation,  however,  he  finally  secured  possession  of  the 
king  and  of  the  entire  country.     As  the  Roman  rule  was  oppressive, 


Justinian  449 

the  Goths  immediately  revolted ;  but  after  a  long,  fierce  struggle 
(540-553  A.D.)  the  remnant  of  their  number  bade  farewell  to  Italy 
and  dispersed  among  various  barbarian  tribes.  The  peninsula  came 
wholly  under  the  emperor,  and  was  governed  for  him  by  an  officer 
termed  ex^arch  whose  capital  was  Ravenna.  Still  later,  Justinian 
gained  a  foothold  in  southeastern  Spain,  but  failed  to  conquer  the 
entire  West-Gothic  kingdom. 

While  the  emperor  was  subduing  Italy  he  was  struggling  to  protect 
the  empire  from  the  Persians^  who  were  as  mighty  as  ever.  More 
than  once  he  had  to  purchase  peace  by  the  payment  of  tribute.  It 
was  well  for  Europe,  however,  that  he  was  able  to  accomplish  even 
that;  and  we  should  never  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  German 
nations  were  free  to  work  out  the  destiny  of  the  continent  only 
because  the  empire  formed  their  bulwark  against  the  powers  of  Asia. 
Such  it  continued  to  be  for  hundreds  of  years  longer,  till  Constanti- 
nople fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks  (1453  a.d.). 

The  legal  adviser  of  Belisarius  in  his  campaigns  was  a  Greek  named  Pro- 
co' pi-US,  who  wrote  an  admirable  history  of  the  wars  —  De  Bellis  —  of  Justinian. 
Though  this  work  shows  due  respect  for  the  emperor  and  empress,  it  is  evident 
that  in  his  heart  the  author  disapproved  their  character.  In  his  later  years, 
accordingly,  he  composed  a  secret  history  —  An-ec'do-ta  —  of  the  scandals  and 
immoralities  of  the  imperial  court,  whose  corruption  his  anger  and  disgust 
exaggerated.  This  last  work  did  not  come  to  light  till  after  the  author's 
death.  • 

353.  Justinian's  Internal  Improvements.  —  Like  the  earlier  Ro- 
man emperors,  Justinian  was  a  great  builder  of  roads,  fortifications, 
aqueducts,  and  other  pubhc  works.  The  most  splendid  of  his  many 
churches  was  the  dome-covered  cathedral  of  St.  Sophia,  now  a 
mosque.  In  his  reign  two  Christian  missionaries  brought  eggs  of 
the  silk-worm  from  China  to  Constantinople,  and  taught  the  Euro- 
peans the  culture  of  silk.  Agriculture,  commerce,  and  the  skilled 
industries  still  flourished  throughout  the  empire ;  but  the  produce 
went  to  support  the  oppressive  Church,  State,  and  army.  Justinian 
is  most   noted,  however,  as  the   emperor  who  finally  codified   the 

3G 


450 


The  New  German  States 


Roman  law.  Under  his  authority  Tri-bo'ni-an,  an  eminent  jurist, 
aided  by  several  associates,  drew  up  first  the  Code,  containing  twelve 
books  of  statutes,  and  second  the  Digest,  which  summarized  the 
legal  decisions  of  all  the  most  learned  lawyers.  To  these  they 
added  a  third  work,  the  histitutes,  a  treatise  on  the  principles  of  law 
for  the  use  of  students.  These  writings  together  form  the  Civil  Law, 
the  most  precious  gift  of  Rome  to  the  modern  world. 

In  Justinian  we  find  another  factor  which  made  for  law  and  order 


Cathedral  of  St.  Sophia,  Constantinople 
(Built  by  Justinian) 

throughout  the  world.  Especially  his  conquests  brought  the  Western 
nations  into  closer  contact  with  Roman  civilization,  and  further 
impressed  upon  the  minds  of  the  Germans  that  they,  too,  were 
included  in  the  empire. 

354.  The  Lombards  in  Italy  (568-774  A.D.).  — The  rule  of  the 
emperors,  however,  was  financially  too  burdensome  to  be  long 
e"<dured  in  Italy.     For  twelve  years  after  its  conquest  the  peninsula 


The  Lombards  451 

was  governed  by  Nar'ses,  an  ambitious  man,  whose  public  improve- 
ments weighed  heavily  upon  the  taxpayers.  The  story  is  that  when 
the  Italians  grew  weary  of  his  rule,  and  the  successor  of  Justinian 
ordered  him,  accordingly,  to  return  to  Constantinople,  he  besought 
the  Lombards  to  save  him  by  invading  the  country.  They  were  a 
German  tribe  who  had  recently  settled  in  Pannonia.  In  reply  to 
the  alleged  invitation,  their  king  Al'boin  led  them  into  Italy.  Though 
warlike  they  seem  to  have  been  few,  so  that  they  never  succeeded  in 
conquering  the  whole  country.  Their  capital  was  Pavia ;  and  the 
district  they  held  in  the  Po  Valley  still  bears  the  name  of  Lombardy. 
Besides  this,  they  occupied  a  territory  in  central  Italy  northeast  of 
Rome,  and  another  in  the  south  of  the  peninsula. 

Alboin  did  not  live  long  after  his  conquest  of  Italy.  At  a  banquet  he  once 
bade  Rosamond,  his  wife,  drink  from  a  goblet  made  of  the  skull  of  her  own 
father,  whom  the  Lombard  king  had  killed  in  battle.  She  obeyed,  but  afterward 
had  him  murdered.  Becoming  the  wife  of  one  of  the  assassins,  she  gave  her 
second  husband  poisoned  liquor,  and  he,  discovering  the  treachery,  compelled 
her  to  finish  the  fatal  draught.  The  annals  of  the  German  invaders  abound  in 
such  stories  of  intrigue  and  violence. 

Lacking  a  strong  central  government,  the  Lombards  soon  divided 
into  a  number  of  duchies,  whose  dukes  were  constantly  fighting 
against  one  another,  against  the  king,  —  when  they  had  one, — and 
against  the  still  unconquered  districts.  The  Italians  feared  and 
hated  them,  for  they  were  far  harsher  and  more  bdrbarous  than  the 
Goths  had  been ;  in  fact,  it  was  only  with  the  lapse  of  centuries  that 
they  gained  some  degree  of  Roman  refinement. 

Meantime  their  occupation  of  Italy  had  a  far-reaching  effect  upon 
the  history  of  the  peninsula  and  of  Europe.  Their  possessions  were 
so  distributed  as  to  leave  the  unconquered  territory  cut  up  into 
duchies  of  varying  size,  with  scarcely  any  means  of  communication 
with  one  another.  Though  these  duchies  still  looked  to  the  emperor 
as  their  sovereign,  most  of  them  were  practically  independent. 
Thus  the  Lombard  invasion  destroyed  the  unity  of  Italy.  In  time, 
the  country  fell  into  a  condition  somewhat   Hke   that   of  anciqt-t 


452  The  New  Germa^t  States 

Greece,  with  her  brilliant  independent  cities,  jealous  of  one  another 
and  constantly  at  war.  It  is  only  in  recent  years  that  Italy  has 
become  completely,  and  we  may  hope  permanently,  united  and 
free. 

As  a  second  result  of  the  Lombard  conquest,  the  pope  of  Rotne, 
isolated  from  the  exarch  of  Ravenna  and  from  the  emperor  in  the 
East,  began  to  acquire,  in  addition  to  his  priesthood,  the  character 
of  a  political  ruler.  The  possessions  of  the  papal  office,  or  see, 
came  to  include,  under  the  title  of  the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter, 
many  estates  throughout  Italy  and  Sicily,  which,  could  they  have 
been  massed  together,  would  have  made  a  considerable  kingdom. 
As  the  administrator  of  the  Patrimony,  the  pope  gained  something 
of  the  power  of  an  earthly,  or  temporal,  prince.  The  man  who  did 
most  to  bring  this  about  was  Gregory  the  Great,  an  eminent  states- 
man as  well  as  priest,  who  became  pope  in  590  a.d.  We  shall  see 
how,  many  years  later,  the  pope  was  made  wholly  independent  of 
the  Eastern  emperor,  and  how  his  temporal  power  was  greatly 
increased  and  placed  on  a  lasting  basis  by  the  favor  of  a  Frankish 
king.^ 

355.  The  Anglo-Saxons  in  Britain  (beginning  449  A.D.). — Before 
beginning  the  story  of  the  Franks,  it  is  necessary  to  learn  something 
of  the  conquest  of  Britain  by  the  Angles  and  the  Saxons.  Though 
Roman  civiHzation  and  Christianity  took  no  deep  hold  upon  this 
island,  the  yoke  of  Rome  had  made  the  Celtic  population  weak  and 
cowardly.  Hence,  when  Honorius  recalled  his  troops  from  Britain 
(41 1  A.D.),  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  which  had  been  subject  to 
Rome  could  not  defend  themselves  against  the  barbarians  who 
assailed  them  on  every  side.  Scots  from  Ireland,  Picts  from  Scot- 
land, and  Jute  and  Saxon  pirates  grievously  distressed  them,  and 
threatened,  in  fact,  to  overrun  the  whole  country.  At  length  they 
called  upon  the  Jutes,  a  German  tribe,  to  help  them  against  the 
Picts.     The  defenders  became  conquerors ;  and  their  example  was 

^  §  359. 


Britain  453 

followed  by  their  more  numerous  kinsmen,  the  Angles  and  the 
Saxons,  who  in  time  subdued  and  settled  all  the  Romanized  part 
of  the  island.  The  Britons  who  survived  were  pushed  back  or 
reduced  to  serfdom,  so  that  little  trace  of  them  is  left  in  the  Eng- 
land which  resulted  from  the  conquest ;  on  the  other  hand,  Wales, 
Scotland,  and  Ireland  remained  Celtic.  The  leaders  of  the  invading 
bands  became  kings,  each  of  the  small  district  he  had  subdued. 
In  time  arose  seven  states,  —  the  so-called  Heptarchy,  —  which 
finally  united  in  one  kingdom. 

As  the  Angles  and  the  Saxons,  before  the  conquest,  had  lived  in 
northern  Germany,  far  away  from  the  empire,  they  knew  nothing 
of  Christianity  or  of  Roman  civilization.  Under  them,  therefore, 
Britain  again  became  barbarous  and  pagan.  The  invaders  brought 
to  their  new  home  the  manners  and  institutions  which  had  been 
theirs  in  the  fatherland,  and  from  which  the  English  people  of 
to-day  have  derived  their  government  and  law,  scarcely  touched  by 
the  influence  of  Rome.  As  to  the  religion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
conquerors,  the  case  was  quite  different.  Pope  Gregory  the  Great 
sent  them  missionaries,  and  others  came  to  them  from  Ireland, 
which  had  already  been  Christianized.  As  there  was  some  differ- 
ence between  the  Irish  and  Roman  churches,  strife  ensued,  in 
which  Rome  at  length  triumphed ;  so  that  England  became  subject 
to  the  Roman  church,  acknowledging  the  pope  as  her  supreme 
spiritual  authority.  It  was  no  little  gain  to  the  cause  of  peace  and 
civilization  that  when  Britain  was  forever  broken  from  the  empire, 
religion  reunited  it  to  Rome. 

356.  The  Franks ;  Clovis  (481-51 1  A.D.).  — It  remains  to  follow 
the  story  of  the  Franks. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  a.d.,  when  the  Franks  were 
about  to  enter  upon  their  great  political  career,  they  occupied  both 
banks  of  the  middle  and  lower  Rhine.  Not  given  to  wandering  as 
were  the  other  Germans,  they  had  contented  themselves  with  grad- 
ually extending  their  territory.     We  find  them  divided  into  a  number 


454  ^'^^  New  German  States 

of  tribes,  each  under  a  chief.  One  of  these  petty  sovereigns  was 
CloVis.  His  hfe-work  was  to  be  the  founding  of  a  united  Frankish 
kingdom,  embracing  most  of  Gaul,  together  with  a  part  of  western 
Germany. 

Near  him  were  the  Romans,  who  still  held  a  district  in  northern 
Gaul ;  to  the  southeast  dwelt  the  Burgundians,  and  to  the  south  the 
Visigoths,  whose  territory  included  not  only  a  large  portion  of  Gaul, 
but  most  of  Spain.  The  Vandals  held  Africa ;  and  Theodoric  the 
Ostrogoth  was  soon  to  conquer  Italy.  Such  was  the  condition  of 
southwestern  Europe  at  this  time. 

In  a  battle  at  Soissons  (pron.  Swds-son')  Clovis  conquered  his 
Roman  neighbors  (486  a.d.).  He  then  defeated  the  Burgundians, 
and  made  them  tributary.  In  another  war  he  brought  under  his  rule 
most  of  the  West-Goths  who  lived  in  Gaul.  Many  years  he  was 
engaged  in  these  conquests.  Meantime  he  was  plotting  against  the 
chiefs  of  the  other  Frankish  tribes.  By  having  them  murdered,  one 
after  another,  he  finally  united  in  his  own  hands  the  authority  of  all. 
Thus  through  war  and  intrigue  he  did  much  to  weld  Celts,  Romans, 
and  Germans  into  the  great  Frankish  nation. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  and  his  subjects  were  pagan.  But 
he  married  the  Burgundian  princess  Clo-til'da,  who  chanced  to 
belong  to  the  Roman  church ;  and  when,  somewhat  later,  he  per- 
suaded himself  that  her  God  had  helped  him  win  a  battle,  he  and 
three  thousand  of  his  warriors  were  baptized  into  her  faith.  It 
was  as  an  orthodox  Catholic  that  he  conquered  the  Burgundians 
and  the  Visigoths,  who  were  heretical  Arians.  This  close  alliance 
between  the  Frankish  throne  and  the  orthodox  church  was  to 
have  an  important  effect  upon  the  whole  history  of  the  middle 
ages. 

Clovis  was  a  barbarian;  though  converted  to  Christianity,  he 
remained  treacherous  and  cruel  to  the  end.  Nevertheless,  as  the 
maker  of  a  strong,  influential  nation,  he  did  a  priceless  service  to 
civilization. 


Charles  Martel  455 

357.  The  Merovingians  to  the  Death  of  Dagobert  (511-638  A.D.). 

—  His  descendants,  who  ruled  for  nearly  two  and  a  half  centuries 
after  him,  carried  on  his  work.  They  are  called  Mer-o-vin'gi-ans, 
from  Mer'o-vig,  grandfather  of  Clovis.  For  a  time  the  members  of 
the  dynasty  were  able  and  energetic.  The  kingdom  of  the  Franks 
prospered,  and  several  German  nations  submitted  to  them.  Then 
their  conquests  ceased ;  instead  of  consolidating  the  great  kingdom, 
rival  heirs  to  the  throne  of  Clovis  began  to  murder  one  another  and 
to  waste  the  country  in  civil  war.  Their  cruelty  fills  nearly  a  century 
of  their  country's  history.  Sometimes  the  heirs  divided  the  prov- 
inces among  themselves,  and  again  a  strong  ruler  would  reunite  the 
kingdom.  The  tendency  was  to  a  division  into  three  loosely  con- 
nected states,  —  Aus-tra'si-a,  which  was  thoroughly  German ;  Neus'- 
tri-a,  whose  population  contained  an  influential  Roman  element ;  and 
Burgundy.  The  last  important  Merovingian  king  was  Dag'o-bert, 
whose  reign  ended  in  638.  Thereafter  the  rulers  of  this  dynasty 
were  so  weak  and  worthless  as  to  earn  the  title  of  do-nothing 
kings. 

358.  Charles  Martel  and  the  Mohammedans  (to  732  A.D.).  —  As 
these  rulers  grew  more  and  more  feeble,  the  steward  of  the  royal 
household,  termed  Mayor  of  the  Palace,  gradually  took  the  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs  into  his  own  hands  and  became  prime  minister. 
In  Austrasia  the  position  came  to  be  hereditary  in  a  powerful  family 
known  to  history  as  Car-o-lin'gi-an,  from  Charles  the  Great,  its  most 
illustrious  member.  The  achievement  of  the  early  Carolingians  was 
to  reunite  the  Frankish  nation.  This  work  was  completed  by  Mayor 
Charles,  afterward  surnamed  Mar-tel'.  It  was  an  especially  fortunate 
event,  for  the  Franks  needed  their  combined  strength  against  the 
Mohammedans,  who  had  recently  conquered  Spain  and  were  now 
threatening  all  Europe. 

The  Mohammedans  were  followers  of  Mo-ham'med,  who  was 
born  about  571  a.d.,  in  Mec'ca,  the  holy  city  of  Arabia.  Before  his 
time  the  Arabs  were  idolaters,  but  he  presented  himself  to  them  as 


456  The  New  German  States 

the  prophet  of  the  one  God.  With  a  marvellous  personality  and  a 
deep  knowledge  of  the  religious  and  moral  needs  of  his  people,  he 
wrote  and  spoke  as  one  inspired.  His  writings,  which  afterward 
composed  the  Ko'ran,  he  asserted  to  be  a  revelation  from  God ;  to 
his  followers  they  were  what  the  Bible  was  to  the  Christians.  As  his 
church  grew  strong,  he  proclaimed  that  the  faith  should  be  forced 
upon  unbelievers.  "The  sword,"  he  declared,  "  is  the  key  of  heaven 
and  hell ;  a  drop  of  blood  shed  in  the  cause  of  God,  a  night  spent  in 
arms,  avails  more  than  two  months  of  fasting  and  prayer ;  whosoever 
falls  in  battle,  his  sins  are  forgiven;  at  the  day  of  judgment  his 
wounds  shall  be  resplendent  as  vermilion,  and  odoriferous  as  musk ; 
and  the  loss  of  limbs  shall  be  supplied  by  the  wings  of  angels."  ^ 
Henceforth  his  followers  rapidly  increased.  Some  were  attracted  by 
faith,  others  by  fear,  and  others  by  hope  of  conquest  and  plunder. 
Soon  the  army  of  believers  spread  the  faith  over  Arabia,  Syria,  Persia, 
and  as  far  into  Asia  as  Alexander  the  Great  had  marched.  But  when 
they  tried  to  conquer  the  Roman  empire  in  the  East,  the  walls  of 
Constantinople  withstood  them.  On  the  south  shore  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, however,  they  met  with  little  resistance.  They  conquered 
Egypt,  and  in  the  course  of  the  seventh  century  a.d.  the  entire 
African  coast  to  the  Strait  of  Gi-bral'tar.  Fierce  religious  enthusiasm 
swept  them  impatiently  on.  Early  in  the  eighth  century  they  crossed 
to  Spain  and  readily  overran  the  decayed  kingdom  of  the  Visigoths. 
Their  empire  now  lay  along  the  Mediterranean  in  a  stupendous 
crescent,  whose  horns  threatened  Christian  Europe  east  and  west. 
When  they  invaded  France,  at  first  with  their  usual  success, 
Christianity  seemed  doomed ;  but  a  power  existed  with  which  the 
Saracens^  had  not  reckoned,  —  the  fresh,  manly  nation  of  Franks 
lately  united  under  Mayor  Charles.  At  his  call,  thousands  of  stalwart 
warriors  gathered  to  repel  the  danger.  The  hosts  met  in  battle  near 
Poitiers  (pron.  Pwd-te-a^)  in  732  a.d.  All  day  the  light  cavalry  of 
the  invaders  dashed  in  vain  against  the  immovable  ranks  of  Frankish 
1  Cf.  Gibbon,  Roman  Empire,  ch.  1.  2  jg  ^  the  Mohammedans. 


Pippin  457 

infantry.  The  Mohammedans  lost  vast  numbers,  including  their  able 
commander.  They  saw  at  once  that  they  had  met  their  superiors, 
and  deserting  their  camp  they  retreated  southward.  The  victory 
saved  western  Europe  from  conquest  by  the  Mohammedans ;  though 
they  were  still  able  to  annoy,  they  were  no  longer  dangerous.  To 
Charles,  the  victor,  after  ages  gave  the  name  Martel  —  the  Hammer  — 
in  remembrance  of  his  blows  which  crushed  all  enemies. 

359.  Pippin  (741-768  A.D.).  —  Charles  died  in  741  a.d.,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Pip'pin.  leather  and  son  pursued  the  same 
methods  of  building  up  the  power  of  the  Franks ;  and  we  need  not 
separate  their  work  here.  Outlying  provinces  which  had  revolted 
they  reduced  to  submission ;  they  further  strengthened  the  central 
authority  by  engaging  the  nobles  in  their  service ;  they  brought  the 
churches  of  the  realm  into  one  religious  system,  which,  however,  they 
held  subordinate  to  the  State  ;  and  with  the  aid  of  religion  they 
strove  to  uphft  the  morals  of  their  people. 

Charles  remained  simply  mayor  to  his  death ;  but  Pippin  deposed 
the  royal  Merovingian  puppet,  and  himself  became  king  by  a  double 
ceremony  :  the  Franks  elected  him  in  their  own  fashion,  and  the 
Church  anointed  him  with  holy  oil  according  to  bibHcal  usage. 
Thus  he  ascended  the  throne  with  the  consent  of  the  pope.  In  fact 
the  relations  between  the  papal  see  and  the  Frankish  throne  had 
been  friendly  from  the  days  of  Clovis,  and  now  ripened  into  a  close 
alliance.  Charles  Martel  had  been  asked  for  help  against  the  Lom- 
bards, who  were  besieging  the  pope  in  Rome.  When  another  pope 
found  himself  threatened  by  the  Lombards,  he  called  on  Pippin  for 
aid.  Thereupon  the  king  of  the  Franks  twice  invaded  Italy,  took  from 
the  Lombards  the  country  about  Ravenna,  —  a  territory  they  had 
wrested  from  the  emperor,  —  and  instead  of  restoring  it  to  the  rightful 
owner,  he  placed  it  under  the  rule  of  the  pope.  This  dominion 
came  to  the  pope  in  addition  to  the  actual  landed  property  of  his 
office  included  under  the  term  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  As  he  was 
now  able  to  throw  off  all  allegiance  to  the  emperor,  and  as  the  gift  of 


45  S  The  New  German  States 

Pippin  was  indeed  vast,  this  donation  rather  than  the  earUer  Patri- 
mony ^  is  generally  considered  the  beginning  of  the  pope's  temporal 
power.  The  head  of  the  Church  now  possessed  great  revenues,  an 
army,  and  an  influential  place  among  the  princes  of  this  world.  His 
temporal  power  lasted  till  1870,  when  his  dominions  passed  to  Victor 
Em-man 'u-el,  king  of  Italy. 

360.  Charles  the  Great;  King  of  the  Franks  (768-800  A.D.).— 
Charles,  who  succeeded  his  father  Pippin  in  768,  is  known  to  us  as 
Charles  the  Great  —  Charlemagne  (pron.  Shar-le~man^) .  From  the 
fact  that  he  stamped  his  character  upon  western  Europe,  and  gave 
direction  to  the  current  of  its  history  for  centuries,  we  reckon  him 
among  the  most  eminent  men  of  all  time. 

He  was  a  tall,  strong  man,  with  large,  bright  eyes  and  happy  face. 
A  tireless  worker,  he  attended  in  person  to  all  the  duties  of  govern- 
ment, learned  the  needs  of  his  subjects,  and  saw  that  every  one  had 
justice.  His  ability  in  government  was  directed  by  a  well-considered 
purpose  of  educating  his  people  and  improving  their  religious  and 
moral  condition. 

One  of  his  aims  was  to  round  out  his  kingdom  on  the  east  by  the 
conquest  of  Saxony.  Early  in  his  reign,  accordingly,  he  began  the 
war,  which  lasted  with  many  interruptions  more  than  thirty  years 
(772-803  A.D.).  To  conquer  an  enemy  who  would  not  meet  him  in 
open  fight,  who  loved  freedom  and  kindred  above  every  law  or 
treaty  obligation,  was  a  wearisome  task.  At  length,  however,  it  was 
done ;  the  Saxons  accepted  Christianity  and  the  firm,  just  rule  of 
Charlemagne.  Early  in  the  Saxon  war,  in  an  interval  of  quiet, 
Charlemagne  invaded  Spain  to  support  a  faction  of  Mohammedans 
against  the  central  government  (778  a.d.).  The  campaign  was  a 
failure;  and  while  recrossing  the  Alps  the  army  fell  into  an  ambus- 
cade which  the  mountain  Basques  had  laid  for  it  in  a  gorge  at  Ron- 
ces-val'les.  The  king  lost  his  baggage-train  and  many  men.  Among 
the  officers  killed  was  one  who  under  the  name  of  Ro'land  afterward 

'  §  354. 


Y~'^  Augsburg      ^.-v^^r-^      LorchT^-Zp^-^     ^e'trouell-fO^     k  \^  \  ^  C 

!^KW4  >-°  .231  r   ZZ  A' 

';    MosaburgoP^  ^  \     7  B  '^    *" 

i„.,~-7VcPettau 
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'■■     V  I  I'  II 


Charles  the  Great  459 

became  a  famous  hero  of  romance.  Notwithstanding  the  failure  of 
this  expedition,  later  efforts  pushed  the  Frankish  border  some  dis- 
tance south  of  the  Pyrenees. 

A  few  years  before  the  Spanish  campaign  he  conquered  the 
Lombards,  in  response  to  another  call  of  the  pope  for  -help  against 
them.  Charlemagne  himself  put  on  the  iron  crown  of  Lombardy, 
though  he  still  remained  king  of  the  Franks  (774  a.d.). 

361.  Charles,  Emperor  of  the  Romans  (800-814  A.D.).  —  On 
Christmas   Day,  800  a.d.,  while  he  was   kneeling  at  prayer  in  the 


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The  Iron  Crown  of  Lombardy 

The  inner  circle  of  iron  said  to  have  been  made  from  a  nail  of  the  True  Cross 

(Cathedral  of  Monza) 

Church  of  St.  Peter,  Pope  Leo  III  crowned  him  Emperor  of  the 
Romans.  In  one  sense  this  was  a  revival  of  the  Roman  empire  of 
the  West :  Roman  learning,  law,  and  government  continued  in  it. 
In  another  sense  it  was  Germanic  :  the  dominant  race  was  German  ; 
the  Frankish  nation,  which  had  brought  about  this  union  of  the 
races,  remained  the  most  thoroughly  German  of  all  the  invaders; 


460  The  New  German  States 

much  of  the  strength,  the  vitaHty,  and  the  free  Hfe  of  the  Germans 
animated  this  empire,  at  once  new  and  old.  For  a  capital,  so  far 
as  he  needed  one,  Charlemagne  preferred  Aa'chen,  —  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle',  —  or  some  other  German  city,  to  Rome.  His  heart  was 
German ;  his  mind  only  was  Roman.  In  his  system,  too,  the  idea 
of  Christendom  largely  supplanted  that  of  the  Roman  world.  His 
dominion  was  not  the  same  in  extent  as  the  empire  of  the  West ; 
for  it  left  out  Britain,  most  of  Spain,  all  Africa,  and  a  part  of  Italy ; 
on  the  other  hand,  it  included  Germany,  as  far  at  least  as  the  Elbe, 
—  a  vast  territory  Rome  had  tried  in  vain  to  conquer.  Not  least 
among  his  services,  Charlemagne  so  massed  the  strength  of  the 
Germans  that  they  could  ward  off  the  Slavs  and  the  Turanians,  who 
pressed  upon  them  from  the  east. 

The  most  interesting  feature  of  his  government  was  his  relation  to 
the  pope.  Following  the  example  of  his  forefathers,  Charlemagne 
made  himself  temporal  head  of  the  Church  as  thoroughly  as  of  the 
State.  He  controlled  the  clergy  and  presided  over  the  religious 
councils  which  regulated  sacred  affairs.  The  pope  was  spiritual 
adviser,  whose  religious  sanctions  added  weight  to  the  acts  of  the 
emperor.  Thus  the  Church  was  still  subordinate  to  the  State ;  the 
struggle  for  supremacy  between  the  emperor  and  the  pope  belonged 
to  the  future. 

Though  some  years  after  his  death  his  country  was  divided,  the 
idea  and  the  influence  of  the  etnpire  were  permanent.  Thereafter 
men  held  persistently  to  the  belief  in  a  unity  of  Christian  nations 
under  one  head,  —  this  was  the  controlling  idea  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
Formally  the  empire  of  Charlemagne  continued  till  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte destroyed  it  in  1806,  a  thousand  years  after  its  founding. 

362.  The  Empire  in  the  East  after  Justinian ;  Wars  with  the  Persians 
and  the  Mohammedans  (565-718  A.D.).  —  While  the  German  nations  were 
establishing  themselves  in  the  West,  preparatory  to  their  union  under  Charle- 
magne, the  empire  in  the  East  was  slowly  decaying.  Wars  and  excessive  taxes 
still  weakened  it.  The  barbarians  continued  their  invasions.  Hordes  of  Slavs 
made  their  homes  in  the  provinces  south  of  the  Danube. 


Persians  and  Mohammedans 


461 


Meanwhile  the  Persians  overran  the  eastern  provinces,  and  the  emperors 
could  do  nothing  to  stay  their  advance.  The  crisis  came  in  the  reign  of  Her-a- 
cli'us  (610-641  A.D.).  For  ten  years  after  his  accession  the  Persians  gained 
ground.  They  not  only  held  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  and  Asia  Minor,  but  even 
seized  Jerusalem  and  conquered  Egypt.  The  loss  of  the  rich  valley  of  the  Nile 
seemed  fatal  to  the  empire;  but  the  capture  of  the  holy  city  roused  the  Chris- 
tians to  a  crusade  for  its  recovery.  In  violation  of  court  etiquette,  Her-a-cli'us 
took  the  field  in  person,  and  in  a  succession  of  campaigns  displayed  a  military 
genius  the  empire  had  not  seen  since  Julius  Caesar.  He  recovered  the  lost 
provinces,  and  compelled  Persia  to  sue  for  peace. 

In  the  following  year  the  Mohammedans  first^  assailed  the  empire,  and  at  the 
same  time  attacked  Persia.     Neither  of  the  great  powers  could  withstand  the 


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Persian  Warriors 
(National  Museum,  Naples) 


fierce  onset  of  the  Arabs.  Year  after  year  the  fanatics  of  the  desert  renewed 
their  attacks  in  greater  numbers  and  with  increasing  fury,  till  Persia  was  forever 
humbled,  and  Heraclius,  old  and  feeble  from  sickness,  saw  the  dreaded  enemy 
in  possession  of  Mesopotamia,  Syria,  and  even  Egypt.  After  his  death,  the 
Moslems,  while  sweeping  over  northern  Africa  into  Spain,  advanced  their  empire 
to  the  gates  of  Constantinople.  Early  in  the  eighth  century  a  hundred  thousand 
Mohammedans  marched  to  besiege  the  capital  of  the  empire,  and  a  thousand  of 
their  ships  blockaded  the  Bosporus.  Leo  the  I-sau'ri-an  (717-741  A.D.),  who 
came  to  the  throne  at  this  time,  was  equal  to  the  emergency.  While  his  Greek 
fire  burned  a  great  part  of  their  armada,  he  drove  their  land  forces  back  with 


462  The  New  Germaii  States 

terrible  slaughter.  Thus  Leo  in  718,  as  Charles  Mart  el  fourteen  years  afterward, 
saved  Christendom  from  being  overwhelmed  by  the  Moslems. 

363.  Image -breaking.  —  After  the  victory  I<eo  applied  himself  to  adminis- 
tration. To  purify  the  Christian  religion  from  what  he  considered  superstition, 
he  ordered  all  holy  images  to  be  removed  or  destroyed,  and  all  pictures  on 
church  walls  to  be  obliterated.  Hence  he  is  called  the  first  i-con-o-clas'tic  or 
image-breaking  emperor.  Although  Italy  defied  the  order,  he  enforced  it  against 
great  opposition  throughout  the  East.  The  three  following  rulers,  who  were  of 
his  dynasty,  continued  the  war  alike  upon  the  Saracens  and  upon  images.  This 
zeal  caused  a  rupture  between  the  churches  of  the  East  and  West,  for  the  pope 
of  Rome  and  the  Western  clergy  favored  the  use  of  images.  But  when  the 
empress  Irene  took  the  reins  of  government,  at  first  as  regent  for  her  son  Con- 
stantine  VI,i  she  revived  image-worship.  The  Slavs  and  the  Saracens  ravaged 
her  country,  and  Charlemagne  set  up  a  rival  empire  in  the  West. 

But  her  empire  was  naturally  strong.  Roman  organization,  discipline,  and 
experience  in  administration  accumulated  through  hundreds  of  years,  kept  the 
state  alive  for  centuries  after  Irene,  amid  wars  and  barbarian  invasions :  and  the 
state  on  its  part  preserved  for  the  modern  world  a  remnant  of  the  vast  treasure 
of  ancient  civilization. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  Mohammed.  —  Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  122-126; 
Oilman,  Saracens  {Story  of  the  Nations),  chs.  iv-xx;  Oman,  European  History, 
pp.  213-220;   Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  1. 

II.  Charlemagne.  —  Emerton,  chs.  xiii,  xiv;  Adams,  Growth  of  the  French 
Nation,  ch.  iv  ;  Oman,  European  History,  chs.  xx-xxii ;  Davis,  Charlemagne, 
{Heroes  of  the  Nations). 

1  Constantine  VI,  780-797  ;  Irene,  797-802  a.d. 


Peristyle  of  a  House  in  Pompeii 
(House  of  the  Vetti) 


CHAPTER   XVI 

PRIVATE  AND   SOCIAL   LIFE 

In  the  Late  Republic  and  Early  Empire 

364.  The  Family.  —  The  greatness  of  Rome  in  the  best  days  of 
the  repubUc  was  largely  due  to  the  character  of  the  family.  As  in 
Sparta,  strong,  healthy  children  alone  were  permitted  to  live.  Father  ^ 
and  mother  were  careful  to  train  them  in  the  stern,  simple  virtues 
which  made  good  soldiers  and  great  citizens.  In  the  early  republic 
girls  and  boys  received  all  their  instruction  from  their  parents ;  but 
in  course  of  time  private  schools  were  opened.  After  the  children 
had  learned  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic,  they  advanced  to  the 
study  of  literature,  including  Greek  and  Latin  authors ;  and  finally 
the  boy  was  instructed  in  composition  and  oratory  as  a  preparation 
1  On  the  power  of  the  father,  see  §  222. 
463 


464  Private  and  Social  Life 

for  public  life.  Toward  the  end  of  the  republic  there  were  in 
wealthy  families  educated  slaves  and  paid  rhetoricians  and  philoso- 
phers who  attended  to  the  various  grades  of  instruction  till  the 
youth  was  ready  to  put  the  finishing  touches  to  his  education  in  the 
schools  of  Athens,  Rhodes,  or  some  other  cultured  Hellenic  city. 

The  customs  and  ceremonies  of  marriage  closely  resembled  those 
of  Greece.  Though  early  usage  placed  the  wife  in  the  power  of  her 
husband,  she  went  freely  into  society,  attended  the  theatres  and 
public  games,  taught  her  children,  and  sometimes  aided  her  husband 
in  his  political  career.  Her  position  as  mistress  of  the  household 
commanded  respect  from  the  government  as  well  as  from  society. 

Under  the  empire  the  father  came  to  have  less  power  over  the 
members  of  his  family ;  children  were  treated  more  kindly  at  home 
and  in  school ;  but  the  strict  morality  of  old  Rome  had  disappeared. 
Roman  society  became  thoroughly  corrupt :  men  and  women  sought 
pleasure  not  only  in  extravagant  luxuries,  but  even  in  monstrous 
vices  and  crimes.  Morals  were  probably  at  their  worst  in  the  early 
empire.  In  the  reign  of  Vespasian  society  was  already  growing 
better. 

365.  The  House.  —  The  private  life  of  the  Romans  was  far  more 
secluded  from  public  view  than  ours  is.  The  traveller  who  walks  the 
narrow  streets  of  Pompeii  sees  on  both  sides  plain  walls  with  no  win- 
dows on  the  first  floor.  Two  thousand  years  ago  a  visitor  at  one  of 
these  houses  came  first  to  the  vestibule,  a  narrow  entrance  court  from 
which  a  hall  led  to  the  heavy  oaken  door.  As  the  visitor  approached, 
the  porter,  roused  from  a  nap  in  his  little  lodge,  opened  the  door. 
The  dog  growled,  or  in  place  of  the  living  animal,  the  guest  perhaps 
saw  the  creature  represented  in  mosaic  on  the  pavement,  with  the 
words,  "  Beware  of  the  dog  —  cave  canem  !  " 

The  guest  entered  the  aUri-um,  where  he  found  the  lord  of  the 
house  ready  to  welcome  him.  This  room  was  roofed  over,  with 
the  exception  of  an  opening  in  the  centre,  which  admitted  the  light 
and  through  which  the  rain  poured  into  a  square  basin  in  the  floor. 


The  House 


465 


In  the  middle  of  the  basin  was  a  fountain  adorned  with  beautiful 
reliefs ;  and  the  entire  atrium  was  richly  decorated  with  costly  pillars, 
statues,  paintings,  and  purple  hangings.  On  the  floor  were  fine 
mosaics. 

Adjoining  the  atrium  and  in  various  quarters  of  the  house  were 
dining  rooms  termed  tri-clinH-a,  each  containing  at  least  one  table. 
Three  sides  of  the  table  were  occupied  by  couches  on  which  the 


A  Roman  Meal 


luxurious  Romans  recHned  while  eating  their  sumptuous  repasts.  A 
board  on  the  fourth  sfde  held  the  costly  vases  and  curiosities  of  the 
proprietor ;  and  the  whole  room  was  lavishly  adorned  with  works  of 
art. 

The  per'i-style  was  an  inner  court  planted  with  trees  and  flowers, 
and  surrounded  by  a  colonnade.  Round  this  court  were  the  sleeping 
rooms  and  other  private  apartments  of  the  women,  whereas  those  of 
the  men  were  grouped  about  the  atrium.  There  were  also  a  kitchen, 
bathrooms,  and  sometimes  a  library.     This  description  applies  to  the 


466 


Private  and  Social  Life 


first  floor.     The  upper  rooms  are  no't  so  well  known,  and  they  were 
certainly  less  attractive. 

366.  The  Slaves.  —  The  care  of  a  lordly  residence  required  the 
service  of  a  multitude  of  slaves.  Many  were  needed  to  admit  the 
guests,  many  to  care  for  the  baths,  bedrooms,  kitchen,  and  dining 
rooms,  as  well  as  for  the  personal  service  of  the  various  members  of 
the  family.     On  going  out  the  master  or  mistress  was  accompanied 


House  Furniture 

(From  Pompeii) 

by  a  throng  of  servants,  whose  number  and  splendid  livery  advertised 
the  rank  and  wealth  of  their  owner.  Other  companies  of  slaves  spun 
wool,  made  clothes,  kept  the  house  in  repair,  and  cared  for  the  sick. 
There  were  some  whose  task  was  to  enforce  order  and  quiet  among 
the  rest. 

As  a  nile  the  master  treated  his  slaves  with  great  cruelty.  For  the 
slightest  offences  he  whipped,  tortured,  or  crucified  them.  In  the 
country  they  often  worked  in  gangs  chained  together,  and  slept  in 
crowded,  filthy  dungeons.      Under  the  empire,  however,  men  and 


Social  Life 


467 


women  gradually  learned  to  treat  their  slaves  with  greater  kindness. 
Claudius  and  other  emperors  after  him  made  laws  to  protect  them, 
till  at  last  they  came  to  be  regarded  as  human  beings.  Con- 
stantine  the  Great  forbade  the  separation  of  slave  families. 

It  often  happened  that  a  slave  won  his  freedom  by  faithful  service 
or  purchased  it  with  his  savings.  He  then  became  a  client  of  his 
former  master,  whose  business  he  usually  helped  manage.  The 
freedmen  formed  a  large,  intelligent 
class,  socially  inferior  to  freemen, 
but  very  enterprising  and  in- 
fluential. 

367.  Social  Life  and  Amuse- 
ments.—  The  imperial  household, 
like  that  of  any  noble,  depended 
on  the  labor  of  slaves  and  freed- 
men. In  the  morning  the  emperor 
received  the  magistrates,  senators, 
courtiers,  and  friends.  In  the  same 
manner  the  nobles  received  their 
clients,  who  if  poor  were  given 
their  daily  allowance  of  twenty-five 
as^ses, — the  equivalent  of  a  dinner ; 
candidates  for  office  came  likewise 
to  ask  for  the  favor  of  the  rich 
man's  influence.  Every  morn- 
ing, accordingly,  the  streets  were 
thronged  with  these  crowds  of  early 
callers.  In  the  afternoon  the  master  of  a  house  entertained  his 
friends  at  dinner,  or  perhaps  accepted  an  invitation  to  dine  out. 
The  banquet  of  the  Romans  resembled  that  of  Greece,  but  was 
far  more  magnificent  and  expensive.  Though  the  wealthy  Romans 
occasionally  attended  the  theatres,  they  preferred  to  spend  their  time 
in  the  public  baths  or  at  the  races  in  the  Circus  Maximus  or  at  the 


Cinerary  Urn 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


468  Private  and  Social  Life 

gladiatorial  fights  in  the  Colosseum.  In  the  hot  season  all  who 
could  afford  it  forsook  the  city,  some  for  their  villas,  others  for  the 
seaside  resorts,  the  most  famous  of  which  was  Bai'ae. 

368.  Death.  —  At  some  time  a  man  had  to  give  up  his  business 
or  pleasure,  and  die.  Kinsmen  and  friends  took  part  in  the  funeral 
procession.  The  dancers,  the  music,  the  acting  of  the  mimes,  whose 
leader  mimicked  the  deceased,  the  waxen  masks  worn  by  persons 
dressed  to  represent  the  ancestors,  the  waihng  of  hired  mourners  — 
all  combined  to  make  the  ceremony  at  once  solemn  and  grotesque. 
A  near  kinsman  pronounced  a  eulogy  on  the  deceased ;  the  corpse 
Was  burned  on  the  funeral  pyre  ;  and  an  urn  containing  the  ashes  was 
deposited  in  the  family  tomb. 

Summary  of  Ancient  History 

Ancient  history  is  a  unit  comprising  three  closely  related  parts,  — 
the  Orient,  Greece,  and  Rome.  It  was  the  task  of  the  Oriental 
peoples  in  the  remote  past  to  make  a  beginning  of  political  organiza- 
tion, of  the  useful  and  fine  arts,  of  all  the  elements  of  civilization. 
Their  work,  as  that  of  beginners,  was  necessarily  imperfect.  The 
Greeks,  improving  upon  their  ideas  and  inventions,  developed  the 
first  European  civilization.  They  excelled  in  industry  and  com- 
merce, in  literature,  art,  and  education,  and  in  the  creation  of  ideals ; 
the  most  valuable  of  all  their  productions  is  the  ideal  of  political  and 
intellectual  liberty.  In  Greece  the  individual  and  the  free  city  reached 
a  many-sided  and  almost  perfect  development.  Falling  at  last  under 
the  power  of  the  Romans,  Greece  led  her  conquerors  captive,  trained 
them  in  her  immortal  ideas,  and  enriched  their  lives  with  her  culture. 
After  taking  these  lessons  of  the  Greeks,  the  Romans  became  teachers 
of  the  European  nations.  Though  they  were  stern  masters,  often 
selfish  and  unscrupulous,  the  training  they  gave  was  most  valuable. 
From  them  Europe  learned  the  arts  of  peace  as  well  as  of  war,  — 
lessons  in  building  good  dwellings  and  substantial  public  works,  in 


Summary  469 

forming  courts  of  justice  and  municipal  governments,  lessons  in  law, 
in  administration,  in  obedience  to  authority,  and  finally  intellectual 
education  and  the  Christian  religion.  As  Rome  grew  old  and  declined 
in  power,  her  influence  extended  and  deepened ;  and  when  she  fell, 
the  heritage  of  her  civilization  and  discipline  passed  equally  to  Romans 
and  Teutons  —  her  children  by  birth  and  adoption.  Grown  to  man- 
hood, these  sons  of  Rome  and  Germania  form  to-day  the  great  family 
of  Christian  nations  in  Europe  and  the  Americas. 

Topics  for  Reading 

I.  The  House.  —  Preston  and  Dodge,  Private  Life  of  the  Romans^  ch.  ii; 
Becker,  Callus,  Scene  ii;  Guhl  and  Koner,  Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans, %  75  f.; 
Mau,  Pompeii,  its  Life  and  Art,  Pt.  ii  (Pompeian  Houses). 

II.  Roman  Dress.  —  Preston  and  Dodge,  ch.  iv;  Becker,  Scene  vi  and  excursus, 
Scene  viii  and  excursus;  Inge,  Society  in  Rome  under  the  Caesars,  pp.  258-262; 
Guhl  and  Koner,  §  95. 

III.  Schools  and  Books.  —  Preston  and  Dodge,  pp.  58-66;  Inge,  pp.  172- 
178;  Thomas,  Roman  Life  under  the  Caesars,  ch.  ix  ;  Church,  Roman  Life  in 
the  Days  of  Cicero,  chs.  i,  ii ;  Becker,  Callus,  Scene  iii  and  excursus  i-iii. 


A  Well-curb 
(Vatican  Museum,  Rome) 


CHIEF   EVENTS   IN   ANCIENT   HISTORY 


(The  great  periods  are  in  italics.     Most  dates  before  looo  B.C.  are  more  or  less  approximate.) 


THE  ORIENT 


B.C. 


4800  First  dynasty  in 
Egypt. 

3800  Sargon,  king  of 
Accad  in  Chal- 
dea. 

2778-2565  Twelfth  dy- 
nasty in  Egypt. 

1587-1328  Eighteenth 
dynasty  in 
Egypt. 


1 1 50  The  H ebrews  con- 
quer Canaan. 

1 125  Tiglath-Pileser  I, 
king  of  Assyria, 

1122-256  Chow  dynas- 
ty in  China. 


1000   Tyre  becomes 
prominent. 


GREECE 


ROME 


1 500-1000  Mycenaean 
Age;  first  pe- 
riod of  coloni- 
zation. 


[  000-700   Epic  Age. 


776^   First  Olympiad. 


753  (0    Founding 
Rome. 


of 


1  This  is  the  point  from  which  the  Greeks  reckoned  time,  as  we  do  from  the 
birth  of  Christ.  An  Olympiad  —  period  of  four  years  —  was  the  period  between 
two  successive  festivals  at  Olympia. 

470 


Events 


471 


THE  ORIENT 


B.C. 


722-705  Sargon,  king 
of  Assyria. 

604-562  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, king  of 
Babylon. 


553-529   CyruSjkingof 
Persia. 


GREECE 


750-550  Second  pe- 
riod of  coloni- 
zation. 


621  Draco  codifies  the 
laws  of  Athens. 

594  Solon  archon  of 
Athens. 

560-5 1 o  Pis  i stratus 
and  his  sons  ty- 
rants of  Athens. 

550  Sparta  head  of 
Peloponnese. 


508 


Cleisthenes 
forms  the 


re- 
gov- 
ernment   of 
Athens. 
499-494   Ionic  revolt. 
490-479   Great  war  between  Greece  and  Persia. 
490   Battle  of  Marathon. 
480   Battle  of  Thermopylae,  of  Artemisium,  of 

Salamis,  and  of  Himera. 
479   Battle  of  Plataea  and  of  Mycale. 

477-454  (?)  Confeder- 
acy of  Delos. 
461-431  Age  of  Peri- 
cles. 
454  (?)  The  Confed- 
eracy of  Delos 
becomes  the 
Athenian  em- 
pire. 


ROME 

B.C. 

753  (?)-509   The  seven 
kings  of  Rome. 


509-264  First  period 
of  the  republic] 
Rome  becomes  su- 
preme in  Italy. 


451-449  The  Decemvirs. 


472 


Chief  Events  in  Ancient  History 


THE  ORIENT 


GREECE 


S.C. 


B.C. 

445 


411 


405 


404 


401 


387 


Thirty  Years' 
Truce  between 
Athens  and 
Sparta. 

431-404  Peloponne- 
sian  War. 

421    Peace  of  Nicias. 

415-413    Sicilian    Ex- 
pedition. 
Rule  of  the  Four 
Hundred     at 
Athens. 
Battle    of    Aegos- 

potami. 
Peace        between 
Athens     and 
Sparta. 

404-371  Supremacy  of 
Sparta. 

404-403   The     Thirty 
at  Athens. 
Expedition  of  Cyrus  the  younger. 

395-387   The      Corin- 
thian War. 
Treaty  of  Antalcidas. 

371    Battle  of  Leuctra. 

371-362  Thebes  at- 
tempts to  lead 
the  Greeks. 

362  Battle  of  Mantin- 
eia;  endofThe- 
ban  greatness. 

359-336  Philip,  king 
of  Macedon. 


338   Battle  of  Chaero- 


ROME 

B.C. 

443  First  censors. 


431  Battle    of    Mt.    Al- 
gidus. 


405  (O-396  Siege    of 
Veil. 


390  Sack    of  Rome  by 
the  Gauls. 


367  The     Licinian-Sex- 
tian  Laws. 


342-341  First     Samnite 

War. 
340-338  Great    Latin 

War. 


THE  ORIENT 


Events 

GREECE 


473 


B.C.  B.C. 

336-323   Alexander, 
333    Battle   of    Issus.  king    of    Mace- 

331    Battle  of  Arbela.         don. 


301   Battle  of  Ipsus. 


ROME 


326-304  Second  Sam- 
nite  War. 

298-290  Third  Samnite 
War. 

287  The  HoFtensian 
Law. 

281-272  War  between 
Rome  and  Taren- 
tum. 

264-133  Second  period 
of  the  republic ; 
the  expansion  of 
Rome  outside  of 
Italy  and  the 
growth  of  plutoc- 
racy, 

264-241  First  Punic 
War. 

218-201  Second  Punic 
War. 

218  Battle  of  the  Ticinus 
and  of  the  Trebia. 

217  Battle  of  Lake  Tras- 
imene. 

216  Battle  of  Cannae. 

207  Battle  of  the  Metau- 
rus. 

202  Battle  of  Zama. 

201  Peace  between 
Rome  and  Car- 
thage. 


474  Chief  Events  in  Ancient  History 

GREECE  AND  ROME 

197  Battle  of  Cynoscephalae. 

198  Battle  of  Magnesia. 
168  Battle  of  Pydna. 

146  The  Romans  destroy  Carthage  and  Corinth. 

ROME 

133  The  Romans  destroy  Numantia  in  Spain. 

I33~27       Third  period  of  the  republic;  the  revolution  from  republic  to 
empire.  ' 

133  Tiberius  Gracchus  tribune  of  the  plebsl 

1.23-122  Gaius  Gracchus  tribune  of  the  plebs.     \ 

91-88  The  Social  War. 

82-79  Sulla  dictator.  , 

63  Cicero  consul ;  the  conspiracy  of  Catilihe. 

58-50  Conquest  of  Gaul. 

48  Battle  of  Phatsalus. 

31  Battle  of  Actium. 

27  B.C. -41  A.D.   Juliaff.  emperors ;  dyarchy. 
T.'j  B.C. -14  A.D.    Augustus  emperor. 

A.D.  j 

9  Overthrow  of  Varus  by  the  Germans.  1 

14-37       Tiberius  emperor.  ■ 

41-96       The  Claudian  and  Flavian  emperor^-,  from  dyarchy  to  mon- 
archy, ; 

41-54  Claudius  empferor.  I 

54-68  Nero  emperor.  \ 

69-79  Vespasian  emperor. 

79  Eruption  of  Vesuvius. 

96-180     The  Good  Emperors  \  limited  monarchy . 

98-117  Trajan  emperor. 

1 17-138  Hadrian  emperor.  , 

1 38-1 61  Antoninus  Pius  emperor. 

1 61-180  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninu?  emperor. 


Events  4y^ 

180-284    From  Co7nmodus  to  Auretian ;  decline  of  the  e?npire ;  growth 

of  absolute  monarchy. 
211-217     Caracalla  emperor;   all  freemen  of  the  empire  become  Roman 

citizens. 
222-235     Alexander  Severus  emperor ;  the  new  Persian  empire  founded. 

284-337     From  Diocletian  to  Constantine ;  reconstruction  of  the  empire  — 

absolute  inotiarchy. 
284-305     Diocletian  emperor. 

313  Edict  of  Milan  granting  the  Christians  toleration. 

324-327     Constantine  sole  emperor. 
325  The  council  of  Nicaea. 

337-476     The  invasions  of  the  barbarians ;  the  dissolution  of  the  empire 

in  the  West. 
376  The  Visigoths  cross  the  Danube. 

395  Division  of  the  empire  between  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  sons  of 

Theodosius. 
408-410     Alaric  besieges  and  plunders  Rome. 
410  The  Vandals  and  Sueves  settle  in  Spain. 

418  The  Visigoths  settle  in  Gaul. 

429  The  Vandals  invade  Africa. 

449  The  Saxons  invade  Britain. 

451  Attila  the  Hun  invades  Gaul;  battle  of  Chalons. 

476  Romulus  "  Augustulus  "  deposed ;  reunion  of  the  East  and  West ; 

Odoacer  patrician  and  king  of  Italy. 

476-800  The  new   Ger?nan  nations  to  the  founding  of  the  empire  of 

Charlemagne. 

493-453  Ostrogothic  kingdom  in  Italy. 

496  Clovis  accepts  Christianity. 

527-565  Justinian  I  emperor. 

568  The  Lombards  invade  Italy. 

610-641  Heraclius  emperor. 

622  Mohammed  flees  from  Mecca  to  Medina  (the  Hegira^). 

711  The  Mohammedans  invade  Spain. 

732  Battle  of  Poitiers  (Tours) . 

768-800  Charles  the  Great  king  of  the  Franks. 

3oo  Charles  the  Great  crowned  emperor  of  the  Romans. 

1  The  date  of  the  Hegira  —  flight  of  Mohammed  —  is  the  point  from  which  the 
Mohammedans  reckon  time. 


INDEX 


(The  numbers  refer  to  the  pages.) 


Aa'chen,  460. 

A 'bra-ham,  28. 

Ab'sa-lom,  29. 

Academy,  229. 

A-car-na'ni-a,  44. 

Ac'cad,  16,  19. 

Ac-ca'di-ans,  see  Sumerians. 

A-chae'a,  A-chae'ans,  46,  53,  243;  colo- 
nies of,  66 ;  alliance  with  Athens,  147 ; 
Achaean  League,  243,  330,  332. 

A-chil'les,  59. 

Ac'ra-gas  (Ag-ri-gen'tum),  67,  taken  by 
Carthaginians,  191. 

A-crop'o-lis  of  Athens,  56 ;  seized  by  Cy- 
lon,  82;  by  Pisistratus,  89;  besieged  by 
Cleomenes,  92;  by  Athenian  commons, 
82,  93 ;  beautified  by  Pericles,  154 ;  Ital- 
ian, 256, 

Ac'ti-um,  battle  of,  375. 

Ad-her'bal,  318. 

A-dras'tus,  56. 

Ae'diles,  plebeian,  301  ;  curule,  309,  342. 

Ae-e'tes,  58. 

Ae-ga'ti-an  Islands,  battle  of  the,  319. 

Ae-ge'an  Sea,  26;  navigation  in,  65;  col- 
onies about,  69 ;  an  Athenian  lake,  147. 

Ae-gi'na,  jealousy  of  Athens,  119;  con- 
quered by  Athens,  145,  147 ;  Aeginetans 
at  Salamis,  130. 

Ae-gos-pot'a-mi,  battle  of,  184. 

Ae-gyp'tus,  53. 

Ae-mil'i-us  (father),  324;  Lucius  A.  Paulus 
(son),  331. 

Ae-ne'as,  265,  387. 

Ae-o'li-ans,  52,  65. 

Ae'qui-ans,  262,  n,  i,  280;  wars  with  Ro- 
mans, 281,  283. 

Aes'chy-lus,  157. 


Aes-cu-la'pi-us,  313. 

Ae'sis  River,  296. 

A-e'ti-us,  438,  441. 

Ae-to'li-a,  43,  242;  Aetolian  League,  243. 

Af 'ri-ca,  Roman  province,  334,  337,  438. 

Ag-a-mem'non,  59,  60. 

Ages,  Stone,  Bronze,  etc.,  i. 

A-ges-i-la'us,  202-205,  209,  213. 

A'gis,  176,  180. 

A-gra'ri-an  Law  of  Cassius,  301 ;  of  Lici- 

nius,  308 ;  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  350. 
Ag-ric'o-la,  398. 
Agrigentum,  see  Acragas. 
A-grip'pa,  375,  386. 
A-grip-pi'na,  393. 
Ah'ri-man,  34. 
A-hu'ra-Maz'da,  34. 
A'lans,  438. 
Al'a-ric,  435-437- 
Al'ba  Lon'ga,  258,  265. 
Al'boin,  451. 
Al-cae'us,  107. 

Al-ci-bi'a-des,  169,  172-175,  179-183. 
Alc-me-on'i-dae,    a    family    (genos)    of 

Athens,  82,  93. 
Al-e-man'ni,  418,  428,  433. 
Al-ex-an'derof  Macedon,  233-240;  ascends 

the  throne,  233  ;    invades  Asia,  234 ;  at 

Arbela,  236 ;  achievements,  239. 
Al-ex-an'dri-a,   founded,  236;    culture  of, 

245-247;  Caesar  in,  370. 
Al'gi-dus,  Mt.,  281,  283. 
Alien  residents  at  Athens,  153,  200. 
Alphabet,    Egyptian,    4;    cuneiform,    18; 

Phoenician,  27;  Chinese,  37. 
Al-phei'us  River,  77. 
Alps  crossed  by  Hannibal,  321. 
A-ma'sis,  7. 


476 


Index 


A77 


Am-bra'ci-ots  defeated,  i66. 

A-men'em-hat'  III,  7. 

Am'mon,  temple  of,  7,  8. 

Am-phic'ty-on,  52. 

Am-phic'ty-o-ny,  see  League,  religious. 

Am-phip'o-lis,  167. 

A-myn'tas,  220. 

An-ab'a-sis  of  Xenophon,  202,  228. 

An-ax-ag'o-ras,  158,  159. 

An'cus  Mar'ti-us,  267. 

An'dro-cles,  180. 

An'gles,  445,  452. 

An'glo-Sax'ons  in  Britain,  452. 

An'i-o  River,  258. 

An-tal'ci-das,  treaty  of,  205,  208. 

An-tig'o-nus,  240. 

An'ti-och,  241. 

An-ti'o-chus  III,  330. 

An-tip'a-ter,  242. 

An'ti-um,  286. 

An-to-ni'nus  Pi'us,  405, 

An'to-ny,  Mark,  370,  373-375- 

An'u,  19. 

Ap'en-nines  Mts.,  263. 

Aph-ro-di'te  (Latin  Venus),  51;  adopted 

by  Romans,  313. 
A'pis,  13. 
A-pol'lo,  51 ;    father  of  Ion,  73 ;  Delphic, 

74-76,  92 ;  adopted  by  Romans,  262, 313. 
Ap'pi-an,  410. 
Ap'pi-an  Way,  290,  311,  379;  Aqueduct, 

311. 
Aq'uae  Sex'ti-ae,  battle  of,  355. 
Aqueduct,  347,  384,  403,  449  ;  of  Pisistratus, 

91;  Appian,  311,  379;  Claudian,  393. 
Aq-ui-lei'a,  442, 
A-ra'bi-a,  15;    home  of  the  Semites,  27; 

Roman  province,  401. 
A-ra'bi-an  Gulf,  15. 
Ar'abs,  2,  n.  i,  27,  455. 
Ar-a-mae'ans,  2,  n.  i,  26,  29. 
A-ra'tus,  243. 
Ar-be'la,  battle  of,  236. 
Ar-ca'di-a,      45;      joins      Peloponnesian 

League,    102;    inhabitants,     102,    213; 

Arcadian  League,  214. 
Ar-ca'di-us,  430,  435. 
Arches,  triumphal,  426. 
Ar-chi-da'mus,  142,  163. 
Ar-chil'o-chus,  107. 
Ar-chi-me'des,  326. 


Architecture,  Egyptian,  5,7,8;  Chaldean 
and  Assyrian,  21-24;  Persian,  32-34; 
early  Greek,  109;  orders  of  Greek,  109, 
155;  under  Pericles,  154-156;  in  Pelo- 
ponnesian War,  187 ;  in  fourth  century, 
230;  Roman,  beginnings,  275,378;  late 
republican,  379;  Augustan,  384-386; 
Flavian,  397;  under  Trajan,  403;  Ha- 
drian, 404  ;  late  imperial,  426,  449. 

Ar'chons  of  Athens,  79,  87,  94;  change  in 
mode  of  appointment,  123;  decline  of, 
123,  150. 

A-re-op'a-gus,  council  of,  79;  fall  of,  142, 
150;  hill  in  Athens,  83. 

A'res  (Latin  Mars),  51. 

Ar-gi-nu'sae,  battle  of,  183. 

Ar'go,  Ar'go-nauts,  voyage  of,  58. 

Ar-gol'ic  Gulf,  46. 

Ar'go-lis,  46;  settlement  of,  53;  League 
of,  76. 

Ar'gos,  46,  140;  head  of  Argolis,  76 ;  war 
with  Sparta,  103;  in  Persian  War,  119, 
126;  alliance  with  Athens,  145,  147,  169. 

A-ri-ad'ne,  57. 

A-rim'i-num,  323,  343. 

A-ri-o-vis'tus,  368. 

Ar-is-tag'o-ras,  115. 

Ar-is-tei'des,  character,  123,  140,  143 ;  op- 
poses Themistocles.  124,  140;  embassy 
to  Sparta,  135 ;  wins  naval  leadership 
for  Athens,  137;  his  assessment,  138. 

Ar-is-toc'ra-cy,  early  Greek,  63;  Athenian, 
79-88 ;    Lacedaemonian,    loi ;    Roman, 

3"- 
Ar-is-to-de'mus,  55. 
Ar-is-to-gei'ton,  91. 
Ar-is-toph'a-nes,  172,  187. 
Ar'is-tot-le,  234,  245. 
A-ri'us,   or  A'ri-us,  423;    Arianism,  423, 

430.  433- 

Ar-me'ni-a,  401. 

Ar-min'i-us,  382. 

Arms,  Greek,  97,  n.  2;  Roman,  276,  285. 

Army,  Egyptian,  11 ;  Assyrian,  21 ;  Per- 
sian, 125;  Athenian,  87,  105,  121,  163, 
204;  Spartan  (Peloponnesian),  99,  105, 
127,  131,  163,  204;  Theban,  210;  Mace- 
donian, 225 ;  Roman,  272 ;  Servian,  276; 
reformed  by  Camillus,  285,  287 ;  by  Ma- 
rius,  355 ;  of  Hannibal,  321. 

Ar-re'ti-um,  323. 


478 


Index 


Art,  Egyptian,  5,  8,  13 ;  Chaldean  and  As- 
syrian, 21-25;  Phoenician,  26;  Persian, 
32-34;  Chinese,  39;  early  Greek,  109; 
under  Pericles,  154-157 ;  in  Peloponne- 
sian  War,  187;  in  fourth  century,  230- 
232;  Hellenistic,  245;  Etruscan,  260; 
Roman,  beginnings  of,  347,  378 ;  late 
republican,  379;  Augustan,  384-386; 
Flavian,  397;  under  the  good  emperors, 
410-412 ;  late  imperial,  426.  See  Archi- 
tecture, Painting,  Sculpture. 

Ar-ta-pher'nes,  120. 

Ar-tax-erx'es  (fourth  century  B.C.),  201, 
205;   (third  century  A. D.),  416. 

Ar'te-mis  (Latin  Diana),  51. 

Ar-te-mis'i-um,  battle  of,  126,  128. 

A'ry-ans.  2,  n.  i,  3,  32,  35,  39,  254. 

As  (Roman  coin),  303,  312,  467. 

As'cu-Ium,  battle  of,  294. 

A'si-a,  Roman  province,  337. 

Asia  Minor,  country  and  people,  16 ;  under 
Roman  protectorate,  330. 

As-pa'si-a,  159. 

Assembly,  prehistoric  Greek,  62;  early 
Athenian,  81 ;  under  Solon,  86,  87 ; 
under  Cleisthenes,  95;  under  Pericles, 
151;  Spartan,  loi,  163;  Roman,  see 
Comitia;  German,  432. 

As'shur,  21. 

As'shur-ban'i-pal,  18. 

As-syr'i-ans,  2,  n.  i;  conquer  Egypt,  9; 
country  of,  15;  supremacy,  17;  political 
organization,  17,  25;  civilization,  18-25; 
cruelty  of  kings,  25. 

As-tar'te,  see  Ishtar, 

Astronomy,  Egyptian,  14;  Chaldean,  24. 

A'taulf,  430,  437. 

Ath-a-na'si-us,  423, 

A-the'na,  Pallas,  51;  goddess  of  Athens, 
57,  155,  157;  of  Boeotian  League,  76; 
altar  on  Athenian  Acropolis,  82 ;  patron 
of  Pisistratus,  89 ;  temples  of,  on  Acropo- 
lis, 158. 

Ath'ens,  heroes  of,  56;  includes  all  Attica, 
76;  kingship  in,  79;  aristocracy,  79-85 ; 
laws  codified,  82;  under  Solon,  85-88; 
under  Pisistratus  and  his  sons,  89-92; 
under  Cleisthenes,  93-95;  joins  Pelo- 
ponnesian  League,  105 ;  in  Ionic  revolt, 
116-118;  in  Persian  War,  120-132;  for- 
tified, 135-137, 140 ;  head  of  Delian  Con- 


federacy, 137-144;  under  Pericles,  145- 
160;  in  Peloponnesian  War,  161-186; 
under  the  Thirty,  200;  in  Corinthian 
War,  203 ;  second  confederacy  of,  208 ; 
at  war  with  Philip,  221-226;  under 
Demosthenes,  222 ;  loses  battle  of  Chae- 
roneia,  227;  ally  of  Rome,  328. 

A'tri-um,  464. 

At'ti-ca,  45  ;  united  under  Athens,  76;  in- 
vaded by  Peloponnesians,  104,  163. 

At'ti-la,  441-443. 

Au'fi-dus  River,  324. 

Au'gurs,  Au'spi-ces,  275. 

Au-gus'tine,  St.,  436. 

Au-gus'tu-lus,  431. 

Au-gus'tus,  375,  381-389 ;  provinces  under, 
382 ;  public  works,  384-387 ;  literature, 
388;  imperial  title,  375,  405,  420,  431, 
444 ;  see  Octavius. 

Au'lis,  59. 

Au-re'ii-an,  418. 

Au-re'li-us,  Marcus,  405-409,  410.- 

Aus-tra'si-a,  455. 

Av'en-tine  Mt.,  276. 

A-ves'ta,  35. 

Bab'y-lon,  16,  31 ;  conquered  by  Assyria, 

17;  supremacy,  18;   civilization,  18-25; 

rebuilt  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  23 ;    yields 

to  Alexander,  238. 
Bac'chus,  347. 
Bac'tri-a,  238. 
Bai'ae,  468. 
Bal-lis'ta,  193. 

Banquet,  Athenian,  251 ;  Roman,  467, 
Ba-sil'i-ca,  Julian,  385;    of    Constantine, 

426. 
Basques,  458. 
Bel,  19;  temple  of,  24. 
Bel'gi-ans,  368. 
Bel-i-sa'ri-us,  448, 
Bel-shaz'zar,  31. 
Ben-e-ven'tum,  battle  of,  294. 
Ben'ja-min,  tribe  of,  28. 
Bible,  19,  30,  246,  433. 
Bishop,  422. 
Bi-thyn'i-a,  330,  364. 
Black  Sea  (Eux'ine),  69. 
Blan-di'na,  409. 
Boe'o-tarchs,  208. 
Boe-o'ti-a,  44,  55;   ally  of  Lacedaemon, 


Index 


479 


163;  overrun  by  Phocians,  222;  Boeo- 
tian League,  76,  146, 

Bo-e'thi-us,  448. 

Bon'i-face,  438. 

Bos'po-rus,  69;  bridged  by  Darius,  114. 

Bou-le',  see  Council,  Greek. 

Boy,  Spartan,  98  ;  Athenian,  248  ;  Roman, 
463 ;  see  Children. 

Bras'i-das,  167. 

Bren'nus,  284. 

Britain,  tin  from,  27 ;  conquered  by  Romans, 
369,  393,  398 ;  fortified,  404 ;  abandoned 
by  Romans,  435,  452 ;  settled  by  Anglo- 
Saxons,  452. 

Brotherhoods  (phratries),  Greek,  73,  80; 
(curiae)  Roman,  271. 

Bru'tus,  Lucius  Junius,  269;  Marcus,  373. 

Bud'dha,  37,  38. 

Bur-gun'di-ans,  440,  454. 

Bur'rus,  393. 

By-zan'ti-um  (Constantinople),  founded, 
69 ;  siege  of,  137  ;  revolt  of,  221 ;  capital 
of  Roman  empire,  424. 

Cad-mei'a,  205. 

Cad'mus,  55. 

Cae'li-an  Hill,  267. 

Cae're,  286. 

Cae'sar,  367,  373  ;  conquers  Gaul,  368  ;  at 

war  with  Pompey,  370;  his  government, 

372 ;  writings,  377  ;  imperial  title,  390, 420. 
Cal-e-do'ni-a  (Scotland),  398. 
Ca-lig'u-la,  390. 
Cal-li'nus,  106. 
Cam-a-ri'na,  192. 
Cam-bu'ni-an  Mts.,  43. 
Cam-by'ses,  32,  114,  125. 
Ca-mil'lus,  283-286. 
Cam-pa'ni-a,  260,  263,  287;  under  Rome, 

288. 
Cam 'pus  Mar'ti-us,  299,  386. 
Ca'naan,  26;  conquest  of,  27  ;  promised  to 

Abraham,  28. 
Can'nae,  battle  of,  324. 
Can-u-lei'us,  law  of,  305. 
Cap'i-to-line  Mt.,  269,  275. 
Cap'ri,  390. 
Cap'u-a,  287,  325. 
Car-a-cal'la,  415. 
Ca'ri-a,  Ca'ri-ans,  66,  138,  147. 
Car-o-lin'gi-ans,  455. 


Car'thage,  founded,  27;  colonies  of,  in 
Sicily,  68;  war  in  Sicily,  132,  191-197; 
treaty  with  Rome,  280,  319,  328;  great 
power,  280,  296,  315 ;  first  war  with 
Rome,  315-319;  second,  321-328  ;  third, 
332-334 ;  destroyed,  334 ;  again  flourish- 
ing. 439- 

Cas-san'der,  240. 

Cas'si-us,  Spurius,  280,  301 ;  Quintus,  370; 
Caius,  373,  374;  Avidius,  406. 

Castes  of  India,  36;  see  Ranks,  Social. 

Cat'a-na,  175. 

Cat'i-Iine,  365. 

Ca'to,  the  Elder  (censor),  332,  345-347; 
the  Younger,  371. 

Ca-tul'lus,  378. 

Cat'u-lus  (third  century) ,  319 ;  colleague  of 
Marius,  355. 

Cau-cas'i-an  race,  2. 

Cau'dine  Pass,  289. 

Cavalry,  Athenian,  87 ;  Thessalian,  146, 
293;  Boeotian,  210;  Macedonian,  225; 
Roman,  272,  285;  Aetolian,  329;  see 
Knights. 

Ce-cil'i-a  Me-tel'la,  379. 

Ce-cro'pi-a,  Ce'crops,  56,  57. 

Celts,  2,  n.  I ;  see  Gauls. 

Cen'sors,  306,  341,  343,  346;  under  Augus- 
tus, 383. 

Census,  Greek,  81,  87,  94;   Roman,  276. 

Cen'taur,  58. 

Centuries,  in  Roman  army,  277 ;  in  assem- 
bly, 299. 

Cen-tu'ri-on,  300,  n.  3. 

Ce-phis'sus  River  (Attic),  45;  in  Phocis 
and  Boeotia,  44. 

Cer'be-rus,  50,  55. 

Chae-ro-nei'a,  battle  of,  226. 

Chal-cid'i-ce,  described,  69;  invaded  by 
Brasidas,  167 ;  ally  ot  Philip,  222;  towns 
of,  destroyed,  224;  Chalcidic  League, 
205,  221. 

Chal'cis,  colonies  of,  67,  69 ;  joins  Sparta 
against  Athens,  104. 

Chal-de'a,  Chal-de'ans,  2,  n.  i,  15 ;  suprem- 
acy of,  16 ;  civilization,  18-25. 

Cha-lons',  battle  of,  441. 

Cham-pol'li-on  {Sham-),^. 

Charles  Mar-tel',  455-457;  the  Great 
(Char-le-magne'),  458-460. 

Cha'ron,  50. 


48o 


Index 


Cher-so-nese',  114. 

Chi  Hwang-ti,  38. 

Children,  Greek,  204;  in  Roman  empire, 
403,  405,  464. 

Chi'na,  Chinese,  2,  37-39. 

Chi'os,  65;  ally  of  Athens,  148,  163;  rovolt 
of,  179,  221. 

Chorus,  Greek,  108. 

Chow  Dy'nas-ty,  37. 

Christ  (Messiah) ,  30,  389,  396,  423. 

Christianity,  39;  publicly  recognized,  422; 
opposed  by  Julian,  429;  see  word  below. 

Christians,  in  the  empire,  395,  407-409; 
under  Constanline,  422-424,  425. 

Chry-sos'tom,  John,  430. 

Church,  Christian, 408;  organization  of,  422, 

Cic'e-ro,  365-367,  373 ;  his  writings,  378. 

Ci-li'ci-a,  72,  364. 

Cim'bri,  355,  359.   • 

Ci-min'i-an  Hill,  283;  Forest,  287,  290. 

Ci'mon,  123,  137;  Age  of,  135-144;  lead- 
ing admiral,  138;  ostracism,  144;  in 
politics,  140,  142;  character,  143,  144, 
147 ;  his  death,  147. 

Cin-cin-na'tus,  281. 

Cin'e-as,  293. 

Cin'na,  359. 

Cir'cus  Max'i-mus,  276. 

Cis-al'pine  Gaul,  334,  367. 

Ci-thae'ron  Mt.,  45,  129. 

Citizenship  at  Athens,  152,  153;  Roman, 
277,  286,  288,  338;  given  the  Italians, 
357 ;  the  provincials,  372,  392,  416. 

City-state  {po'lis),  sacred  hearth  of,  71; 
religion,  71,  73;  organization,  73;  su- 
premacy of,  ended,  218;  Italian,  256; 
limitations  of,  336. 

Civil  service,  Chinese,  38 ;  Roman,  405, 

Civilization,  earliest,  i ;  Egyptian,  4,  9-14; 
Oriental,  9;  Chaldean  and  Assyrian, 
18-25;  Phoenician,  26;  Hebrew,  29-31; 
Persian,  32-35;  Hindoo,  36;  Chinese, 
37-39  i  Prehistoric  Greek,  49-51,  61-64; 
Ionian,  112;  Asiatic  and  European,  con- 
trasted, 122;  Athenian,  under  Cimon, 
144;  under  Pericles,  154-160;  in  fourth 
century,  227,  232,  245 ;  Hellenistic,  239, 
245-247;  Etruscan,  260;  Italian,  255; 
early  Roman,  270-279,  312-314,  347; 
imperial,  384-389,  399,  407-412;  Ger- 
man, 431-433- 


Classes,  census,  at  Athens,  81,  87,  94;  at 
Rome,  276;  in  comitia  centuriata,  299. 
See  Ranks,  Social. 

Claudius,  Appius  C.  Caecus,  290,  293,  311 ; 
Appius  (decemvir),  303;  Publius,  318; 
emperor,  392. 

Cla-zom'e-nae,  205. 

Cleis'the-nes,  92-95. 

Cle-om'e-nes  (sixth  century),  92,  104,  115; 
the  reformer,  244. 

Cle'on,  164-168. 

Cle-o-pa'tra,  371,  375. 

Client,  272,  300,  302,  340,  348,  353,  467. 

Clo-a'ca  Max'i-nia,  275. 

Clo-til'da,  454. 

Clo'vis,  454. 

Cly-tem-nes'tra,  60. 

Cni'dus,  battle  off,  204. 

Cnos'sus,  57. 

Co'drus,  79. 

Coinage,  of  Athens,  88  ;  of  Rome,  312. 

Col'chis,  58. 

Col-la-ti'nus,  Tar-quin'i-us,  269. 

College,  Roman,  269,  272,  309,  n.  2. 

Col'line  Gate,  battle  of  the,  360. 

Co-lo'ni,  424. 

Colonies,  Phoenician,  27,  68;  Greek,  42; 
before  1000,  65;  Achaean  and  Locrian, 
66;  Ionic  and  Doric,  67;  organization 
of,  71 ;  Athenian,  105  ;  Alexander's,  239 ; 
Seleucid,  241 ;  Roman,  286,  294;  Latin, 
286,  295,  325;  of  G.  Gracchus,  353; 
Augustan,  384. 

Col-os-se'um,  397. 

Co-mi'ti-a  (assembly),  300,  341;  curiata, 
272,  299;  centuriata,  298-300,  310,  343, 
361 ;  tributa,  302,  304,  310,  356,  361. 

Co-mi'ti-um,  272,  276. 

Commerce,  Egyptian,  4;  Syrian,  13;  be- 
tween Asia  and  Europe,  16,  26;  Baby- 
lonian, 25;  Phoenician,  26;  Hebrew,  30; 
prehistoric  Greek,  62 ;  Ionian,  66;  Mas- 
salian,7o;  Athenian,  88, 137,  171 ;  Lace- 
daemonian, 97;  Roman,  270,  304,  311; 
among  provinces,  338. 

Com'mo-dus.  413. 

Commons,  Egyptian,  9;  Hindoo,  36;  pre- 
historic Greek,  62;  Athenian,  81,  83,  88, 
94 ;  in  Athenian  empire,  149,  165 ;  Etrus- 
can, 260;  Alban,  267;  Roman,  see  Ple- 
beians, 


Index 


481 


Con-cor'di-a,  temple  of,  310. 

Confederacy  of  De'los,  see  Delos,  Con- 
federacy of;  Athenian  maritime  (fourth 
century),  208. 

Con-fu'ci-us,  37. 

Congress,  Peloponnesian,  103,  162,  185; 
Hellenic,  126,  233. 

Co'non,  185,  203. 

Conservatives  at  Athens,  124, 140, 146, 149. 

Con'stan-tine  the  Great,  421-425,  426 ;  sons 
of,  428. 

Con-stan-ti-no'ple,  see  Byzantium. 

Con-stan'ti-us  Chlo'rus,  420,  422. 

Constitution,  see  Government. 

Con'suls,  270,  280,  297 ;  under  Augustus, 
383  ;  under  Trajan,  402. 

Convention,  Hellenic  Peace,  208. 

Co-pa'is,  Lake,  44. 

Cor-cy'ra,  161,  173. 

Cor-cy-rae'ans,  in  Persian  War,  126,  133 ; 
navy  of,  162. 

Cor-fin'i-um,  357. 

Cor'inth,  46 ;  colonies  of,  67, 69 ;  joins  Pel- 
oponnesian League,  103  ;  favors  Athens, 
104, 150 ;  war  with  Athens,  145  ;  and  Cor- 
cyra,  161 ;  incites  Sparta  against  Athens, 
162, 185  ;  war  with  Sparta,  203 ;  destroyed 
by  Rome,  332. 

Cor-in'thi-an  War,  203-206. 

Cor-ne'li-a,  349,  354. 

Cor'si-ca,  319,  335,  n.  i,  337. 

Cos,  221. 

Council,  Greek  (Bou-le'),  prehistoric,  62; 
of  Areopagus,  79,  80,  83,  87,  94 ;  of  Four 
Hundred  and  One,  81;  of  Four  Hun- 
dred, 86,  87,  93;  of  Five  Hundred,  94, 
151,  182;  Spartan,  10 1 ;  of  Nicaea,  423; 
German,  432.    See  Senate,  Roman. 

Count,  Roman,  421. 

Courts  of  Homicide  at  Athens,  83 ;  popu- 
lar supreme  (Hel-i-ae'a),  86,  87,  95,  150. 

Cras'sus,  363,  367,  369. 

Cres-phon'tes,  55. 

Crete,  27,  57. 

Cri-mi'sus  River,  battle  of  the,  196. 

Cri'sa,  44. 

Crit'i-as,  200. 

Croe'sus,  113. 

Cro'ton,  67. 

Cu'mae,  67,  261 ;  Sibyl  of,  268. 

Cu-nax'a,  battle  of,  201. 

21 


Cu'nei-form,  see  Alphabet. 

Cu'ri-a,  271. 

Cu'rule  chair,  273,  297 ;   offices,  297,  n.  2, 

309.  341. 
Cyb'e-le,  347. 
Cy'clops,  54,  274. 
Cy'lon,  81. 

Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae,  battle  of,  329. 
Cy-nu'ri-a,  104. 
Cy'prus,  27,  70. 
Cy-re'ne,  70. 
Cy'rus  the  Great,  31 ;  conquers  Lydia,  113 ; 

the  Younger,  183,  201. 
Cy-the'ra,  104,  167. 
Cyz'i-cus,  battle  of,  182. 

Da'ci-a,  401,  418. 

Dag'o-bert,  455. 

Da'na-us,  53. 

Dan'ube  River,  crossed  by  Darius,  114; 
Roman  frontier,  381,  401,  404. 

Da-ri'us  I,  his  organization  of  empire,  32; 
Scythian  expedition,  114;  angered  at 
Athens,  116;  plans  to  conquer  Greece, 
118;  sends  Datis,  120;  further  prepara- 
tion, 125 ;  Nothus,  183,  201 ;  Codoman- 
nus,  235,  237. 

Da'tis,  120. 

Da'vid,  28. 

Dec'ar-chies,  199,  201. 

Dec-e-lei'a,  176. 

De-cem'virs,  303. 

De'ci-us  (consul),  292;  emperor,  417. 

De-la'tions,  De-la'tors,  390. 

De'li-um,  battle  of,  167,  210. 

De'los,  Confederacy  of,  137-139;  changed 
to  empire,  148. 

Del'phi,  44;  see  Oracle. 

De-me'ter  (Latin  Ceres),  51,  173. 

De-moc'ra-cy  at  Athens,  88,  95,  143,  180, 
190;  strengthened,  124;  Greek,  133;  in 

'  Peloponnesian  League,  140 ;  in  Boeotia, 
T47;  in  Athenian  empire,  149;  under 
Pericles,  150-153, 159 ;  in  western  Greece, 
170;  at  Rome,  311,  351. 

De-mos'the-nes  (general),  166,  177;  ora- 
tor, 223,  227,  228,  242. 

Den-ta'tus,  Man'i-us  Cu'ri-us,  292,  313. 

Deu-ca'li-on,  52. 

Dic-ta'tor.  281,  289,  298,  360,  372. 

Di'o-ces-es,  420. 


482 


Index 


Di-o-cle'ti-an,  419-421 ;  baths  of,  426. 

Di-o-nys'i-us,  192-196. 

Di-o-ny'sus,  347. 

Do-do'na,  42. 

Do-mi'ti-an,  398. 

Do'ri-ans,  52;  migration  of,  52,  55,  65;  in 

Italy  and  Sicily,  67-69,  171 ;  in  Africa, 

70. 
Do'ris,  53,  222. 
Dra'co,  82. 
Drama,  under  Pericles,  157;  in  Pelopon- 

nesian  War,  187. 
Dru'sus,   Mar'cus  Liv'i-us,  356;    son   of 

Livia,  381. 
Du-il'i-us,  317. 
Duke,  Roman,  421. 
Du-um'vi-ri  per-du-el-li-o'nis,  298. 
Dy'ar-chy,  381-391 ;  defined,  383  ;  changed 

to  monarchy,  392-399. 
Dy'nas-ty,  Fourth  Egyptian,  5;  Twelfth,  6; 

Eighteenth,  7. 

E'a,  19. 

Ec-cle'si-a,  see  Assembly,  Athenian. 

Ec'no-mus,  battle  off,  317. 

Education,  Spartan,  98-101;  Athenian, 
248;  Roman,  313,   463. 

E'gypt,  3-14;  geography,  3;  history,  5-9; 
civilization,  4,  9-14;  conquered  by  As- 
syria, 9 ;  independent,  9,  18 ;  influence 
on  Greece,  53,  70;  revolts  against  Per- 
sia, 125,  147;  yields  to  Alexander,  236; 
under  the  Ptolemies,  240,  241 ;  ally  of 
Rome,  296. 

E-gyp'ti-ans,  2,  n.  i. 

E'lam,  16. 

Elegy,  Greek,  106. 

E-leu'sis,  45  ;  mysteries  of,  173. 

E'lis,  46,  55 ;  games  in,  77  ;  joins  Pelopon- 
nesian  League,  103 ;  ally  of  Athens,  169. 

E-lys'i-um,  50. 

Emperor,  defined,  372,  383,  414,  n.  2. 

Empire,  Egyptian,  5-9;  Chaldean,  Assyr- 
ian, and  Babylonian,  16-25;  Persian, 
51-35;  see  Persians;  Chinese,  37-39; 
Athenian  maritime,  124,  147,  148-150, 
163;  Alexander's,  239;  Carthaginian, 
315;  Roman,  337,381-462;  divided,  430; 
end  of,  in  West,  431,  443  ;  eastern  branch 
of,  448-450,  460-462.     See  Contents. 

Ep-am-ift-on'das,  206;   in  peace  conven- 


tion, 208 ;  at  Leuctra,  209 ;  invades  Pelo- 
ponnese,  214-217. 

E-pei'rus,  42 ;  plundered  by  Romans,  331. 

Eph'e-sus,  battle  near,  116. 

Eph-i-al'tes,  142,  143. 

Eph'ors,  101,  136,  185,  200,  212;  in  Per- 
sian War,  126;  and  Pausanias,  141. 

Epic,  Greek,  61,  106 ;  Age,  63. 

E-pis'ta-tes,  95. 

Erc'te,  Mt.,  318. 

E'rech,  19. 

E-rech-thei'um,  57,  155,  187. 

E-rech'theus,  57. 

E-re'tri-a,  harbors  Pisistratus,  90;  aids 
lonians,  116;  destroyed,  120. 

E'ryx,  Mt.,  319. 

E'sar-had'don,  18. 

E-thi-o'pi-a,  6,  7. 

E-tru'ri-a,  260,  263;  invaded  by  Gauls, 
283;  ravaged  by  Romans,  290. 

E-trus'cans,  256,  260 ;  wars  with  Rome, 
280,  286,  290. 

Eu-dox'i-a,  430,  440. 

Eu-phra'tes  River,  basin  of,  15-25. 

Eu-rip'i-des,  187. 

Eu-ro'pa,  55. 

Eu-ro'tas  River,  47,  99. 

Eu-ry-bi'a-des,  127. 

Eu-rym'e-don  River,  battle  of  the,  138. 

Eux'ine,  see  Black  Sea. 

Ex'arch,  449. 

Fa'bi-us  (consul  and  censor),  290,  292,  312 ; 

Cunctator,  324. 
Factions,  local,  in  Attica,  8i,  89,  93. 
Family,  Roman,  271. 
Faus-ti'na,  Faus-tin-i-a'nae,  405. 
Fiy-um',  7. 
Federation,  Athenian  Continental,  147  ;  see 

Leagues. 
Fla'men,  271,  274. 
Fla-min'i-an  Way,  343,  385. 
Flam-i-ni'nus,  329. 
Fla-min'i-us,  Gains,  323,  343. 
Fleet,  see  Navy. 
Flood,  Greek  tradition  of,  52. 
Fo'rum,   Roman,    275,    284;   Julian,  385; 

Augustan,  386. 
Four  Hundred,  oligarchy  of,  181. 
Franks,  417,  428,  433,  445,  452,  453-460. 
Freedmen,  340,  372,  393,  467. 


Index 


483 


Frieze,  defined,  iii. 

Frontier,  under  Augustus,  381 ;  Claudius, 
393;  Domitian,  398;  Trajan,  401;  A. 
Severus,  417;  broken  through,  429;  un- 
der Valentinian,  429. 

Funeral  Oration  of  Pericles,  164. 

Furies,  82,  n.  i. 

Ga-bin'i-us,  364. 

Ga'des,  27, 

Gai'ser-ic,  438-440. 

Gal'ba,  395. 

Ga'len,  410. 

Ga-le'ri-us,  420,  422. 

Gal'la  Pla-cid'i-a,  430,  437,  438. 

Games,  Greek  national,  'j'j,  108. 

Gaul,  colonized  by  Greeks,  70 ;  crossed  by 
Hannibal,  321 ;  conquered  by  Caesar, 
367-369  ;  ravaged  by  Franks,  417  ;  by 
Vandals,  438  ;  Cisalpine,  334,  373. 

Gauls,  in  Thrace,  241;  in  Italy,  262,  334, 
343 ;  on  the  Allia,  283  ;  sack  Rome,  284 ; 

.  at  Sentinum,  292;  under  Rome,  296;  in 
Hannibal's  army,  322,  324;  civilization 
of,  368  ;  receive  citizenship,  372. 

Ge-dro'si-an  Desert,  238. 

Ge'la,  192. 

Ge'lon,  126. 

Generals,  Athenian,  under  Cleisthenes,  94 ; 
at  Marathon,  121 ;  chief  magistrates,  124, 
152;  at  Arginusae,  183. 

Gens  (Greek ^(?«(?j-,  family),  Athenian,  80; 
Roman,  see  Family. 

Ge-nu'ci-an  Law,  310,  n.  i. 

Ger-man'i-cus,  389. 

Germans,  cross  the  Rhine,  368;  civiliza- 
tion of,  368,  431-433  ;  and  Augustus,  381 ; 
and  Domitian,  398 ;  cause  decline  of 
Rome,  425  ;  migrations,  433  ;  in  Roman 
army,  425, 436, 443  ;  invasions  of  empire, 
433-444 ;  new  states  of,  445-460 ;  outside 
the  empire,  445,  n.  i;  Alemanni,  418, 
433  ;  Angles,  445,  453  ;  Burgundians,  440, 
445  ;  Franks,  417,  428,  433,  445,  453-460 ; 
Goths,  417, 433-438,  446-449 ;  Jutes,  452 ; 
Lombards,  450-452;  Marcomanni,  407  ; 
Saxons,  445, 452 ;  Sueves,  438  ;  Vandals, 

435.  437,  438-440.  445.  448. 
Gi-bral'tar,  Strait  of,  72. 
Gills,  Spartan,  loi ;  Athenian,  248.    See 

Children. 


Gi'zeh((7^^-),  pyramids  at,  5. 

Glad'i-a-tors,  348,  389,  397. 

Glau'ci-a,  356. 

Gods,  see  Religion. 

Gor'di-um,  235. 

Gor'go,  116. 

Gor'gons,  54. 

Goths,  417;  cross  the  Danube,  418,  429, 
434;  in  Italy,  430,  436,  446-449;  in 
Spain,  437;  East,  433,  445,  446-449; 
West,  433,  437,  454,  456. 

'Government,  Egyptian,  5;  Assyrian,  17, 
25;  Hebrew,  28;  Persian,  32;  Chinese, 
37,38;  prehistoric  Greek,  55;  colonial, 
63 ;  of  city-state,  73  ;  early  Athenian,  79- 
85;  under  Solon,  85- 88  ;  under  Pisistra- 
tus  and  his  sons,  89-92;  reformed  by 
Cleisthenes,  93-95  ;  under  Pericles,  150- 
153 ;  of  the  Four  Hundred,  181 ;  Lace- 
daemonian, loi ;  early  Roman,  255,  257, 
266 ;  regal,  271-273 ;  early  republican, 
297-300;  development  of,  300-312;  in 
time  of  Punic  Wars,  340-343;  of  G. 
Gracchus,  353  ;  Sulla,  360;  Caesar,  372; 
Augustus,  383 ;  Trajan,  402 ;  Hadrian, 
404;  Diocletian,  420-422;  German,  432; 
of  Charlemagne,  460. 

Governor,  provincial,  337,  338,  372,  420, 

Grac'chus,348;  Tiberius,  349-351 ;  Gaius, 

352-354- 

Gra-ni'cus  River,  battle  of  the,  234. 

Greece  (Hel'las),  defined,  46,  66,  72;  ge- 
ography of,  41-48  ;  relation  with  Orient, 
42 ;  climate  and  products,  47 ;  Great 
(Magna  Graecia),  67,  194,  197;  West- 
ern, 69;  expansion  of,  71 ;  condition  of, 
500  B.C.,  105  ;  war  with  Persia,  120-134 ; 
conquered  by  Rome,  328-332.  See  Con- 
tents. 

Greeks,  2,  n.  i;  in  Egypt,  9,  70;  in  Asia 
Minor,  16,  31,  52,  65;  character,  42,  127, 
329;  western,  66-69,  169-178,  191-198, 
261 ;  in  Alexandria,  245-247.  See  Con- 
tents. 

Greg'o-ry  the  Great,  452,  453. 

Gy-lip'pus,  175. 

Gym-na'si-um,  249. 

Gym-no-pae'di-ae,  212. 

Ha'des,  50. 

Ha'dri-an,  403-405 ;  Wall  of,  404, 


484 


Index 


Ha-dri-a-no'ple,  battle  of,  434. 

Hal-i-car-nas'sus,  158. 

Ha'lys  River,  31,  113. 

Ha-mircar  (king),  133,  191;  Barca,  318- 
320. 

Ham'ites,  2,  n.  i,  3,  4,  32. 

Han'ni-bal  (king),  191;  Barca,  320-328 ; 
character,  320,  322;  crosses  the  Alps, 
321 ;  victories,  322-324 ;  defeated  at 
Zama,  328;    death,  330. 

Har-mo'di-us,  91. 

Har'most,  199. 

Har'pa-gus,  113. 

Health,  temple  of,  346. 

He'brews,  '2,  n.  i,  26;  in  Egypt,  9;  his- 
tory, 27-29 ;  religion  and  literature,  29-31. 

Hec-te'mo-ri,  see  Tenants. 

Hec'tor,  59. 

He'ge-mo-ny,  or  He-gem 'o-ny,  76. 

Hel'en,  59. 

Hel-i-ae'a,  see  Courts,  popular  supreme. 

Hel'las,  see  Greece. 

Hel'len,  52. 

Hel-le'nes,  see  Greeks. 

Hel-len'i-ca  of  Xenophon,  228. 

Hel-len-is'tic  Age,  245-247. 

Hel'les-pont,  69,  125,  182,  184. 

He'lots,  97;  revolt  of,  141,  214. 

Hel-ve'ti-ans,  368. 

He-phaes'tus,  51,  59,  156. 

Hep'tar-chy,  453.  ' } 

He'ra  (Latin  Juno),  51.       ^     V^, 

Her-a-clei'a,  battle  of,  293. 

Her-a-clei'dae,  55. 

Her'a-cles,  19,  54 ;  Pillars  of,  72. 

Her-a-cli'us,  461. 

Her-cu-la'ne-um,  398. 

Her'mes,  51 ;  mutilation  of  images  of,  173. 

Her'ni-cans,  262,  n.  i,  280,  286. 

He-rod'o-tus,  158. 

Heroes,  Greek,  53. 

Hes'i-od,  106. 

Hes'ti-a  (Latin  Vesta),  51. 

Hi'e-ron,  317,  325. 

Him'e-ra,  battle  of,  132;  destroyed,  191. 

Hi-mil'con,  191,  1931 

Hin'(joos,  2,  n.  i,  35-37. 

Hip-par'chus  (son  of  Pisistratus) ,  91; 
kinsman  of  Hippias,  117,  123. 

Hip'pi-as,  91,  104,  105,  116, 121. 

His-ti-ae'us,  114. 


Hit'tites,  7,  9. 

Ho'mer,    43,    61,    106;    edited,    246;    in 

school,  249. 
Homicide,  in  prehistoric  Greece,  62;   in 

Draco's  co/ie,  83. 
Ho-no'ri-us,  430,  435,  452. 
Honors,  career  of,  342. 
Hor'ace,  387. 

Ho-ra'ti-us,  and  Valerius,  304. 
Hor-ten'si-an  Law,  310,  341. 
Ho'rus,  12. 
House,  Roman,  464. 
Huns,  434,  441-443- 
Hyk'sos,  7. 
Hy-met'tus,  Mt.,  45. 
Hyph'a-sis  River,  239. 


Iambic  verse,  107. 

I-a-pyg'i-ans,  262,  n.  t. 

I-con-o-clas'tic  emperors,  462. 

Il'i-ad,  61. 

I-lis'sus  River,  45. 

Il-lyr'i-an  pirates,  328  ;  wars,  331. 

Il-lyr'i-cum,  335,  n.  i,  367,  373. 

Im'bros,  205. 

Im-per-a'tor,  372,  383,  414,  n.  2;  see  Em- 
peror. 

Im-pe'ri-um,  273,  299, 

In'di-a,  35-37 ;  invaded  by  Alexander,  238 ; 
see  Hindoos. 

In'dus  River,  238. 

Industry,  Egyptian,  13;  Chaldean  and 
Assyrian,  24;  Phoenician,  26;  Persian, 
34;  Chinese,  39;  early  Greek,  62; 
Ionian,  66;  Athenian,  88;  Lacedaemo- 
nian, 97 ;  Roman,  304,  311 ;  in  the  prov- 
inces, 338. 

In-ter-reg'num,  In'ter-rex,  273. 

I-ol'cus,  43,  58. 

I 'on,  52,  73. 

I-o'ni-a,  66. 

I-o'ni-an  Sea,  66,  174. 

lonians,  52,  65;  character,  66,  112;  con- 
quered by  Persians,  113;  revolt  of,  114- 
117. 

I-phic'ra-tes,  204. 

Ip'sus,  battle  of,  240. 

I-ra'ni-ans,  2,  n.  u 

I-re'ne,  462. 

I-sag'o-ras,  92. 


Index 


485 


Ish'tar  (As-tar'te),  19. 

I'sis,  13. 

Is'ra-el,  28. 

Is'ra-el-ites,  see  Hebrews. 

Is'sus,  battle  of,  235. 

I-tal'i-ans,  2,  n.  i ;  migration  to  Italy,  254; 
races  of,  262,  n.  i ;  revolt,  357. 

I-tal'i-ca,  357. 

It'a-ly,  Greek  colonies  in,  66-69;  tyrants 
in,  105,  170;  end  of  Greek  freedom  in, 
191-198 ;  country  and  people,  254-264 ; 
races  of,  262,  n.  i ;  organization  under 
Rome,  262,  294-296,  316,336;  decline  of, 
339  ;  under  Caesar,  372 ;  Augustus,  384  ; 
Trajan,  402;  Aurelius,  407 ;  invaded  by 
Alemanni,  418;  by  West  Goths,  436;  by 
East  Goths,  447;  by  Lombards,  450- 
452 ;  divided  into  provinces,  421. 

Ith'a-ca,  60. 

I-tho'me,  Mt.,  47,  142,  143,  214. 

Iz-du-bar',  19. 

Ja'cob  (Israel),  28. 

Ja-nic'u-lum,  Mt.,  267. 

Ja'nus,  273,  398. 

Ja'son,  58. 

Jax-at'tes  River,  239. 

Je-ho'vah,  28 ;  temple  of,  29 ;  religion  of, 
29-31. 

Je-ru'sa-lem,  28,  31 ;  destroyed,  396. 

Jews,  29;  in  Alexandria, "242,  246;  in 
Rome,  395,  407;  revolt  of,  396. 

Jo-cas'ta,  56. 

Jon'a-than,  28. 

Jo-se'phus,  30. 

Ju'dah,  tribe  of,  28. 

Ju'da-ism,  39. 

Ju-de'a,  364. 

Judges,  of  Israel,  28 ;  Greek,  in  under- 
world, 50;  in  Olympic  games,  78;  Athe- 
nian, 80,  85;  local  (justices),  91,  150; 
Roman,  297,  298. 

Ju'ge-rum,  309,  fi.  i. 

Ju-gur'tha,  354. 

Ju'li-an,  428. 

Ju'no,  265,  271,  274. 

Ju've-nal,  410. 

Ju'pi-ter,  258,  269,  274. 

Ju'rors,  Athenian,  143,  150. 

J  US-tin 'i-an,  448-450. 

Jutes,  452. 


Khu'fu,  5. 

Kings,  Egyptian,  5-9;  Chaldean  and  As- 
syrian, 16-18  ;  Hebrew,  28  ;  Persian,  31- 
33  ;  prehistoric  Greek,  62 ;  Athenian,  79 ; 
as  archons,  80;  Lacedaemonian,  55,  99, 
101 ;   Roman,  265-279. 

Knights,  Athenian,  87;  Roman,  285,  340, 
393 ;  recruited  by  Vespasian,  396 ;  in 
civil  service,  405. 

Ko'ran,  456. 

Lac-e-dae'mon,  defined,  47,  n.  2,  loi ;  a 
great  state,  76;  government,  loi ;  con- 
quers Messenia,  102;  relations  with 
Croesus,  113;  character  in  war,  127;  in 
Persian  War,  121,  126-132;  interference 
in  Athenian  affairs,  135-1375  trouble 
with  Pausanias,  140;  with  the  helots, 
141 ;  rupture  with  Athens,  143,  145  ;  in 
Peloponnesian  War,  161-186 ;  supremacy 
of,  199-21 1 ;  war  with  Persia  (fourth  cen- 
tury) ,  202 ;  in  Corinthian  War,  203 ;  vio- 
lence of,  205  ;  defeated  at  Leuctra,  209 ;  at 
Mantineia,  215 ;  under  Cleomenes,  244. 

La-co'ni-a,  47,  97  ;  settlement  of,  53  ;  con- 
quered by  Spatta,  76 ;  invaded  by 
Epaminondas,  214,  216. 

La'de,  battle  off,  116, 

Lam'a-chus,  173-175. 

La'mi-an  War,  242, 

Land  holding  in  Attica,  84 ;  in  Sparta,  97, 
98 ;  under  Rome,  307. 

La'res,  271. 

Lars  Por'se-na,  260,  280. 

Latin  colony,  286,  291;  town  (city),  258, 
286. 

Latin  War,  the  Great,  287. 

Latins,  256  ;  under  Rome,  268,  278  ;  revolt 
of,  280,  286,  287 ;  treaty  with  Rome,  280 ; 
organized  under  Rome,  295;  Latin 
League,  258,  280,  288. 

La-ti'nus,  265. 

La'ti-um,  256;  under  Rome,  268,  278; 
overrun  by  hillmen,  281-283. 

Lau-ren'tum,  288. 

Lau'ri-um  (or  Lau-rei'um),  124. 

La-vin'i-um,  265. 

Laws  of  Draco,  82;  of  Solon,  88;  of  the 
Twelve  Tables,  302-304 ;  codification  of 
the  Roman,  450. 

League,  of   lonians,  66;    religious  (Am- 


486 


Index 


phic'ty-o-ny) ,    73;     Delphic,    74,    221; 

political,  76;  Boeotian,  76, 146;  Argolic, 

76;  Peloponnesian,  102-106;  Chalcidic, 

205,221;  Arcadian,  214;   Hellenic,  227  ; 

Aetolian,  243 ;  Achaean,  243 ;  Latin,  258, 

280. 
Leb'a-non,  Mt.,  26. 
Legion,  277,  285,  329. 
Legislation,  at  Athens,  151 ;  at  Rome,  see 

Comitia. 
Legislators,  Athenian  (Thesmothetae) ,  80, 

(Nomothetae),  151. 
Lem'nos,  205. 
Le'o,  bishop    of    Rome,   440,  442;    III, 

459;  the  Isaurian,  461. 
Le-on'i-das,  126. 
Le-on-ti'ni,  171,  191. 
Lep'i-dus,  374. 
Les'bos,  52;  home  of  the  ballad,  107 ;  ally 

of  Athens,  148,  163 ;  revolt  of,  165. 
Leuc'tra,     battle    of,    209;     effects,    212, 

213. 
Library  at  Nineveh,  24. 
Lib'y-a,  317,  328. 
Lib'y-ans,  2,  n.  i. 
Li-cin'i-us,  and  Sextius,  Laws  of,  307-310; 

emperor,  422. 
Lie' tors,  273,  297. 

Life,  Ionian,  61 ;  Spartan,  98-101 ;  Athe- 
nian,   152,   153,   159,   248-253 ;    Roman, 

270-272,  463-468. 
Li-gu'ri-ans,  262,  n.  i ;  wars  with  Romans, 

334- 

Lil-y-bae'um,  318. 

Li'ris  River,  287. 

Literature,  Egyptian,  13;  Chaldean  and 
Assyrian,  18;  Hebrew,  30;  Persian,  35; 
Chinese,  37;  Greek,  epic,  61,  106;  per- 
sonal poetry,  106-108;  under  Pericles, 
157 ;  in  Peloponnesian  War,  187 ;  in 
fourth  century,  227-230;  Hellenistic, 
245;  under  Rome,  410;  early  Roman, 
347;  late  republican,  377;  Augustan, 
386 ;  Flavian,  399 ;  under  good  emperors, 
409;  decline  of,  425;  German,  433. 

Liv'i-a,  381,  n,  i,  389. 

Liv'y,  386. 

Lo'cri,  67. 

Lo'cris,  43 ;  colonies  of,  66 ;  ally  of  Lace- 
daemon,  163;  overrun  by  Phocians,  222. 

Lom'bards,  445,  n.  i,  450-452;  conquered 


by  Franks,  457 ;  Lombardy,  Iron  Crown 
of,  459. 

Lu-ca'ni-ans,  194,  291. 

Lu-cre'ti-a,  269. 

Lu-cre'ti-us,  378. 

Lu-cul'lus,  365. 

Ly-cur'gus,  55,  98,  n.  i,  100. 

Lyd'i-ans,  16;  conquered  by  Cyrus,  31; 
under  Croesus,  113. 

Ly'ons,  409. 

Lyric  poetry,  107. 

Ly-san'der,  183 ;  at  Aegospotami,  184 ;  en- 
ters Peiraeus,  186;  policy  of,  199,  201, 
205 ;  death,  204. 

Ly'si-as,  195,  228. 

Ly-sim'a-chus,  240. 

Mac'e-don,  Mac-e-do'ni-a,  under  Theban 
influence,  214,  220;  aterritorial  state,  218  ; 
country  and  people,  219;  rise  of,  219- 
227;  under  Alexander,  233-240;  Cassan- 
der,  240;  Antipater,  242;  Philip  V,  244, 
325,  328  ;  wars  with  Rome,  328,  330 ;  Ro- 
man province,  332,  337 ;  plundered  by 
Goths,  434. 

Mae'Ii-us,  Spu'ri-us,  306. 

Ma'gi,  33,  416. 

Magistrates,  early  Roman,  297;  in  Punic 
Wars,  341-343 ;  under  Sulla,  361 ;  see 
Archon,  Consul,  Praetor,  etc. 

Mag-ne'si-a  (Thessalian),  127;  (in  Asia 
Minor),  battle  of,  330. 

Ma'go,  323. 

Ma-har'bal,  325. 

Mam'er-tines,  316. 

Man'e-tho,  5. 

Maniple,  285,  328. 

Man'li-us,  Mar'cus,  308. 

Man-tin-ei'a,  first  battle  of,  169 ;  destroyed, 
205;  rebuilt,  213;  second  battle  of,  215- 
217. 

Mar'a-thon,  45,  90;  battle  of,  121-123. 

Mar-cel'lus,  325. 

Mar-co-man'ni,  407. 

Mar-do'ni-us,  118,  130-132. 

Ma'ri-us,  Gains,  354-359;  reforms  the 
army,  355;  conflict  with  Sulla,  358. 

Marriage,  Athenian,  249;  Roman,  271, 
464. 

Mars,  265,  274.  386;  so;is  of,  256,  316; 
priests  of,  274. 


Index 


487 


Mar'si-ans,  256. 

Mas-i-nis'sa,  328,  332. 

Masks,  waxen,  306. 

Mas-sa'li-a,  70, 

Max-im'i-an,  420. 

Max'i-mus,  440. 

Mayor  of  the  Palace,  455. 

Mec'ca,  455. 

Me-dei'a,  58,  187. 

Medes,  2,  n.  i,  15,  122;  empire  of,  31 ;  see 
Persians. 

Me'don,  79. 

Me-don'ti-dae,  79. 

Me-du'sa,  54,  iii. 

Meg'a-cles,  82. 

Meg'a-ra,  45 ;  colonies  of,  69 ;  under  a  des- 
pot,82;  in  Peloponnesian  League,  104, 163. 

Me'los,  169,  185. 

Mem'phis,  5. 

Men-e-la'us,  59. 

Me-neph'tha,  9. 

Me'nes,  5. 

Mercenaries  (hired  troops) ,  of  Theagenes, 
82 ;  Pisistratus,  90 ;  Carthage,  133 ;  Cam- 
panian,  316. 

Mer-o-vin'gi-ans,  455. 

Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a,  406. 

Mes-sa'pi-ans,  263. 

Mes-se'ne  (Latin  Mes-sa'na),  67, 194,  316; 
in  Peloponnese,  214. 

Mes-se'ni-a,  47 ;  Dorian  settlement  of,  53, 
55  ;  conquered  by  Lacedaemon,  102 ;  re- 
volt of,  142 ;  liberated,  214. 

Messes,  Spartan  (Sys-si'ti-a),  100. 

Me-tel'lus,  354. 

Me-thym'na,  165, 

Metics,  see  Alien  Residents. 

Met'o-pe,  III,  156. 

Mi-lan',  Edict  of,  423. 

Mi-le'tus,  66,  115;  colonies  of,  69;  de- 
stroyed, 117. 

Mil-ti'a-des,  114;  flees  to  Athens,  117;  at 
Marathon,  121 ;  end  of,  123. 

Mi-ner'va,  274. 

Mi'nos,  57. 

Min'o-taur,  57. 

Mith-ri-da'tes,  358,  364. 

Moe'si-a,  417. 

Mo-ham' med,  455. 

Mo-ham 'me-dans  (Sar'a-cens) ,  39, 445-457, 
461. 


Monarchy,  see  Kings. 

Mon-go'li-an  race,  2. 

Mo'ra,  204. 

Morals,  Egyptian,  14;  Assyrian,  21;  He- 
brew, 30;  Persian,  35;  of  Buddha,  37; 
prehistoric  Greek,  51,61 ;  of  the  Delphic 
oracle,  75  ;  Roman,  348  ;  in  early  empire, 
390 ;  German,  432. 

Mo'ses,  28. 

Mum'mi-us,  332. 

Mun'da,  battle  of,  372. 

Mu-ni-cip'i-um,  286,  294;  under  Trajan, 
402 ;  in  late  empire,  424. 

Mu-nych'i-a,  242. 

Muses,  245. 

Mu-se'um,  Alexandrian,  247. 

Myc'a-le,  battle  of,  132. 

My-ce'nae,  47 ;  prehistoric  tombs,  50 ;  kings 
of,  50,  54,  59 ;  Mycenaean  Age,  63 ;  head 
of  Argolis,  76. 

My'lae,  battle  oiT,  317. 

My-ro'ni-des,  147. 

Mysteries,  Eleusinian,  173. 

Myths,  of  Greece,  52-64 ;  value  of,  63. 

Myt-i-le'ne,  revolt  of,  165. 

Na'ples,  288  ;  Bay  of,  67. 

Nar-bo-nen'sis,  355,  367. 

Nar'ses,  451. 

Nau'crar-ies,  see  Townships. 

Nau'cra-tis,  70. 

Nau-pac'tus,  147. 

Navy,  Phoenician,  117, 125, 180;  Athenian, 
105, 118, 124,  129, 174, 176;  Persian,  125, 
127;  Greek,  127,  130,  132;  Syracusan, 
175,  180,  193 ;  Carthaginian,  194,  317 ; 
destroyed,  328  ;   Roman,  317. 

Nax'os,  115;  revolt  of,  139. 

Ne-ar'chus,  238. 

Neb-u-chad-nez'zar,  18,  23,  29. 

Ne'me-a,  games  at,  77. 

Ne-o-bu'le,  107. 

Ne'pos,  377. 

Ne'ro,  393-395. 

Ner'va,  400. 

Ner'vi-i,  368. 

Neus'tri-a,  455. 

Ni-cae'a,  council  of,  423. 

Nic'i-as,  166-168,  172-177;  Peace  of,  168. 

Nile  River,  3,  7. 

Nin'e-veh,  17,  33 ;  palace  at,  23. 


488 


Index 


Nobles,  prehistoric  Greek,  62;  Athenian, 
79-85,  88;  flee  from  Pisistratus,  90;  in 
Cleisthenean  organization,  94,  95 ;  Spar- 
tan, loi;  Lesbian,  165;  Etruscan,  259; 
Alban,  267;  Roman,  see  Patricians; 
new  nobility,  309,  342;  and  Tiberius, 
389;  and  Claudius,  393;  recruited  by 
Vespasian,  396. 

No-moth 'e-tae,  151. 

Nu'ma,  267,  273. 

Nu-man'ti-a,  334. 

Nu-mid'i-a,  328,  332,  354. 

Obelisk,  12,  n.  2. 

Oc-ta'vi-a,  374. 

Oc-ta'vi-us  (tribune),  351;  consul,  359; 
Octavianus  (Augustus).  372-376;  see 
Augustus. 

O-do-a'cer,  431,  443,  447. 

O-dys'seus,  60. 

Od'ys-sey,  61. 

Oed'i-pus,  56,  157. 

Oe-noph'y-ta,  battle  of,  147. 

Ol'i-garchs,  at  Athens,  146,  159,  186;  con- 
spiracy of,  180;  in  Boeotia,  147  ;  in  Athe- 
nian empire,  149,  165 ;  under  Spartan 
protection,  103,  199. 

Ol'i-gar-chy,  defined,  103,  n.  i ;  favored  by 
Sparta,  103;  of  the  Four  Hundred,  181; 
of  the  Thirty,  200;  Theban,  206-208;  see 
Aristocracy,  Plutocracy. 

O-lym'pi-a,  46 ;  games  at,  77. 

O-Iym'pi-as,  233. 

O-lym'pus,  Mt.,  43 ;  gods  of,  51. 

O-lyn'thus,  222,  224. 

O-pim'i-us,  353. 

Oracle,  at  Dodona,  42 ;  at  Delphi,  44,  74- 
76;  in  Persian  War  75,  129;  favors 
Cleisthenes,  92,  104;  as  to  Arcadia, 
102. 

Oratory  at  Athens,  228. 

Or-chom'e-nus,  44 ;  prehistoric  tombs,  50 ; 
rival  of  Thebes,  76. 

O-res'tes  (patrician),  431. 

O'ri-ent,  the,  1-40 ;  civilization  of,  9. 

Or-tyg'i-a,  67. 

O-si'ris,  12,  13. 

Os'sa,  Mt.,43. 

Os'ti-a,  267. 

Os'tra-cism,  95 ;  cases  of,  123, 124, 141, 143, 
149. 


Os'tro-goths  (East-Goths),  see  Goths. 
O'tho,  395. 

Pa-ga-sae'an  Gulf,  43. 

Painting,  Roman,  347,  411. 

Pal'a-tine  Mt.,  259,  265,  266,  275. 

Pa-les'tra,  249. 

Pal-my'ra,  419.  « 

Pam-phyl'i-a,  138. 

Pan,  264. 

Pan-ath-e-na'ic  festival,  91. 

Pan-do'ra,  52. 

Pan-gae'us,  Mt.,  mines  of,  90,  221. 

Pan-no'ni-a,  438. 

Pa-nor'mus,  133 ;  battle  of,  318. 

Pan-the'on,  386. 

Pa-pin'i-an,  414. 

Pa-pir'i-us,  284 ;  Lucius  P.  Cursor,  289. 

Pa-py'rus,  13. 

Par'a-lus,  185. 

Par'is,  59. 

Par-me'ni-on,  236,  237. 

Par-nas'sus,  Mt.,  44,  52,  74. 

Par'nes,  Mt.,  200. 

Par'non,  Mt.,  47,  104. 

Pa'ros,  107,  123. 

Par'the-non,  154. 

Par'thi-ans,  364,  369,  406;  conquered  by 
Trajan,  401 ;  fall  of  empire,  416. 

Parties  at  Athens,  republican,  118,  123; 
tyrant's,  117;  democratic,  124;  conserva- 
tive, 124,  140,  146,  149;  at  Rome,  see 
Patricians,  Plebeians,  Nobles. 

Pa-sar'ga-dae,  33. 

Pa-tri'ci-ans,  272;  magistrates  and  sena- 
tors, 298;  oppress  the  commons,  300; 
alone  know  the  laws,  302;  intermarriage 
with  plebs,  305  ;  equality  with  plebs,  310, 
341 ;  title  under  Constantine,  431 ;  see 
Nobles. 

Pat'ri-mo-ny  of  St.  Peter,  452,  457. 

Pa'tron,  272. 

Pa'trum  Auc-tor'i-tas,  273. 

Pau-sa'ni-as  (regent),  131;  treason  of, 
137,  140 ;  king,  201 ;  author,  410. 

Pa'vi-a,  451. 

Pay  for  public  service,  86,  140,  143, 
151. 

Peace,  see  Treaty. 

Ped'i-ment,  defined,  iii. 

Pei-rae'us,  harbors  of,  117;   fortifications, 


Index 


489 


137;  and  Long  Walls,  146;  plague  in, 
164 ;  naval  preparations  in,  172. 

Pe'li-on,  Mt.,  43,  58. 

Pe-lop'i-das,  206-208,  210,  217. 

Pel-o-pon-nese',  42,  45-47. 

Peloponnesian  League,  102-106 ;  in  Per- 
sian War,  119;  enlarged,  126,  167; 
demopracy  in,  140;  Athens  deserts,  144, 
145  ;  at  war  with  Athens,  161-186. 

Peloponnesian  War,  161-186;  causes,  161- 
163;  to  peace  of  Nicias,  163-168;  mid- 
dle period,  168-178;  closing  years,  179- 
186. 

Pe-na'tes,  271. 

Pe-nei'us  River,  43. 

Pen-tel'i-cus,  Mt.,  45,  154. 

Per-dic'cas,  240. 

Per'i-cles,  143;  Age  of,  145-160;  imperial 
policy,  148;  his  democracy,  150-153; 
improvement  of  city,  154-157;  literature 
under,  157-160;  in  Peloponnesian  War, 
161-164. 

Per-i-oe'ci,  97,  142, 

Per'i-style,  465. 

Per-sep'o-lis,  33 ;  taken  by  Alexander, 
238. 

Per'seus,  54,  iii ;  king  of  Macedon,  330. 

Per'si-ans,  2,  n.  i,  15;  history,  31;  civiliza- 
tion, 32-35;  conquer  lonians,  113;  in- 
vade Europe,  114;  Ionic  revolt  against, 
114;  great  war  with  Greece,  120-134; 
dislodged  from  Aegean,  139;  peace 
with  Athens,  148 ;  aid  Sparta  against 
Athens,  179-183;  expedition  of  Cyrus, 
201 ;  war  with  Lacedaemon,  202-204;  i" 
treaty  of  Antalcidas,  204;  conquered  by 
Alexander,  234-239  ;  new  empire  of,  415- 
417,  428,  429,  461. 

Pha'lanx,  Spartan,  99,  n.  i;  Theban,  210; 
Macedonian,  224,  276,  293,  329;  early 
Roman,  276,  281,  285,  324. 

Pha-le'rum,  117,  146. 

Pha'raohs,  5-9,  10. 

Phar-na-ba'zus,  179. 

Phar'na-ces,  371. 

Phar-sa'lus,  battle  of,  370, 

Phei'di-as,  156,  159. 

Phei'don,  104. 

Phi-dip'pi-des,  121. 

Philip  of  Macedon,  220-227,  233;  ascends 
the  throne,  220 ;  wars  with  Athens,  221- 


225,  227 ;  character,  224 ;  death,  233  ;  V, 
244,  325,  328. 

Phi-lip'pi,  battles  of,  374. 

Phil-ip'pics  of  Demosthenes,  224;  of 
Cicero,  373. 

Phi-lis'tines,  28. 

Philosophy,  early  Greek,  109;  under 
Pericles,  158;  in  Peloponnesian  War, 
188-190 ;  in  fourth  century  B.C.,  229,  245  ; 
Stoicism,  393,  405. 

Phi-lox'e-nus,  195. 

Pho-cae'ans,  70. 

Pho'cis,  44;  in  sacred  war,  221,  225. 

Phoe-ni'cians,  2,  n.  i,  25-27;  commerce, 
26;  alphabet,  27;  colonies  in  Sicily,  68; 
in  Spain,  71;  in  Persian  service,  117;  at 
Salamis,  130 ;  develop  military  spirit,  132. 

Phra'try,  see  Brotherhood. 

Phryg'i-a,  235,  240;  settled  by  Goths,  435. 

Phy'le,  see  Tribe. 

Phy'le  (a  place  in  Attica),  200. 

Pi-ce'num,  343. 

Picts,  452. 

Pi'la,  285. 

Pin'dar,  68,  108,  234. 

Pirates,  war  against,  363. 

Pi-sis'tra-tus,  89-91. 

Plague  (Pestilence),  at  Athens,  164;  ih- 
Roman  empire,  406. 

Pia-tae'a,  ally  of  Athens,  122,  148,  163; 
battle  of,  131 ;  taken  by  siege,  166. 

Pla'to,  195,  829. 

Plau'tus,  347,  n.  I. 

Ple-bei'ans,  272;  enter  the  cavalry,  285; 
win  their  rights,  297-314;  first  secession, 
300;  organization,  301;  intermarriage 
with  patricians,  305 ;  eligible  to  consul- 
ship, 308;  of  city,  310-312;  equal  with 
patricians,  310,  341. 

Plin'y  the  Elder,  399 ;  the  Younger,  410. 

Plo-ti'na,  403. 

Plu'tarch,  410. 

Plu-toc'ra-cy,  growth  of,  in  Rome,  336- 
348  ;  defined,  343,  n.  2. 

Po  River,  262;  valley,  322,  343. 

Poetry,  epic,  61,  106;  personal,  106-108; 
lyric,  107 ;   dramatic,  157,  187 ;  Roman, 

347,378.387- 
Poitiers  {Pwd-te-a') ,  battle  of,  456. 
Pol'e-march,     Athenian,     80,     121,    124; 

Boeotian,  206. 


490 


Index 


Pol 'is,  see  City-state. 

Po-Iyb'i-us,  332,  347,  n.  i. 

Pom-pei'i,  398,  411,  464. 

Pom'pey,    Gnae'us,   362-367,  369-371;    in 

the  East,  364;    a  triumvir,  367;    at  war 

with  Caesar,  370. 
Pon'tiff  (Pon'ti-fex),  275,  310,  372. 
Pon  ti-us,  289. 
Pon'tus,  358,  364. 

Pope,  444,  452 ;  temporal  prince,  452 ; 
I  and  Pippin,  457;  and  Charlemagne,  459. 
Po-sei'don,   51,  77,  n.   2;    contends    with 

Athena,  57;  temple  of,  no. 
Po-si-do'ni-a,  no. 
Pot-i-dae'a,  69,  162. 
Prae-nes'te,  258,  288,  295. 
Prae'tor,  309,  337,  361. 
Pre'fect,  286,  288  ;  pretorian,  390,  417,  420. 
Pre'fec-ture,  294,  420. 
Pres'by-ters,  422. 
Pre-to'ri-an   Guard,    Pretorians,  384,  392, 

400;  violence  of,  414,  417. 
Pri'am,  59. 
Priests,    Egyptian,  10,  70;   Chaldean  and 

Assyrian,     21;      Hebrew,    30;     Persian 

(ma'gi),33;  Greek,  Delphic, 75  ;  Roman, 

271,  274;   priest-king,  Athenian,  80,  84; 

Roman,  298. 
Prince  (emperor),  383. 
Pro-co'pi-us,  449. 
Pro-magistrato      (proconsul,    propraetor), 

327,   n.    I,   337,   342,    361;    proconsular 

power,  383. 
Pro-me'theus,  52. 
Provinces,    Assyrian,     17;     Persian,    32; 

Chinese,  38;   Roman,  319,  335,  337-339. 

345;  under  Caesar,  372;   Augustus,  382; 

Tiberius,    389;    Claudiu-^,    392;     Neio, 

394;     Vespasian,    396;     Doniitian,   390; 

Trajan,   402;     equal    with    Rome,   415; 

under  Hadrian,  404;  Diocletian,  420. 
Pryt'a-neis,  Pryt'a-ny,  94,  152. 
Psam-met'i-chus,  9,  70. 
Ptah.  13. 
Ptol'  e-my,  240,  241,  245,  371 ;  astronomer, 

410. 
Pub-lil'i-us,  Quin'tus  P.  Phi'lo,  289,  310; 

Vo'le-ro,  302. 
Punic  War,  First,  315-319;  Second,  321- 

328  ;  Third,  332-334 ;  see  Carthage. 
Pyd'na,  battle  of,  331. 


Py'los,  captured,  166. 
Pyr'rha,  52. 

Pyr'rhus,  197,  293,  315. 
Py-thag'o-ras,  109. 
Pyth'i-a,  74. 

Quaes'tors,  298,  304,  337,  342,  361 ;  mili- 
tary, 307.  , 
Quin'que-remes,  193,  317. 
Quin-til'i-an,  399. 
Qui-ri'nal,  267. 

Ra,  12. 

Races  of  mankind,  2. 

Ra-me'ses  II,  7-9. 

Ram'man,  19. 

Ranks,  social,  Egyptian,  9;  Hindoo 
(castes),  36;  Lacedaemonian,  97-101 ; 
Lesbian,  165;  Alban,  267;  Roman,  272. 
See  Commons,  Nobles. 

Ra-ven'na,  447. 

Red  Sea,  15. 

Re-gil'lus,  Lake,  battle  of,  280. 

Reg'u-lus,  317. 

Religion,  Egyptian,  12;  Chaldean  and 
Assyrian,  19-21 ;  Hebrew,  29-31 ;  Per- 
sian, 34,  416;  Hindoo,  36;  Chinese, 
38  ;  Greek,  49-52  ;  of  city-state,  73  ;  of 
Apollo,  74-76;  influence  on  art,  156; 
Roman,  273-275,  347,  388 ;  Carthagin- 
ian, 316. 

Re'mus,  265. 

Republic,  Roman,  founded,  278,  280.  See 
Contents. 

Republicans,  Athenian,  117,  123. 

Revolution  from  republic  to  empire,  349- 
380. 

Rex  Sa-cro'rum,  298. 

Rhe'gi-um,  67,  171. 

Rhetoric,  249. 

Rhine  River,  frontier  of,  369,  381,  404. 

Rhodes,  27,  221, 

Rhone  River,  crossed  by  Hannibal,  321. 

Ric'i-mer,  Count,  431. 

Rig  Ve' da,  36. 

Roads,  Roman  291 ;  Appian,  290,  296, 311 ; 
Flaminian,  343;  under  Augustus,  383. 

Ro'Iand,  458. 

Roman  colony,  286. 

Ro-mance'  languages,  425. 

Romans,  character,  early,  270,  277,  287 ;  in 


Index 


491 


golden  age,  313;  in  Punic  Wars,  337; 
in  early  empire,  390  ;  see  word  below. 

Rome,  culture  of,  from  Greeks,  67 ;  con- 
quers southern  Italy  and  Sicily,  197; 
conquers  Greece,  244;  founded,  258, 
266;  place  in  history,  263 ;  under  kings, 
265-279 ;  policy  of  conquest,  277 ;  early 
republic,  280-314;  organizes  territory, 
286,  294-296;  changes  in  constitution, 
297-314;  first  war  with  Carthage,  315- 
319;  second,  321-328  ;  third,  334;  grows 
illiberal,  340;  under  the  emperors,  381- 
460 ;  great  fire  in,  395  ;  causes  of  decline, 
424;  sacked  by  Goths,  436;  by  Vandals, 
439.    See  Contents, 

Rom'u-lus  (king),  265-267,  273;  Augus- 
tulus,  431. 

Ron-ces-val'les,  458, 

Ro'sa-mond,  451. 

Ro-set'ta  stone,  5. 

Ru'bi-con  River,  361 ;  Caesar  crosses,  370. 

Sa-bel'li-ans,  255,  357. 

Sa'bines,  255,  263;  myth  of  women,  266; 

wars  with  Rome,  268,  281. 
Sacred  Band,  210,  227. 
Sacred  Mount,  301,  304. 
Sacred  Way  (Via  Sacra),  282,  426;  map 

of,  386. 
Sa-gun'tum,  321. 
Sal'lust,  378. 
Sam'ni-um,  255;    wars  with  Rome,  287- 

293- 
Sa'mos,  revolt  against  Persia,  132 ;  ally  of 

Athens,  148 ;   revolt,  149 ;    independent, 

180 ;  Athenian  army  at,  182. 
San'skrit,  3,  n.  i,  36. 
Sa'por,  417. 
Sappho  {Saf'/o),  107. 
Sar'a-cens,  see  Mohammedans. 
Sar-din'i-a,  319,  335,  n.  i,  337,  345. 
Sar'dis,  116,  125,  201. 
Sar'gon,  18,  22. 
Sa'trap,  Sa'tra-py,  32,  179. 
Sat'urn,  274;  temple  of,  298. 
Sat-ur-ni'nus,  355. 
Saul,  king  of  Israel,  28. 
Sax'ons,  445,  452. 
Sax'o-ny,  458. 
Scaev'o-la,  Mu'ci-us,  350. 
Sca-man'der,  92. 


School,  Athenian,  249. 

Science,  Egyptian,  13 ;  Chaldean  and  As- 
syrian, 24;  Greek,  70,  245;  see  Philos- 
ophy. 

Scip'i-o,  Pub'li-us  (father) ,  322,  326 ;  Pub- 
lius  Scipio  Africanus  (son),  327,  328, 
344;  Gnaeus,  326;  Lucius,  330;  Publius 
Scipio  Aemilianus,  334,  348,  351. 

Scots,  452. 

Sculpture,  Egyptian,  8 ;  Assyrian,  23 ;  Per- 
sian, 33;  early  Greek,  109;  under  Peri- 
cles, 156 ;  in  fourth  century,  231 ;  Roman, 

347.  411- 
Scy'ros,  205. 
Scyth'i-ans,  18,  114. 
Se-ges'ta,  170,  174,  191. 
Se-ja'nus,  390. 
Se-leu'ci-a,  241. 
Se-leu'ci-dae,   Se-leu'cus,   240,   241,    296; 

Seleucid  empire,  330. 
Se-li'nus,  ruins  at,  no;  threatens  Segesta, 

170,  191. 
Sem'ites,   2,  n.  i,  3;   original  home,   15; 

about    Tigris    and     Euphrates,    16-25 ; 

Syrian,  25-31 ;  achievements,  39. 
Sem-pro'ni-us,  322. 
Sen'ate,  Roman,  under  kings,  273  ;  in  early 

republic,  241,  304,  310;  in  Punic  Wars, 

325,  335,   341 ;     strengthened   by   Sulla, 

360 ;  under  Caesar,  372  ;  Augustus,  383  ; 

Domitian,   398;     Nerva,   400;     Trajan, 

402;    Diocletian,  421. 
Sen'e-ca,  393-395,  399. 
Sen-nach'e-rib,  18,  23. 
Se-no'nes,  296. 
Sen-ti'num,  battle  of,  292. 
Sep'tu-a-gint,  246. 
Ser-to'ri-us,  362. 
Ser-vil'i-us,  307. 
Ser'vi-us  Tul'li-us,  268,  281 ;  his  army  and 

tribes,  276. 
Set'i,  7. 
Se'ti-a,  286. 
Se-ve'rus,   Sep-tim'i-us,    414;   Alexander, 

415-417. 
Sex'ti-us,  308. 
Sha'mash,  19. 
Shell-fish,  purple,  26. 
Sib'yl  of  Cumae,  268. 
Sib'yl-line  books,  268,  309,  n.  2. 
Sic'els,  192. 


492 


Index 


Si-cil'i-an  expedition,  172-178 ;  effects  of, 
179. 

Sic'i-ly,  Greek  colonies  in,  67-69;  tyrants 

in,  105,  170 ;  invaded  by  Carthaginians, 

.  132,  191-197;  end  of  Greek  freedom  in, 

191-198  ;  by  Athenians,  169-177  ;  in  First 

Punic  War,  316-319. 

Sic'y-on  {Sish-),  103,  243. 

Si'don,  26. 

Si-gei'um,  92,  105. 

Silk-culture,  37 ;  brought  from  China,  449. 

Sin  (Chaldean  god),  19. 

Si'nai,  Mt.,  28. 

Slaves,  prehistoric  Greek,  50, 62 ;  Athenian, 
252;  Roman,  293,  312,  340,  424,  466;  in 
provinces,  338 ;  under  Claudius,  393 ; 
Nero,  394 ;  Antoninus,  405 ;  in  late  em- 
pire, 424,  466. 

Slavs,  2,  n.  I,  460. 

Social  War,  Athenian,  221 ;  Italian,  357. 

Soc'ra-tes,  188-190;  Memoirs  of,  228. 

Sog-di-a'na,  238. 

Soissons  {Sw&s-son') ,  battle  of,  454. 

Sol'o-mon,  29. 

So'lon,  85-88. 

So'phi-a  (or  So-phi'a),  St.,  cathedral  of, 
449. 

Soph'ists,  158,  188. 

Soph'o-cles,  157. 

Spain,  Phoenicians  and  Greeks  in,  27,  71 ; 
Hamilcar  in,  320;  conquered  by  Rome, 
326,  327,  328,  334 ;  provinces  of,  335,  n. 
I.  337;  conquered  by  Visigoths,  437;  by 
Mohammedans,  456. 

Spar'ta,  47 ;  under  Lycurgus,  55 ;  conquers 
Laconia,  76, 97 ;  dependants,  97 ;  govern- 
ment, loi ;  head  of  Peloponnese,  102- 
106;  conflict  with  Argos,  103;  relations 
with  Hippias,  104;  in  Persian  War,  119, 
121,  126-132;  interferes  in  Athenian  af- 
fairs, 135-137 ;  trouble  with  Pausanias, 
140;  with  helots,  141;  earthquake  at, 
142;  rupture  with  Athens,  143,  145;  in 
Peloponnesian  War,  161-185;  suprem- 
acy of,  199-211;  defeated  at  Mantineia, 
217;  aloof  from  Macedon,  233;  under 
Cleomenes,  244;  see  Spartans. 

Spar'ta-cus,  363. 

Spar'tans,  colonies  of,  67 ;  training,  98-101 ; 
army,  99 ;  government,  loi ;  see  Sparta. 

Sphac-te'ri-a,  i66. 


Spkinx  of  Gizeh,  6. 

Stil'i-cho,  435. 

Sto'ic  philosophy,  393,  405. 

Strass'burg,  battle  of,  429. 

Stry'mon  River,  114. 

Styx  River  in  underworld,  50. 

Sue-to'ni-us,  410. 

Sueves,  438. 

Sul'la,  Lu'ci-us  Cor-ne'li-us,  358-361. 

Su-me'ri-ans  (or  Ac-ca'di-ans),  16,  19. 

Suppliant,  82,  n.  2. 

Su'sa,  32,  114;  taken  by  Alexander,  238. 

Su'tri-um,  286. 

Syb'a-ris,  67. 

Sym'ma-chus,  448. 

Sym-po'si-um,  251. 

Syr-a-cuse',  founded,  67;  wars  with  Car- 
thage, 132,  191-197;  head  of  western 
Greece,  133,  170-172;  besieged  by  Athe- 
nians, 175-178;  under  Dionysius,  192- 
196  ;  under  Timoleon,  196  ;  ally  of  Rome, 
317;  plundered  by  Rome,  325. 

Syr'i-ans,  2,  n.  i ;  country,  15,  25 ;  com- 
merce, 7,  13,  15,  26;  conquered  by 
Elam,  16 ;  peoples  of,  25-31 ;  petty  king- 
dom of,  330 ;  Roman  province,  364,  369, 
406. 

Sys-si'ti-a,  see  Messes,  Spartan. 

Tac'i-tus,  409. 

Tal'mud,  31. 

Tan'a-gra,  battle  of,  146. 

Ta'o-ism,  38. 

Ta-ren'tum,  founded,  67;  war  with  Rome, 

197,  293  ;  revolt  of,  325. 
Tar'quin,  267-270,  278  ;  Tar-quin'i-us  Pris'- 

cus,  267  ;  Su-per'bus,  268-270 ;  Col-la-ti'- 

nus,  269. 
Tar-quin'i-i,  267. 
Tau'rus,  Mt,,  7,  330,  335. 
Taxes,  Tribute,  Assyrian,  17;  Hebrew,  29; 

Persian,  32,  179;  early  Athenian,  81,  87; 

of  Athenian   allies,    138,   139,   149,  167 ; 

under     Pisistratus,     91;      Cleon,     164; 

Roman,   296,   337;    under  Caesar,  372; 

Vespasian,  397  ;   Hadrian,  405;  Severus, 

415 ;  Diocletian,  424 ;  in  eastern  empire, 

450,  460. 
Ta-yg'e-tus,  Mt.,  47,  98. 
Tem'pe,  Vale  of  43,  126. 
Temple,  of  Ammon,  8;  Chaldean  and  As- 


Index 


493 


Syrian,  21;  of  Jehovah,  29,  396;  of  Bel, 
24;  of  Poseidon,  no;  of  Athena,  154; 
of  Janus,  273;  of  Capitoline  Jupiter, 
276,  384;  of  Mars  the  Avenger,  386. 

Tenants,  Athenian  (hec-te'mo-ri) ,  83-85; 
Roman,  300. 

Ter'ence,  347,  n.  i. 

Ter-en-til'i-us,  302. 

Tet'ri-cus,  419. 

Teu'to-berg  Forest,  382. 

Teu'tons,  2,  n.  i ;  German  tribe,  355. 

Tha'les,  109. 

Thap'sus,  battle  of,  371, 

Tha'sos,  139. 

The-ag'e-nes,  82. 

Theatre,  Greek,  230 ;  of  Pompey,  384  ;  see 
Drama. 

Thebes,  Egyptian,  6;  Greek,  44;  heroes 
of,  55;  head  of  Boeotia,  76,  146;  joins 
Sparta  against  Athens,  104;  in  Corin- 
thian War,  203;  under  Sparta,  205;  lib- 
erated, 207  ;  in  peace  convention,  208  ; 
wins  battle  of  Leuctra,  209;  leading  city 
of  Greece,  212-218  ;  defeated  at  Chaero- 
neia,  227;  destroyed,  234. 

The-mis'to-cles,  archon,  117;  character, 
123-125,  140;  at  Salamis,  129-131 ;  for- 
tifies Athens,  135-137 ;  Peiraeus,  137 ; 
fate  of,  140. 

The-oc'ri-tus,  246. 

The-o-do'ra,  448. 

The-od'o-ric  (West-Goth),  441;  East- 
Goth,  447, 

The-o-do'si-us,  429,  435. 

The-og'nis,  249. 

Ther-mop'y-lae,  222,  242 ;  battle  of,  126. 

The-sei'um,  155. 

The'seus,  57,  155. 

Thes-moth'e-tae  (legislators),  80. 

Thes'sa-ly,  42,  43,  47;  in  Persian  War, 
126;  ally  of  Athens,  145,  146,  163;  under 
Philip,  222,  224. 

Thirty,  the,  at  Athens,  200. 

Thoth'mes  111,7. 

Thrace,  90;  conquered  by  Darius,  117; 
under  Philip,  224;  Lysimachus,  240; 
plundered  by  Goths,  434. 

Thras-y-bu'Ius,  200. 

Thu-cyd'i-des,  son  of  Melesias,  149;  the 
historian,  188. 

Thu'ri-i,  175. 


Tiber  River,  256,  258,  270. 

Ti-be'ri-us,  381,  389-391. 

Ti'bur,  258,  288,  295. 

Ti-ci'nus,  battle  of  the,  322. 

Tig'lath-pi-le'ser  I  and  II,  17. 

Ti'gris  River,  basin  of  the,  15-25  ;  Roman 
frontier,  402. 

Ti-mo'le-on,  196. 

Tir-i-ba'zus,  205. 

Tir'yns,  46,  76. 

Tis-sa-pher'nes,  179,  183,  202. 

Ti'tus  (emperor),  397;  Ta'ti-us,  267. 

Townships  of  Attica  (nau'cra-ries),  81,  82, 
87;  (demes)  93. 

Tra'jan,  400-403. 

Transmigration  of  souls,  12,  n.  i,  36. 

Tras'i-mene,  Lake,  battle  of,  323,  343. 

Treason,  Law  of,  389,  393,  400. 

Treasury,  Delphic,  75,  222  ;  of  Delian  Con- 
federacy, 138,  148 ;  of  Athens,  164 ;  of 
Rome,  298. 

Treaty,  between  Egypt  and  Hittites,  7 ; 
Greek,  for  Five  Years,  147 ;  for  Thirty 
Years,  148,  161;  of  Nicias,  168;  closing 
Peloponnesian  War,  185 ;  between  Dio- 
nysius  and  Carthage,  192,  194  ;  of  Antal- 
cidas,  204,  208;  Roman,  with  Latins, 
280;  with  Carthage,  280,  319,  328;  with 
Samnites,  287,  290;  of  Caudine  Pass, 
289;  with  Egypt,  296;  with  Mithridates, 
359.  365  ;  with  Dacians,  398. 

Treb'i-a,  battle  of  the,  322. 

Tribal  Age,  63. 

Tribes,  Greek  (phylae),  73,  80;  four  Ionic, 
73;  in  Attica,  81,  87;  ten  Cleisthenean, 
93,  94;  Italian,  257;  Roman  (tri'bus), 
271,  286;  Servian  (local),  276,294,311, 
358;  German,  432. 

Tri-bo'ni-an,  450. 

Trib'unes  of  the  plebs,  instituted,  301; 
struggle  for  rights,  301-309;  tools  of 
senate,  311;  military  with  consular 
power,  305,  308 ;  restricted  by  Sulla,  358, 
361 ;  authority  of,  383 ;  under  Augustus, 

383- 
Tribute,  see  Taxes. 
Tri-clin'i-a,  465. 
Trit'ty-es,  93,  94. 
Triumph,  Roman,  282, 
Tri-um'vi-rate,  First,  366-369 ;  Second,  374. 
Troe'zen,  147. 


494 


Index 


Troy,  59,  63,  265 ;  Trojan  War,  59,  63. 
Truce   for  Five    Years,    147;    for    Thirty 

Years,  148,  161 ;  see  Treaty. 
Tul'lus  Hos-tii'i-us,  267. 
Tu-ra'ni-an  race,  2,  16,  37, 
Tus'cu-lum,  286. 
Tyrants,   defined,   89;    Pisistratus,  89-91; 

Hippias,  91;    Ionian,  114;    in  western 

Greece,  105,  170;    Dionysius,    192-196; 

"  Thirty  "  at  Rome,  417. 
Tyre,  26 ;  destroyed,  236. 
Tyr-rhe'ni-an  Sea,  260. 
Tyr-tae'us,  107. 

Ul'fi-las,  433. 
Ul'pi-an,  414,  417. 
Um'bri-ans,  256,  290,  291. 
Ur,  16,  19,  28. 
U'ti-ca,  333. 

Va'lens,  429,  434. 

Val-en-tin'i-an,  429. 

Va-Ie'ri-an,  418. 

Va-le'ri-us  and  Horatius,  Laws  of,  304. 

Van'dals,  435,  437,  438-440,  445. 

Var'ro,  324,  344. 

Va'rus,  381. 

Vei'i,  siege  of,  283. 

Ven'e-ti,  369, 

Ven-e'ti-ans,  262,  n.  i. 

Ven'ice,  442. 

Ve'nus,  265,  274,  386. 

Ver'gil,  387. 


Ve'rus,  Lu'ci-iis,  405. 

Ves-pa'si-an,  395. 

Ves'ta,  271. 

Vestal  Virgin,  265,  274. 

Ve-su'vi-us,  eruption  of,  398. 

Veto  of  tribunes,  305,  311. 

Vice-ge'rent,  420. 

Vis'i-goths,  see  Goths. 

Vol'sci-ans,    262,    n.    i,    280;    wars  with 

Romans,  282,  286. 
Vul'can,  274. 

Wall,  Great,  of  China,  38;    Servian,  268, 

276,379;  of  Hadrian,  404;  of  Aurelian, 

418. 
Walls,  Long,   164 ;   built,  145 ;    destroyed, 

186 ;  rebuilt,  204. 
Wit'i-gis,  448. 
Women,  in  prehistoric  Greece,  61 ;  Ionian, 

66;   Spartan,    loi ;    Athenian,   249-251; 

Roman,  271,  464. 


Xan-thip'pus  (Athenian), 

monian),  318. 
Xen'o-phon,  202,  227. 
Xerx'es,  125-132. 

Za'gros  Mts.,  15. 
Za'ma,  battle  of,  328. 
Zan'cle,  67. 
Ze-no'bi-a,  418. 
Zeus,  51. 
Zor-o-as'ter,  34,  416, 


123;   (Lacedae- 


A  HISTORY  OF  GREECE 
For  High  Schools  and  Academies 

By  GEORGE  WILLIS  BOTSFORD,   Ph.D. 

Instructor  in  the  History  of  Greece  and  Rome  in  Harvard  University 

8vo.        Half  Leather.        $i.io  net 

"  Dr.  Botsford's  '  History  of  Greece '  has  the  conspicuous  merits  which  only  a  text-book 
can  possess  which  is  written  by  a  master  of  the  original  sources.  Indeed,  the  use  of  the  text 
of  Homer,  Herodotus,  the  dramatists,  and  the  other  contemporary  writers  is  very  effective, 
and  very  suggestive  as  to  the  right  method  of  teaching  and  study.  The  style  is  delightful. 
For  simple,  unpretentious  narrative  and  elegant  English  the  book  is  a  model.  In  my  judg- 
ment, the  work  is  far  superior  to  any  other  text-book  for  high  school  or  academic  use  which 
has  yet  appeared.  Its  value  is  enriched  by  the  illustrations,  as  also  by  the  reference  lists  and 
the  suggestive  studies.  It  will  greatly  aid  in  the  new  movement  to  encourage  modern  scien- 
tific method  in  the  teaching  of  history  in  the  secondary  schools  of  the  country.  It  will  be 
adopted  by  Stanford  as  the  basis  of  entrance  requirements  in  Grecian  history." 

—  Professor  George  Elliot  Howard,  Stanford  University,  Cal- 

A  HISTORY  OF  ROME 
For  High  Schools  and  Academies 

By  GEORGE   WILLIS   BOTSFORD,   Ph.D. 

Instructor  in  the  History  of  Greece  and  Rome  in  Harvard  University 

^  8vo.        Half  Leather.        $i.io  net 

TEACHABLE  QUALITIES 

1.  Treatment  of  the  external  and  internal  history  of  the  Republic  in  separate  chapters; 
this  conduces  to  simplicity,  continuity  of  thought,  and  hence  interest. 

2.  Each  chapter  corresponds  with  a  period  or  epoch;  this  helps  the  pupil  to  gain  a  distinct 
conception  of  each  period,  and  to  a  correct  arrangement  and  subordination  of  events.  In 
most  books  the  chapters  are  arbitrary  divisions. 

3.  Marginal  headings  —  sufficiently  bold  to  be  used  as  topics,  but  they  do  not  interrupt 
the  thought,  or  break  the  interest,  as  they  would,  were  they  extended  across  the  page. 

4.  Frequent  quotation  of  sources;    makes  the  subject  more  vivid  and  real. 

5.  Concrete  treatment  of  the  constitution.  This  book  represents  the  people,  senators,  and 
magistrates  as  living,  thinking,  acting,  governing,  etc.  It  does  not  treat  Rome  as  an  abstract 
legal  or  political  system,  but  as  a  city  made  up  of  human  beings. 

6.  Movement  —  in  the  entire  book  there  is  no  isolated  paragraph;  the  thought  is  continu- 
ous throughout  and  the  verbs  are  in  the  active  voice. 

7.  The  outline  of  the  Republican  constitution,  p.  353  ff.,  serves  as  an  example  of  what 
should  be  done  in  the  preparation  of  lessons,  and  at  the  same  time  is  a  complete,  logical  pre- 
sentation of  the  only  really  difficult  subject  in  Roman  history. 

8.  The  "  Studies"  require  a  thorough  digestion  of  the  material,  and  one  who  works  them 
out  faithfully  will  be  able  to  pass  the  examination  for  admission  to  any  college. 


THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

QQ  FIFTH   AVENUE,   NEW   YORK 
Boston  Chicago  Atlanta  San  Francisco 


A   HISTORY  OF   ROME 

For  High  Schools  and  Academies 


BY 


GEORGE    WILLIS    BOTSFORD,    Ph.D. 

Instructor  in  the  History  of  Greece  and  Rome  in  Harvard  University 
Half  Leather.      8vo.      $i.io,  net 


SCOPE   OF   THE    BOOK 


In  scope  and  method,  this  book  is  similar  to  the  "  History  of  Greece''  by 
the  same  author.  Omitting  useless  and  perplexing  details,  it  aims  to  intro- 
duce the  reader  to  the  public  life  of  the  Romans,  to  illustrate  their  character 
in  war  and  in  peace,  and  to  interpret  their  genius  for  organization  and  for 
building.  The  arrangement  and  the  connection  of  topics  lay  emphasis  on  the 
continuity  of  the  subject ;  wars  and  territorial  organization,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  constitutional,  social,  and  intellectual  growth,  on  the  other,  are  treated 
in  parallel  chapters,  or  sections  of  chapters ;  and  in  place  of  disjointed  para- 
graphs within  the  chapter,  the  reader  follows  an  uninterrupted  line  of  thought 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end. 

More  than  the  usual  stress  is  placed  upon  the  period  of  the  emperors,  as 
the  time  during  which  Rome  stamped  her  character  upon  the  history  of  the 
world.  Attention  is  directed,  not  so  much  to  the  vices  and  the  intrigues  of 
the  imperial  court  as  to  the  progress  of  mankind  both  in  the  capital  and  in 
the  provinces.  Following  the  recommendations  of  the  Committee  of  Seven, 
the  author  continues  the  narrative  to  Charlemagne,  and  includes  an  account 
of  the  growth  and  the  organization  of  the  Christian  Church,  of  the  invasions 
and  settlements  of  the  barbarians,  and  of  Germanic  life  and  institutions  under 
the  influence  of  Rome. 

A  feature  of  the  "History  of  Greece"  especially  commended  by  teachers, 
is  repeated  in  this  book,  —  frequent  quotations  from  the  original  literature, 
which  give  life  and  reality  to  the  subject  and  enable  the  reader  to  taste  the 
sources.  It  contains,  further,  many  illustrations  of  landscape,  art,  and  customs, 
with  plans  and  maps  for  the  study  of  epochs  as  well  as  for  general  reference. 
Among  the  "  Helps  "  of  the  closing  chapter  is  an  historical  outline  of  the 
early  Roman  Constitution. 


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